FRANKLIN PIERCE.

WASHINGTON, _January 24, 1856_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

Circumstances have occurred to disturb the course of governmental

organization in the Territory of Kansas and produce there a condition of

things which renders it incumbent on me to call your attention to the

subject and urgently to recommend the adoption by you of such measures

of legislation as the grave exigencies of the case appear to require.

A brief exposition of the circumstances referred to and of their causes

will be necessary to the full understanding of the recommendations which

it is proposed to submit.

The act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas was a

manifestation of the legislative opinion of Congress on two great

points of constitutional construction: One, that the designation of

the boundaries of a new Territory and provision for its political

organization and administration as a Territory are measures which of

right fall within the powers of the General Government; and the other,

that the inhabitants of any such Territory, considered as an inchoate

State, are entitled, in the exercise of self-government, to determine

for themselves what shall be their own domestic institutions, subject

only to the Constitution and the laws duly enacted by Congress under

it and to the power of the existing States to decide, according to

the provisions and principles of the Constitution, at what time the

Territory shall be received as a State into the Union. Such are the

great political rights which are solemnly declared and affirmed by

that act.

Based upon this theory, the act of Congress defined for each Territory

the outlines of republican government, distributing public authority

among lawfully created agents--executive, judicial, and legislative--to

be appointed either by the General Government or by the Territory.

The legislative functions were intrusted to a council and a house of

representatives, duly elected, and empowered to enact all the local laws

which they might deem essential to their prosperity, happiness, and good

government. Acting in the same spirit, Congress also defined the persons

who were in the first instance to be considered as the people of each

Territory, enacting that every free white male inhabitant of the same

above the age of 21 years, being an actual resident thereof and

possessing the qualifications hereafter described, should be entitled

to vote at the first election and be eligible to any office within the

Territory, but that the qualification of voters and holding office at

all subsequent elections should be such as might be prescribed by the

legislative assembly; provided, however, that the right of suffrage and

of holding office should be exercised only by citizens of the United

States and those who should have declared on oath their intention to

become such and have taken an oath to support the Constitution of the

United States and the provisions of the act; and provided further, that

no officer, soldier, seaman, or marine or other person in the Army or

Navy of the United States or attached to troops in their service should

be allowed to vote or hold office in either Territory by reason of being

on service therein.

Such of the public officers of the Territories as by the provisions

of the act were to be appointed by the General Government, including

the governors, were appointed and commissioned in due season, the law

having been enacted on the 30th of May, 1854, and the commission of

the governor of the Territory of Nebraska being dated on the 2d day of

August, 1854, and of the Territory of Kansas on the 29th day of June,

1854. Among the duties imposed by the act on the governors was that of

directing and superintending the political organization of the

respective Territories.

The governor of Kansas was required to cause a census or enumeration

of the inhabitants and qualified voters of the several counties and

districts of the Territory to be taken by such persons and in such mode

as he might designate and appoint; to appoint and direct the time and

places of holding the first elections, and the manner of conducting

them, both as to the persons to superintend such elections and the

returns thereof; to declare the number of the members of the council

and the house of representatives for each county or district; to

declare what persons might appear to be duly elected, and to appoint

the time and place of the first meeting of the legislative assembly.

In substance, the same duties were devolved on the governor of Nebraska.

While by this act the principle of constitution for each of the

Territories was one and the same and the details of organic legislation

regarding both were as nearly as could be identical, and while the

Territory of Nebraska was tranquilly and successfully organized in the

due course of law, and its first legislative assembly met on the 16th

of January, 1855, the organization of Kansas was long delayed, and has

been attended with serious difficulties and embarrassments, partly the

consequence of local maladministration and partly of the unjustifiable

interference of the inhabitants of some of the States, foreign by

residence, interests, and rights to the Territory.

The governor of the Territory of Kansas, commissioned as before stated,

on the 29th of June, 1854, did not reach the designated seat of his

government until the 7th of the ensuing October, and even then failed

to make the first step in its legal organization, that of ordering the

census or enumeration of its inhabitants, until so late a day that the

election of the members of the legislative assembly did not take place

until the 30th of March, 1855, nor its meeting until the 2d of July,

1855. So that for a year after the Territory was constituted by the act

of Congress and the officers to be appointed by the Federal Executive

had been commissioned it was without a complete government, without any

legislative authority, without local law, and, of course, without the

ordinary guaranties of peace and public order.

In other respects the governor, instead of exercising constant vigilance

and putting forth all his energies to prevent or counteract the

tendencies to illegality which are prone to exist in all imperfectly

organized and newly associated communities, allowed his attention to be

diverted from official obligations by other objects, and himself set

an example of the violation of law in the performance of acts which

rendered it my duty in the sequel to remove him from the office of chief

executive magistrate of the Territory.

Before the requisite preparation was accomplished for election of a

Territorial legislature, an election of Delegate to Congress had been

held in the Territory on the 29th day of November, 1854, and the

Delegate took his seat in the House of Representatives without

challenge. If arrangements had been perfected by the governor so that

the election for members of the legislative assembly might be held in

the several precincts at the same time as for Delegate to Congress, any

question appertaining to the qualification of the persons voting as

people of the Territory would have passed necessarily and at once under

the supervision of Congress, as the judge of the validity of the return

of the Delegate, and would have been determined before conflicting

passions had become inflamed by time, and before opportunity could have

been afforded for systematic interference of the people of individual

States.

This interference, in so far as concerns its primary causes and its

immediate commencement, was one of the incidents of that pernicious

agitation on the subject of the condition of the colored persons held

to service in some of the States which has so long disturbed the repose

of our country and excited individuals, otherwise patriotic and law

abiding, to toil with misdirected zeal in the attempt to propagate their

social theories by the perversion and abuse of the powers of Congress.

The persons and the parties whom the tenor of the act to organize the

Territories of Nebraska and Kansas thwarted in the endeavor to impose,

through the agency of Congress, their particular views of social

organization on the people of the future new States now perceiving

that the policy of leaving the inhabitants of each State to judge for

themselves in this respect was ineradicably rooted in the convictions

of the people of the Union, then had recourse, in the pursuit of

their general object, to the extraordinary measure of propagandist

colonization of the Territory of Kansas to prevent the free and natural

action of its inhabitants in its internal organization, and thus to

anticipate or to force the determination of that question in this

inchoate State.

With such views associations were organized in some of the States, and

their purposes were proclaimed through the press in language extremely

irritating and offensive to those of whom the colonists were to become

the neighbors. Those designs and acts had the necessary consequence to

awaken emotions of intense indignation in States near to the Territory

of Kansas, and especially in the adjoining State of Missouri, whose

domestic peace was thus the most directly endangered; but they are far

from justifying the illegal and reprehensible countermovements which

ensued.

Under these inauspicious circumstances the primary elections for members

of the legislative assembly were held in most, if not all, of the

precincts at the time and the places and by the persons designated and

appointed by the governor according to law.

Angry accusations that illegal votes had been polled abounded on all

sides, and imputations were made both of fraud and violence. But the

governor, in the exercise of the power and the discharge of the duty

conferred and imposed by law on him alone, officially received and

considered the returns, declared a large majority of the members of

the council and the house of representatives "duly elected," withheld

certificates from others because of alleged illegality of votes,

appointed a new election to supply the places of the persons not

certified, and thus at length, in all the forms of statute, and with

his own official authentication, complete legality was given to the

first legislative assembly of the Territory.

Those decisions of the returning officers and of the governor are final,

except that by the parliamentary usage of the country applied to the

organic law it may be conceded that each house of the assembly must have

been competent to determine in the last resort the qualifications and

the election of its members. The subject was by its nature one

appertaining exclusively to the jurisdiction of the local authorities

of the Territory. Whatever irregularities may have occurred in the

elections, it seems too late now to raise that question. At all events,

it is a question as to which, neither now nor at any previous time, has

the least possible legal authority been possessed by the President of

the United States. For all present purposes the legislative body thus

constituted and elected was the legitimate legislative assembly of the

Territory.

Accordingly the governor by proclamation convened the assembly thus

elected to meet at a place called Pawnee City; the two houses met and

were duly organized in the ordinary parliamentary form; each sent to and

received from the governor the official communications usual on such

occasions; an elaborate message opening the session was communicated by

the governor, and the general business of legislation was entered upon

by the legislative assembly.

But after a few days the assembly resolved to adjourn to another place

in the Territory. A law was accordingly passed, against the consent

of the governor, but in due form otherwise, to remove the seat of

government temporarily to the "Shawnee Manual Labor School" (or

mission), and thither the assembly proceeded. After this, receiving

a bill for the establishment of a ferry at the town of Kickapoo, the

governor refused to sign it, and by special message assigned for reason

of refusal not anything objectionable in the bill itself nor any

pretense of the illegality or incompetency of the assembly as such, but

only the fact that the assembly had by its act transferred the seat of

government temporarily from Pawnee City to the Shawnee Mission. For

the same reason he continued to refuse to sign other bills until in the

course of a few days he by official message communicated to the assembly

the fact that he had received notification of the termination of his

functions as governor, and that the duties of the office were legally

devolved on the secretary of the Territory; thus to the last recognizing

the body as a duly elected and constituted legislative assembly.

It will be perceived that if any constitutional defect attached to the

legislative acts of the assembly it is not pretended to consist in

irregularity of election or want of qualification of the members,

but only in the change of its place of session. However trivial this

objection may seem to be, it requires to be considered, because upon it

is founded all that superstructure of acts, plainly against law, which

now threaten the peace, not only of the Territory of Kansas, but of

the Union.

Such an objection to the proceedings of the legislative assembly was

of exceptionable origin, for the reason that by the express terms of

the organic law the seat of government of the Territory was "located

temporarily at Fort Leavenworth;" and yet the governor himself remained

there less than two months, and of his own discretion transferred the

seat of government to the Shawnee Mission, where it in fact was at the

time the assembly were called to meet at Pawnee City. If the governor

had any such right to change temporarily the seat of government, still

more had the legislative assembly. The objections are of exceptionable

origin for the further reason that the place indicated by the governor,

without having any exclusive claim of preference in itself, was a

proposed town site only, which he and others were attempting to

locate unlawfully upon land within a military reservation, and for

participation in which illegal act the commandant of the post, a

superior officer in the Army, has been dismissed by sentence of

court-martial. Nor is it easy to see why the legislative assembly might

not with propriety pass the Territorial act transferring its sittings to

the Shawnee Mission. If it could not, that must be on account of some

prohibitory or incompatible provision of act of Congress; but no such

provision exists. The organic act, as already quoted, says "the seat

of government is hereby located temporarily at Fort Leavenworth;" and

it then provides that certain of the public buildings there "may be

occupied and used under the direction of the governor and legislative

assembly." These expressions might possibly be construed to imply that

when, in a previous section of the act, it was enacted that "the first

legislative assembly shall meet at such place and on such day as

the governor shall appoint," the word "place" means place at Fort

Leavenworth, not place anywhere in the Territory. If so, the governor

would have been the first to err in this matter, not only in himself

having removed the seat of government to the Shawnee Mission, but in

again removing it to Pawnee City. If there was any departure from the

letter of the law, therefore, it was his in both instances. But however

this may be, it is most unreasonable to suppose that by the terms of

the organic act Congress intended to do impliedly what it has not done

expressly--that is, to forbid to the legislative assembly the power

to choose any place it might see fit as the temporary seat of its

deliberations. That is proved by the significant language of one of

the subsequent acts of Congress on the subject--that of March 3,

1855--which, in making appropriation for public buildings of the

Territory, enacts that the same shall not be expended "until the

legislature of said Territory shall have fixed by law the permanent

seat of government." Congress in these expressions does not profess

to be granting the power to fix the permanent seat of government, but

recognizes the power as one already granted. But how? Undoubtedly by the

comprehensive provision of the organic act itself, which declares that

"the legislative power of the Territory shall extend to all rightful

subjects of legislation consistent with the Constitution of the United

States and the provisions of this act." If in view of this act the

legislative assembly had the large power to fix the permanent seat

of government at any place in its discretion, of course by the same

enactment it had the less and the included power to fix it temporarily.

Nevertheless, the allegation that the acts of the legislative assembly

were illegal by reason of this removal of its place of session was

brought forward to justify the first great movement in disregard of

law within the Territory. One of the acts of the legislative assembly

provided for the election of a Delegate to the present Congress, and a

Delegate was elected under that law. But subsequently to this a portion

of the people of the Territory proceeded without authority of law to

elect another Delegate.

Following upon this movement was another and more important one of the

same general character. Persons confessedly not constituting the body

politic or all the inhabitants, but merely a party of the inhabitants,

and without law, have undertaken to summon a convention for the purpose

of transforming the Territory into a State, and have framed a

constitution, adopted it, and under it elected a governor and other

officers and a Representative to Congress. In extenuation of these

illegal acts it is alleged that the States of California, Michigan, and

others were self-organized, and as such were admitted into the Union

without a previous enabling act of Congress. It is true that while

in a majority of cases a previous act of Congress has been passed to

authorize the Territory to present itself as a State, and that this is

deemed the most regular course, yet such an act has not been held to be

indispensable, and in some cases the Territory has proceeded without it,

and has nevertheless been admitted into the Union as a State. It lies

with Congress to authorize beforehand or to confirm afterwards, in

its discretion. But in no instance has a State been admitted upon the

application of persons acting against authorities duly constituted by

act of Congress. In every case it is the people of the Territory, not

a party among them, who have the power to form a constitution and ask

for admission as a State. No principle of public law, no practice or

precedent under the Constitution of the United States, no rule of

reason, right, or common sense, confers any such power as that now

claimed by a mere party in the Territory. In fact what has been done

is of revolutionary character. It is avowedly so in motive and in aim

as respects the local law of the Territory. It will become treasonable

insurrection if it reach the length of organized resistance by force to

the fundamental or any other Federal law and to the authority of the

General Government. In such an event the path of duty for the Executive

is plain. The Constitution requiring him to take care that the laws of

the United States be faithfully executed, if they be opposed in the

Territory of Kansas he may, and should, place at the disposal of the

marshal any public force of the United States which happens to be within

the jurisdiction, to be used as a portion of the _posse comitatus_; and

if that do not suffice to maintain order, then he may call forth the

militia of one or more States for that object, or employ for the same

object any part of the land or naval force of the United States. So,

also, if the obstruction be to the laws of the Territory, and it be

duly presented to him as a case of insurrection, he may employ for its

suppression the militia of any State or the land or naval force of the

United States. And if the Territory be invaded by the citizens of other

States, whether for the purpose of deciding elections or for any other,

and the local authorities find themselves unable to repel or withstand

it, they will be entitled to, and upon the fact being fully ascertained

they shall most certainly receive, the aid of the General Government.

But it is not the duty of the President of the United States to

volunteer interposition by force to preserve the purity of elections

either in a State or Territory. To do so would be subversive of public

freedom. And whether a law be wise or unwise, just or unjust, is not a

question for him to judge. If it be constitutional--that is, if it be

the law of the land--it is his duty to cause it to be executed, or to

sustain the authorities of any State or Territory in executing it in

opposition to all insurrectionary movements.

Our system affords no justification of revolutionary acts, for the

constitutional means of relieving the people of unjust administration

and laws, by a change of public agents and by repeal, are ample, and

more prompt and effective than illegal violence. These means must be

scrupulously guarded, this great prerogative of popular sovereignty

sacredly respected.

It is the undoubted right of the peaceable and orderly people of the

Territory of Kansas to elect their own legislative body, make their

own laws, and regulate their own social institutions, without foreign

or domestic molestation. Interference on the one hand to procure the

abolition or prohibition of slave labor in the Territory has produced

mischievous interference on the other for its maintenance or

introduction. One wrong begets another. Statements entirely unfounded,

or grossly exaggerated, concerning events within the Territory are

sedulously diffused through remote States to feed the flame of sectional

animosity there, and the agitators there exert themselves indefatigably

in return to encourage and stimulate strife within the Territory.

The inflammatory agitation, of which the present is but a part, has for

twenty years produced nothing save unmitigated evil, North and South.

But for it the character of the domestic institutions of the future new

State would have been a matter of too little interest to the inhabitants

of the contiguous States, personally or collectively, to produce among

them any political emotion. Climate, soil, production, hopes of rapid

advancement and the pursuit of happiness on the part of the settlers

themselves, with good wishes, but with no interference from without,

would have quietly determined the question which is at this time of such

disturbing character.

But we are constrained to turn our attention to the circumstances of

embarrassment as they now exist. It is the duty of the people of Kansas

to discountenance every act or purpose of resistance to its laws. Above

all, the emergency appeals to the citizens of the States, and especially

of those contiguous to the Territory, neither by intervention of

nonresidents in elections nor by unauthorized military force to attempt

to encroach upon or usurp the authority of the inhabitants of the

Territory.

No citizen of our country should permit himself to forget that he is a

part of its Government and entitled to be heard in the determination

of its policy and its measures, and that therefore the highest

considerations of personal honor and patriotism require him to maintain

by whatever of power or influence he may possess the integrity of the

laws of the Republic.

Entertaining these views, it will be my imperative duty to exert the

whole power of the Federal Executive to support public order in the

Territory; to vindicate its laws, whether Federal or local, against all

attempts of organized resistance, and so to protect its people in the

establishment of their own institutions, undisturbed by encroachment

from without, and in the full enjoyment of the rights of self-government

assured to them by the Constitution and the organic act of Congress.

Although serious and threatening disturbances in the Territory of

Kansas, announced to me by the governor in December last, were speedily

quieted without the effusion of blood and in a satisfactory manner,

there is, I regret to say, reason to apprehend that disorders will

continue to occur there, with increasing tendency to violence, until

some decisive measure be taken to dispose of the question itself which

constitutes the inducement or occasion of internal agitation and of

external interference.

This, it seems to me, can best be accomplished by providing that when

the inhabitants of Kansas may desire it and shall be of sufficient

number to constitute a State, a convention of delegates, duly elected by

the qualified voters, shall assemble to frame a constitution, and thus

to prepare through regular and lawful means for its admission into the

Union as a State.

A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 5, part 3: Franklin Pierce · 第 210 / 383 题