I desire you will consider me as a member who comes in at the latter end
of a debate; or as a lawyer who speaks to a cause when the matter has been
almost exhausted by those who spoke before.
I remember, some months ago, I was at your house upon a commission, where
I am one of the governors; but I went thither, not so much on account of
the commission, as to ask you some questions concerning Mr. Wood's patent
to coin halfpence for Ireland; where you very freely told me, in a mixed
company, how much you had always been against that wicked project;[21]
which raised in me an esteem for you so far that I went in a few days to
make you a visit, after many years' intermission. I am likewise told that
your son wrote two letters from London (one of which I have seen),
empowering those to whom they were directed to assure his friends, that
whereas there was a malicious report spread of his engaging himself to Mr.
Walpole for forty thousand pounds of Wood's coin to be received in
Ireland, the said report was false and groundless; and he had never
discoursed with that minister on this subject, nor would ever give his
consent to have one farthing of the said coin current here. And although
it be a long time since I have given myself the trouble of conversing with
people of titles or stations, yet I have been told by those who can take
up with such amusements, that there is not a considerable person of the
kingdom scrupulous in any sort to declare his opinion. But all this is
needless to allege, when we consider, that the ruinous consequences of
Wood's patent have been so strongly represented by both Houses of
Parliament, by the Privy-council, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of Dublin;
by so many corporations; and the concurrence of the principal gentlemen in
most counties at their quarter-sessions, without any regard to party,
religion, or nation.
I conclude from hence, that the currency of these halfpence would, in the
universal opinion of our people, be utterly destructive to this kingdom;
and, consequently, that it is every man's duty, not only to refuse this
coin himself, but, as far as in him lies, to persuade others to do the
like; and whether this be done in private or in print, is all a case; as
no layman is forbidden to write or to discourse upon religious or moral
subjects, although he may not do it in a pulpit, at least in our Church.
Neither is this an affair of State, until authority shall think fit to
declare it so, or, if you should understand it in that sense, yet you will
please to consider, that I am not now preaching.
Therefore, I do think it my duty, since the Drapier will probably be no
more heard of, so far to supply his place, as not to incur his fortune;
for I have learned from old experience that there are times wherein a man
ought to be cautious as well as innocent. I therefore hope that,
preserving both those characters, I may be allowed, by offering new
arguments or enforcing old ones, to refresh the memory of my
fellow-subjects, and keep up that good spirit raised among them, to
preserve themselves from utter ruin by lawful means, and such as are
permitted by his Majesty.
I believe you will please to allow me two propositions: First, that we
are a most loyal people; and, secondly, that we are a free people, in the
common acceptation of that word, applied to a subject under a limited
monarch. I know very well that you and I did, many years ago, in discourse
differ much in the presence of Lord Wharton about the meaning of that word
_liberty_, with relation to Ireland. But, if you will not allow us to be a
free people, there is only another appellation left, which I doubt my Lord
Chief Justice Whitshed would call me to account for, if I venture to
bestow: for I observed (and I shall never forget upon what occasion) the
device upon his coach to be, _Libertas et natale solum_, at the very point
of time when he was sitting in his court, and perjuring himself to betray
both....
I am heartily sorry that any writer should, in a cause so generally
approved, give occasion to the government and council to charge him with
paragraphs "highly reflecting upon his Majesty and his ministers; tending
to alienate the affections of his good subjects in England and Ireland
from each other, and to promote sedition among the people." I must confess
that, with many others, I thought he meant well, although he might have
the failing of better writers, not to be always fortunate in the manner of
expressing himself.
However, since the Drapier is but one man, I shall think I do a public
service by asserting that the rest of my countrymen are wholly free from
learning, out of his pamphlets to reflect on the King or his ministers,
and to breed sedition. I solemnly declare, that I never once heard the
least reflection cast upon the King on the subject of Mr. Wood's coin: for
in many discourses on this matter, I do not remember his Majesty's name to
be so much as mentioned. As to the ministry in England, the only two
persons hinted at were the Duke of Grafton and Mr. Walpole; the former, as
I have heard you and a hundred others affirm, declared, "that he never saw
the patent in favour of Mr. Wood before it was passed," although he was
then Lord-Lieutenant; and therefore, I suppose, everybody believes that
his Grace has been wholly unconcerned in it ever since. Mr. Walpole was
indeed supposed to be understood by the letter W. in several newspapers,
where it is said that some expressions fell from him not very favourable
to the people of Ireland, for the truth of which the kingdom is not to
answer, any more than for the discretion of the publishers. You observe,
the Drapier wholly clears Mr. Walpole of this charge by very strong
arguments, and speaks of him with civility.
I cannot deny myself to have been often present where the company gave
their opinion that Mr. Walpole favoured Mr. Wood's projects, which I
always contradicted, and for my own part never once opened my lips against
that minister, either in mixed or particular meetings; and my reason for
this reservedness was, because it pleased him in the Queen's time (I mean
Queen Anne, of ever-blessed memory) to make a speech directly against me
by name in the House of Commons, as I was told a very few minutes after,
in the Court of Requests, by more than fifty members....
But whatever unpleasing opinion some people might conceive of Mr. Walpole,
on account of those halfpence, I dare boldly affirm it was entirely owing
to Mr. Wood. Many persons of credit come from England, have affirmed to me
and others, that they have seen letters under his hand, full of arrogance
and insolence towards Ireland, and boasting of his favour with Mr.
Walpole; which is highly probable; because he reasonably thought it for
his interest to spread such a report, and because it is the known talent
of low and little spirits, to have a great man's name perpetually in their
mouths. Thus I have sufficiently justified the people of Ireland from
learning any bad lesson out of the Drapier's pamphlets, with regard to his
Majesty and his ministers; and therefore, if those papers were intended to
sow sedition among us, God be thanked the seeds have fallen upon a very
improper soil.
As to alienating the affections of the people of England and Ireland from
each other, I believe the Drapier, whatever his intentions were, has left
that matter just as he found it. I have lived long in both kingdoms, as
well in country as in town; and therefore take myself to be as well
informed as most men, in the dispositions of each people toward the other.
By the people, I understand here only the bulk of the common people: and I
desire no lawyer may distort or extend my meaning. There is a vein of
industry and parsimony, that runs through the whole people of England,
which, added to the easiness of their rents, makes them rich and sturdy.
As to Ireland, they know little more of it than they do of Mexico: farther
than that it is a country subject to the King of England, full of bogs,
inhabited by wild Irish Papists, who are kept in awe by mercenary troops
sent from thence: and their general opinion is, that it were better for
England if this whole island were sunk into the sea; for they have a
tradition, that every forty years there must be a rebellion in Ireland.
I have seen the grossest suppositions passed upon them: "That the wild
Irish were taken in toils; but that in some time they would grow so tame
as to eat out of your hands." I have been asked by hundreds, and
particularly by my neighbours, your tenants at Pepper-harrow, "whether I
had come from Ireland by sea?" and, upon the arrival of an Irishman to a
country town, I have known crowds coming about him, and wondering to see
him look so much better than themselves.
A gentleman, now in Dublin, affirms, "that, passing some months ago
through Northampton, and finding the whole town in a flurry, with bells,
bonfires, and illuminations; upon asking the cause, he was told that it
was for joy that the Irish had submitted to receive Wood's halfpence."
This, I think, plainly shows what sentiments that large town has of us;
and how little they made it their own case; although they lie directly in
our way to London, and therefore cannot but be frequently convinced that
we have human shapes.
As to the people of this kingdom, they consist either of Irish Papists,
who are as inconsiderable in point of power as the women and children; or
of English Protestants, who love their brethren of that kingdom, although
they may possibly sometimes complain when they think they are hardly used.
However, I confess I do not see that it is of any great consequence, how
the personal affections stand to each other, while the sea divides them
and while they continue in their loyalty to the same prince. And yet I
will appeal to you, whether those from England have reason to complain
when they come hither in pursuit of their fortunes? or, whether the people
of Ireland have reason to boast, when they go to England upon the same
design? My second proposition was, that we of Ireland are a free people;
this, I suppose, you will allow, at least with certain limitations
remaining in your own breast. However, I am sure it is not criminal to
affirm it; because the words liberty and property, as applied to the
subject, are often mentioned in both Houses of Parliament, as well as in
yours and other courts below; whence it must follow, that the people of
Ireland do or ought to enjoy all the benefits of the common and statute
law: such as to be tried by juries, to pay no money without their own
consent as represented in Parliament, and the like. If this be so, and if
it be universally agreed that a free people cannot by law be compelled to
take any money in payment except gold and silver, I do not see why any man
should be hindered from cautioning his countrymen against this coin of
William Wood, who is endeavouring by fraud to rob us of that property
which the laws have secured....
Before I conclude, I cannot but observe that for several months past
there have more papers been written in this town, such as they are, all
upon the best public principle, the love of our country, than perhaps has
been known in any other nation in so short a time. I speak in general,
from the Drapier down to the maker of ballads; and all without any regard
to the common motives of writers, which are profit, favour, and
reputation. As to profit, I am assured by persons of credit, that the best
ballad upon Mr. Wood will not yield above a groat to the author; and the
unfortunate adventurer Harding[22] declares he never made the Drapier any
present, except one pair of scissors. As to favour, whoever thinks to make
his court by opposing Mr. Wood, is not very deep in politics; and as to
reputation, certainly no man of worth and learning would employ his pen
upon so transitory a subject, and in so obscure a corner of the world, to
distinguish himself as an author, so that I look upon myself, the Drapier,
and my numerous brethren, to be all true patriots in our several degrees.
All that the public can expect for the future is, only to be sometimes
warned to beware of Mr. Wood's halfpence, and to be referred for
conviction to the Drapier's reasons. For a man of the most superior
understanding will find it impossible to make the best use of it while he
writes in constraint, perpetually softening, correcting, or blotting out
expressions for fear of bringing his printer, or himself, under a
prosecution from my Lord Chief Justice Whitshed. It calls to my
remembrance the madman in "Don Quixote," who being soundly beaten by a
weaver for letting a stone (which he always carried on his shoulder), fall
upon a spaniel, apprehended that every cur he met was of the same species.
For these reasons I am convinced, that what I have now written will appear
low and insipid; but if it contributes in the least to preserve that union
among us for opposing this fatal project of Mr. Wood, my pains will not be
altogether lost.
I sent these papers to an eminent lawyer (and yet a man of virtue and
learning into the bargain), who, after many alterations, returned them
back, with assuring me that they are perfectly innocent; without the least
mixture of treason, rebellion, sedition, malice, disaffection, reflection,
or wicked insinuation whatsoever.
If the bellman of each parish, as he goes his circuit, would cry out every
night "Past twelve o'clock; Beware of Wood's halfpence," it would probably
cut off the occasion for publishing any more pamphlets; provided that in
country towns it were done upon market-days. For my own part, as soon as
it shall be determined that it is not against law, I will begin the
experiment in the liberty of St. Patrick's; and hope my example may be
followed in the whole city. But if authority shall think fit to forbid all
writings or discourses upon this subject, except such as are in favour of
Mr. Wood, I will obey, as it becomes me; only, when I am in danger of
bursting, I will go and whisper among the reeds, not any reflection upon
the wisdom of my countrymen, but only these few words, BEWARE OF WOOD'S
HALFPENCE.
I am, with due respect,
Your most obedient, humble servant,
J. S.