THE EMPEROR’S PROGRESS IN LEARNING ENGLISH.

15th.—About 12 o’clock this morning I received four letters from Europe,

which rendered me as happy as I could possibly be in this place.

I saw the Emperor at five o’clock in the garden. He had taken advantage

of an interval of fine weather; the rain had been pouring the whole day.

I communicated to him the contents of my letters. All our party had

received communications from Europe. They were delivered to us open, and

they contained no news; but they proved that our friends still

remembered us, and in our situation such an assurance was peculiarly

gratifying.

During dinner, the Emperor described to us the contents of some French

papers which he had by him, and which, he said, gave an account of the

shipwreck of La Perouse, his different adventures; his death, and his

journal. The narrative consisted of the most curious, striking, and

romantic details, and interested us exceedingly. The Emperor observed

how highly our curiosity was excited, and then burst into a fit of

laughter. This story was nothing but an impromptu of his own, which he

said he had invented merely to show us the progress he had made in

English.

THE GOVERNOR’S FIRST VISIT.—DECLARATION

REQUIRED FROM US.

16th.—The new Governor arrived at Longwood about ten o’clock,

notwithstanding the rain which still continued. He was accompanied by

the Admiral, who was to introduce him, and who had, no doubt, told him

that this was the most suitable hour for his visit. The Emperor did not

receive him; he was indisposed, and even had he been well, he would not

have seen him. The Governor, in this abrupt visit, neglected the usual

forms of decorum. It was easy to perceive that this was a trick of the

Admiral’s. The Governor, who probably had no intention to render himself

at all disagreeable, appeared very much disconcerted. We laughed in our

sleeves. As for the Admiral, he was quite triumphant.

The Governor, after long hesitation and very evident marks of

ill-humour, took his leave rather abruptly. We doubted not that this

visit had been planned by the Admiral, with the view of prepossessing us

against each other at the very outset. But whether the Governor himself

had any concern in it, or entertained any suspicion of its design, is a

question which time will decide.

About half-past five, the Emperor sent for me to attend him in the

garden. He was alone. He told me that a circumstance had arisen which

regarded us all individually. It had been determined to require a

declaration from each of us, stating whether we chose rather to unite

our fate with that of the Emperor, or to be removed from St. Helena and

set at liberty.

We could not guess the motive of this determination. Was it adopted by

the English Ministry for the sake of procuring regular documents? But at

the time of our departure from Plymouth, this preliminary condition was

perfectly understood. Was it hoped by this means to separate the Emperor

more completely from the world? But could it ever be supposed that we

would forsake him?

He asked what would be my determination on this point. I replied that it

could not be for a moment doubtful; that if I ever felt a pang, it must

have been at the moment of my first determination; that from that

instant my fate had been irrevocably fixed. I had at first obeyed only

the dictates of glory and honour; but in every succeeding day I had

indulged my natural affection and feelings. The Emperor’s voice assumed

a milder tone; and this was the mode in which he expressed his thanks. I

knew his heart, and the full extent of his gratitude.

I added that there was but little merit in my resolution. No change

could take place in our situations. The day after having signed the

document, we should be the same as we had been the day before. Our fate

depended not on human combinations, but on the course of events. It

would be very unwise to add to our troubles by calculations beyond the

reach of human foresight. It is our duty calmly to resign ourselves to

the mysterious decrees of Fate; and, in the depth of our misfortune, to

comfort ourselves with the reflection that our minds are free from

self-reproach. This is a consolation which it is beyond the power of man

to enfeeble or to destroy.

CHARACTERISTIC CONVERSATION.—THE EMPEROR’S RETURN FROM ELBA FORESEEN AT

THE TIME OF HIS DEPARTURE FROM FONTAINEBLEAU.—THE GOVERNOR’S

INTRODUCTION.—MORTIFICATION EXPERIENCED BY THE ADMIRAL.—OUR CAUSES OF

COMPLAINT AGAINST HIM.—DESCRIPTION OF SIR HUDSON LOWE.

17th.—The Emperor sent for me at nine o’clock. He read to me an article

in the Portsmouth Courier, which gave a very long and faithful

description of his residence at Briars.

He sent for me again in the middle of the day to converse with him. One

part of the conversation affords so valuable a development of Napoleon’s

character that I cannot refrain from noting down some passages of it.

There occasionally arose among us transient misunderstandings and

disputes, which vexed and annoyed the Emperor. He adverted to this

topic. He analysed our situation with his usual train of reasoning. He

calculated the miseries and horrors of our exile, and pointed out the

best mode of alleviating them. He said that we ought to make mutual

sacrifices, and overlook many grievances; that man can only enjoy life

by controlling the character given to him by nature, or by creating to

himself a new one by education, and learning to modify it according to

the obstacles which he may encounter.

“You should endeavour to form but one family,” said he. “You have

followed me only with the view of assuaging my sorrow. Ought not this

feeling to subdue every other consideration? If sympathy alone is not

sufficiently powerful, let reason be your guide. You should learn to

calculate your sorrows, your sacrifices, and your enjoyments, in order

to arrive at a result, just as we make additions or subtractions in

every kind of calculation. All the circumstances of our lives should be

submitted to this rule.... We must learn to conquer ill temper. It is

natural enough that little misunderstandings should arise among you; but

they should be followed by explanation, and not succeeded by ill-humour;

the former will produce a result, the latter will only render the affair

more complicated. Reason and logical inference should, in this world, be

our constant guides.” He then proceeded to show how he had sometimes

acted up to these principles, and sometimes departed from them. He added

that we ought to learn to forgive, and to avoid that hostility and

acrimony which must be offensive to our neighbours and prejudicial to

our own happiness; that we ought to make allowance for human frailties,

and humour, rather than oppose, them.

“What would have become of me,” said he, "had I not followed these

maxims? It has often been said that I have been too good-natured, and

not sufficiently cautious; but it would have been much worse for me had

my disposition been the reverse of what it is. I have been twice

betrayed, it is true; and I may be betrayed a third time. But it was my

knowledge of human character, and the spirit of reasonable indulgence

which I had adopted, that enabled me to govern France; and which still

perhaps render me the fittest person to rule that nation, under existing

circumstances. On my departure from Fontainebleau, did I not say to all

who requested me to point out the line of conduct they should pursue,

‘Go, and serve the King!’ I wished to grant them lawful authority for

doing what many would not have hesitated to do of their own accord. I

would not allow the fidelity of some to be the cause of their ruin; and

finally, above all, I did not wish to have any one to censure on my

return."

I here ventured, contrary to my constant custom, to call the Emperor, in

some measure, to account. “How, Sire,” I exclaimed, “had your Majesty

any idea of returning when you left Fontainbleau?”—"Yes, certainly, and

by the simplest reasoning. If the Bourbons, said I, intend to commence a

fifth dynasty, I have nothing more to do here; I have acted my part.

But, if they should obstinately attempt to re-continue the third, I

shall soon appear again. It may be said that the Bourbons then had my

fame and conduct at their own disposal. It was in their power still to

represent me in the eyes of the common mass of mankind as an upstart, a

tyrant, a fire-brand, and a scourge. How much good sense and calm

reflection would have been necessary to appreciate my real character,

and render me justice!... But the men by whom the Bourbons were

surrounded, and the erroneous line of conduct they pursued, rendered my

presence desirable; they restored my popularity and decreed my return. I

should otherwise have ended my days on the Island of Elba, and this

would doubtless have proved most to the interest of all parties. I

returned to discharge a great debt, and not for the sake of resuming

possession of a throne. Perhaps few will comprehend the motive by which

I was actuated; no matter. I took upon myself a heavy charge, but it was

a duty I owed to the French people. Their complaints reached me; and how

could I turn a deaf ear to them?

"Upon the whole, my situation in the Island of Elba was sufficiently

enviable and agreeable. I should soon have created to myself a new kind

of sovereignty. All that was most distinguished in Europe began to pass

in review before me. I should have presented a spectacle unknown in

history: that of a monarch who had descended from his throne, beholding

the civilized world thronging to file off before him.

“It may indeed be objected that the Allies would have removed me from my

Island; and I admit that this circumstance hastened my return. But had

France been wisely governed, had the French people been content my

influence would have ended; I should henceforth have belonged only to

history, and the cabinet of Vienna would have entertained no idea of

deposing me. It was the agitation created and maintained in France that

first gave rise to the thought of my removal.”

Here the Grand Marshal entered the Emperor’s apartment. He came to

announce the arrival of the Governor, who was escorted by the Admiral,

and followed by the whole of his staff.

After some further conversation, Bertrand was left alone with the

Emperor, and I proceeded to the antechamber; here all the suite was

assembled. We endeavoured to exchange a few words with each other; but

we were rather bent on observing than conversing.

In about half an hour, the Emperor entered the drawing-room. The

valet-de-chambre on duty, who was stationed at the door within the

apartment, then summoned the Governor, and he was introduced. The

Admiral was following close behind him. The valet who had heard only the

Governor’s name mentioned, suddenly closed the door without admitting

the Admiral, who was shut out in spite of his remonstrance; and he

withdrew quite disconcerted into the recess of one of the windows. The

valet de chambre who was the cause of this affront, was Noverraz, a

Swiss, a good and faithful servant, of whom the Emperor frequently said

that his whole understanding was absorbed in his attachment to his

master.

We were astonished at this unexpected occurrence; and we at first

concluded that Noverraz had acted in obedience to the Emperor’s wishes.

Though we had ample reason to complain of the Admiral, yet we did all in

our power to relieve him from his embarrassment; his awkward situation

distressed us. Meanwhile the Governor’s staff was summoned and

introduced; and this circumstance served only to increase the Admiral’s

confusion. In about a quarter of an hour the Emperor took leave of his

visitors. The Governor came out of the drawing-room, and the Admiral

eagerly advanced to meet him. They said a few words to each other with

some degree of warmth, then took leave of us and departed.

We joined the Emperor in the garden, and our conversation turned on the

Admiral’s discomfiture. The Emperor knew nothing of the matter. The

whole circumstance was solely the effect of chance. The Emperor declared

himself delighted with the joke. He burst into a fit of laughter, rubbed

his hands, and exhibited the joy of a child, of a school-boy, who had

successfully played off a trick on his master. “Ah! my good Noverraz,”

said he, “you have done a clever thing for once in your life. He had

heard me say that I would not see the Admiral again, and he thought he

was bound to shut the door in his face. But this honest Swiss may

perhaps carry the joke too far; if I were unfortunately to say we must

get rid of the Governor, he would be for assassinating him before my

eyes. After all,” said the Emperor, assuming a more serious tone, "it

was entirely the Governor’s fault. He should have requested that the

Admiral might be admitted, particularly as he had informed me that he

could be presented only by him. Why, again, did he not request the

Admiral’s admission when he presented his officers to me? He is solely

to blame. But," continued he, “the Admiral has lost nothing by the

mistake. I should without hesitation have apostrophized him in the

presence of his countrymen. I should have told him that by the sentiment

attached to the honourable uniform which we had both worn for forty

years, I accused him of having, in the eyes of the world, degraded his

nation and his Sovereign by wantonly and stupidly failing in respect to

one of the oldest soldiers in Europe. I should have reproached him with

landing me at St. Helena just as he would have landed a convict at

Botany-Bay. I should have assured him that a man of true honour would

shew me more respect on my rock than if I were still on my throne and

surrounded by my armies.” The force and spirit of these remarks put a

period to our gaiety, and closed the conversation.

As I have thus alluded to the Admiral, and as he is now about to quit

us, I will once for all sum up the insults with which we have to

reproach him, with as much impartiality as our situation and the state

of our feelings will admit of.

We cannot pardon the affected familiarity with which he treated us,

though our conduct afforded but little encouragement to it. Still less

can we forgive him for having endeavoured to extend this familiarity to

the Emperor. We can never forget the haughty and self-complacent air

with which he addressed Napoleon by the title of _General_. The Emperor,

it is true, has immortalized that title; but the tone and the intention

with which it was applied were sufficiently insulting.

On our arrival at St. Helena, he lodged the Emperor in a little room, a

few feet square, where he kept him for two months, though other

residences could have been procured, and there was one which the Admiral

had himself fixed upon. He indirectly prohibited the Emperor from riding

on horseback, even in the grounds surrounding the Briars; and the

individuals of the Emperor’s suite were loaded with embarrassments and

humiliations, when they came to pay their daily visits to him in his

little cell.

On our removal to Longwood, he stationed sentinels under the very

windows of the Emperor; and then, by an evasion, which savoured of the

bitterest irony, he alleged that this step had been taken only with a

view to the _General’s_ own advantage and protection. He suffered no one

to come near us without a note from him, and, having thus placed us in

close confinement, he declared that these arrangements had been made

solely to secure the Emperor against importunity, and that he (the

Admiral) was merely acting the part of _Grand Marshal_. He gave a ball,

and sent a written invitation to _General Buonaparte_, in the same

manner as he did to every individual in the suite. He replied with the

most unbecoming jeers to the notes of the Grand Marshal, who used the

title of _Emperor_, saying that he knew no _Emperor_ at the Island of

St. Helena, nor any such Sovereign in Europe, or elsewhere, who was not

in his own dominions. He refused to forward a letter from the Emperor to

the Prince Regent, unless it were delivered to him open, or he were

permitted to read it. He even stifled the sentiments and expressions of

respect which other individuals manifested for Napoleon. We were assured

that he had put persons in inferior situations under arrest, merely for

having used the title of Emperor or other similar expressions; which,

however, were frequently employed in the 53rd regiment, doubtless, as

the Emperor observed, through an irresistible sentiment with which these

brave men were inspired.

The Admiral, from his own personal caprice, had limited the extent of

our rides and walks. On this subject he had even broken his word to the

Emperor. At a moment when he appeared somewhat inclined to make

concessions, he had assured Napoleon that he was free to ride in all

parts of the Island, without being annoyed even by the sight of the

English officer appointed to guard him. But a few days after this, just

as Napoleon was on the point of mounting his horse to ride out to

breakfast in a shady spot at some distance from our residence, he found

himself under the necessity of renouncing this little enjoyment. The

officer declared that he must henceforth form one of the party and ride

close to him. From that moment the Emperor refused to see the Admiral.

The latter had moreover neglected the most ordinary forms of decorum,

always fixing upon unsuitable hours for his own visits, and directing

strangers who arrived at the Island to select the same unseasonable

periods for visiting the Emperor. This was no doubt done with a view of

preventing people from gaining access to Napoleon, who constantly

refused to be seen on these occasions. It has already been stated that

the Admiral acted thus when the Governor paid his first visit to

Longwood; and the satisfaction he evinced at the Governor’s ill

reception but too plainly betrayed his design.

However, if we were required to pronounce an impartial opinion on him,

making allowance for the irritability of our own feelings and the

delicacy of his situation, we should not hesitate to declare that our

grievances rested in forms rather than facts. We should say, with the

Emperor, who had after all a natural predilection for him, that Admiral

Cockburn is far from being an ill-disposed man, that he is even

susceptible of generous and delicate sentiment; but that he is

capricious, irascible, vain, and overbearing: that he is a man who is

accustomed to authority, and who exercises it ungraciously; frequently

substituting energy for dignity. To express in a few words the nature of

our relations with respect to him, we should say, that, as a jailor, he

was mild, humane, and generous, and that we have reason to be grateful

to him; but that, as a host, he was generally unpolite, often something

worse, and that in this character we have cause to be displeased with

him.

About two or three o’clock, the Emperor took his usual airing. During

our walk in the garden and our ride in the calash, he said a good deal

about the events of the morning; and the conversation on this subject

was resumed after dinner. Some one jokingly observed that the two first

days of the Governor’s arrival had been like days of battle, and were

calculated to make us appear very untractable, though we were naturally

most patient and accommodating. At these last words, the Emperor smiled

and pinched the ear of the individual who made the remark.

The conversation then turned on Sir Hudson Lowe. He was described as

being a man about forty-five years of age; of the ordinary height, and

of slender make, with red hair, a ruddy complexion, and freckled. His

eyes were said to have an oblique kind of expression; glancing askance,

seldom fixed full in a person’s face; surmounted by fair, bushy, and

very prominent eyebrows. “He is hideous,” said the Emperor, "he has a

most villainous countenance. But we must not decide too hastily; the

man’s disposition may perhaps make amends for the unfavorable impression

which his face produces; this is not impossible."

CONVENTION OF THE SOVEREIGNS RESPECTING NAPOLEON.—REMARKABLE

OBSERVATIONS.

18th. The weather had been horrible for some days past, but it cleared

up a little to-day. The Emperor went out early to take his walk in the

garden; about 4 o’clock he got into the calash and took rather a longer

airing than usual. Before dinner the Emperor desired me to translate to

him the Convention of the Allied Sovereigns relative to his captivity.

It was as follows:—

CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN, AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, AND RUSSIA.—_Signed

at Paris, August 20th, 1815._

"Napoleon Bonaparte being in the power of the Allied Sovereigns, their

Majesties the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,

the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of Russia, and the King of Prussia,

have agreed, by virtue of the stipulations of the treaty of the 25th of

March, 1815, on the measures best calculated to preclude the possibility

of his making any attempt to disturb the peace of Europe.

"Art. I.—Napoleon Bonaparte is considered by the Powers who signed the

treaty of the 20th of March last, as their prisoner.

"Art. II.—His safeguard is specially intrusted to the British

Government.

"The choice of the place and the measures which may best ensure the

object of the present stipulation, are reserved to his Britannic

Majesty.

"Art. III.—The imperial courts of Austria and Russia and the Royal court

of Prussia shall appoint Commissioners to reside in the place which his

Britannic Majesty’s Government shall assign as the residence of Napoleon

Bonaparte, and who, without being responsible for his security, shall

assure themselves of his presence.

"Art. IV.—His most Christian Majesty is invited in the name of the four

Courts above mentioned, also to send a French commissioner to the place

of Napoleon Bonaparte’s detention.

"Art. V. —His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain

and Ireland pledges himself to fulfil the engagements assigned to him by

the present convention.

"Art. VI.—The present convention shall be ratified, and the ratification

shall be exchanged in the space of a fortnight, or sooner if possible.

"In virtue of which the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the

present convention, and have affixed their seals thereto.

“Given at Paris on the 20th of August, in the year of our Lord 1815.”

When I had finished translating this document, the Emperor asked me what

I thought of it.

“Sire,” I replied, "in the situation in which we are placed, I would

rather depend on the interests of a single one, than on the complicated

decision of four. England has evidently dictated this treaty. You see

how carefully she stipulates that she alone shall answer for and dispose

of the prisoner. She has been labouring to provide herself with the

lever of Archimedes, and therefore it is not probable that she w¡ll

entertain any idea of breaking it."

The Emperor, without explaining his ideas on this subject, adverted to

the different chances which might bring about his liberation from St.

Helena, and he made the following remarkable observations: “If the

Sovereigns of Europe act wisely, and should succeed in completely

restoring order, we shall not be worth the money and the trouble which

it must cost to keep us here, and they will get rid of us. But our

captivity may still be prolonged for some years, perhaps three, four, or

five. Otherwise, setting aside the fortuitous events which are beyond

the reach of human foresight, I calculate only on two uncertain chances

of our liberation: first, that the Sovereigns may stand in need of me to

assist in putting down rebellion among their subjects; and secondly, the

people of Europe may require my aid in the contest that may arise

between them and their monarchs. I am the natural arbiter and mediator

in the immense conflict between the present and the past. I have always

aspired to be the supreme judge in this cause. My administration at home

and my diplomacy abroad all tended to this great end. The issue might

have been brought about more easily and promptly; but fate ordained

otherwise. Finally, there is a last chance, which perhaps is the most

probable of all; I may be wanted to check the power of the Russians;

for, in less than ten years, all Europe may perhaps be overrun with

Cossacks, or subject to republican government. Such however are the

statesmen who brought about my overthrow.” Then, reverting to the

decision of the Sovereigns respecting him, he observed that it was

difficult to account for the style of the document, and the malignant

spirit which pervaded it.

“The Emperor Francis,” said he, “is a pious sovereign, and I am his

son-in-law.—As for Alexander, we once loved each other. With regard to

the King of Prussia, I doubtless did him much harm, but I might have

done him much more; and after all, might he not have found real glory

and self-satisfaction in distinguishing himself by generosity? As to

England, it is to the animosity of her Ministers that I am indebted for

all. But it remained for the Prince Regent to observe and interfere, or

to be branded as a fool, and a protector of vulgar malignity.—One thing

however is certain, namely: that the Allied Sovereigns have compromised,

degraded, and lost themselves, by their treatment of me.”

THE DECLARATION REQUIRED FROM US BY THE

GOVERNOR.

19th.—This morning the Grand Marshal and Madame Bertrand came into the

garden, in consequence of the Emperor having expressed an intention of

breakfasting there; but as he had passed a very restless night, and had

had no sleep, he breakfasted in his chamber.

The Governor gave us official notice that we must each send him a

declaration, expressing our voluntary determination to remain at

Longwood, and to submit to all the restrictions which Napoleon’s

captivity might require. Mine was as follows:—

_Declaration._—"I, the undersigned, repeat the declaration which I made

when in Plymouth-roads; namely, that I wish to devote myself to the fate

of the Emperor Napoleon, to accompany him, to follow him, and to

alleviate, as far as lies in my power, the unjust treatment he

experiences, through the most unheard-of violation of the law of

nations, of which I am the more particularly sensible as it was I who

conveyed to him the offer and assurance of Captain Maitland of the

Bellerophon, purporting that he had orders to receive the Emperor and

his suite under the protection of the British flag, if agreeable to him,

and to convey him to England.

"The Emperor Napoleon’s letter to the Prince Regent, which is known to

all England, and which I had previously communicated to Captain

Maitland, without his having made the slightest observation on it,

explains to the world much better than any thing I can say how frankly

the Emperor met this offer of hospitality, and, consequently, how much

he has been the dupe of his sincerity and confidence.

"Notwithstanding the experience I have had of the horrors of a residence

on the Island of St. Helena, which is so prejudicial to the Emperor’s

health, and to that of every European, and though, during the six months

which we have passed on the island, I have been subjected to every

species of privation, which I myself daily multiply, in order to avoid,

as much as possible, the violation of that respect which my rank and

habits demand, yet, constant to my first sentiments, and resolved that

for the future no fear of misfortune, or hope of advantage, shall

separate me from the Emperor Napoleon, I repeat my desire to remain with

him, and to submit to whatever restrictions may be arbitrarily imposed

on him."

FAREWELL VISIT OF THE LATE GOVERNOR.—INTERESTING CONVERSATION.—REMARK OF

AN OLD ENGLISH SOLDIER.

20th.—Colonel Wilks, being on the eve of his departure for Europe,

called with his daughter to take leave of the Emperor. The young lady

was presented by Madame Bertrand. I have already mentioned that Colonel

Wilks had formerly been Governor of the Colony, for the East India

Company; he was succeeded by the Admiral, in the King’s name, when, in

consequence of our removal to St. Helena, the island was transferred

from the possession of the Company to that of the Government.

The Emperor was in a remarkably cheerful humour. He conversed for some

time with the ladies, and then took Colonel Wilks aside to the recess of

one of the windows, whither I followed to serve as interpreter.

Col. Wilks, as I have probably mentioned before, was for a long time the

diplomatic agent of the Company in the Indian Peninsula; he has written

a history of that country. He is a man of extensive information, and

possesses great knowledge of chemistry. Thus he was at once a soldier,

an author, a diplomatist, and a chemist. The Emperor put questions to

him relative to all these subjects, and treated them himself with great

fluency and spirit. The conversation was lively and varied; and it was

maintained for upwards of two hours. The following are the principal

particulars which I noted down. I shall probably in some measure repeat

what I have said before, for the Emperor and Colonel Wilks had, some

months ago, a long conversation on precisely the same topics; but that

is of no importance; these subjects are so interesting that I would

rather incur the risk of repeating than of losing any thing connected

with them.

The Emperor began by speaking of the English army, its organization, and

particularly its system of promotion. He compared it with the French

army, and repeated what I have formerly stated with regard to the

excellent composition of our military force, the advantage of the

Conscription, and the bravery of our troops. Then, turning to the

subject of politics, he said, “You lost America by liberation: you will

lose India by invasion. The first loss was perfectly natural; as

children advance in years, they break the parental bonds. But, for the

Hindoos, they are not advancing at all. They still remain children. The

catastrophe, therefore, can only proceed from without. You are not aware

of all the dangers with which you were threatened by my arms or my

negotiations. As for my Continental system, you perhaps laughed at it?”

“Sire,” replied the Colonel, “we affected to do so, but all men of

judgment felt the full force of it.”—"Well," continued the Emperor, "I

stood alone in my opinion on the Continent; and I was forced for the

moment to employ violence every where. At length my plan began to be

understood. The tree already bears its fruit. I made the beginning; time

will do the rest.... Had I maintained my power, I would have changed the

course of trade, and the direction of industry. I had naturalized sugar

and indigo in France, and I should have naturalized cotton, and many

other articles of foreign produce. I should have knocked up the

Colonies, if we had continued to be denied a share of them.

“With us the impulse was most powerful. National prosperity and science

advanced beyond measure. Yet your Ministers proclaimed through all

Europe that the French were overwhelmed with misery, and were

retrograding to a state of barbarism. Thus the view of our internal

prosperity strangely surprised the vulgar mass, and even disconcerted

the more thinking portion of the European public. The strides of

knowledge in France were gigantic. The ideas of the French people were

every where properly directed and extended. We took pains to render

science popular. I was informed that your countrymen were distinguished

for their knowledge of chemistry; and yet I will not decide on which

side of the water the most able chemist will be found.”—"In France,"

said the Colonel immediately.

“It is of little importance,” continued the Emperor; “but I maintain

that in the mass of the French people there is ten, and perhaps a

hundred, times more chemical knowledge than in England; because the

manufacturing classes now employ that science in their daily labour.

This was one of the characteristics of my school. Had I been allowed

sufficient time, there would soon have been no such thing as trades in

France; they would all have been converted into arts.”

The Emperor concluded with these remarkable observations: "England and

France held in their hands the fate of the world; and particularly that

of European civilization. What injury have we not done to each

other!——What good might we not have done! Under Pitt’s system, we

desolated the world; and what has been the result? You imposed on France

a tax of fifteen hundred millions of francs, and raised it by means of

Cossacks. I laid a tax of seven thousand millions on you, and made you

raise it with your own hands, by your Parliament. Even now, after the

victory you have obtained, who can tell whether you may not sooner or

later sink under the weight of such a burden?——With Fox’s system, we

should have understood each other; we should have accomplished and

preserved the emancipation of nations, the dominion of principles.

Europe would have presented but a single fleet and a single army. We

might have ruled the world. We might every where have established peace

and prosperity, either by dint of force or persuasion. Yes, I repeat it,

what mischief have we not done! What good might we not have effected!"

Never was Napoleon in a more talkative humour. He laughed more than once

at the endeavours I made to keep up with the volubility with which he

uttered his observations. As for the Colonel, he took his leave, amazed

and confounded by what he had heard.

When he was gone, the Emperor continued to converse for a long time in

the drawing-room. He afterwards went into the garden, in spite of the

bad weather, and sent for us all to join him. He was desirous of reading

the declarations which we had made; they became the subject of

conversation.

Four ships arrived here to-day from Europe. They had on board the 66th

regiment, and had left England before the Phaëton, which brought the new

Governor, Sir Hudson Lowe.

After dinner, the Emperor good-humouredly related the remark made by an

old soldier of the 53rd, who, having seen him yesterday for the first

time, went back to his comrades and said,—"What lies they told me about

Napoleon’s age; he is not old at all; the fellow is still young enough

for at least sixty campaigns." We thought this expression savoured very

much of the Frenchman, and we laid claim to it as having proceeded from

one of our grenadiers. We then related to him a number of _bons-mots_

made by our soldiers during his absence and on his return, with which he

was much entertained. But what particularly excited his risibility was

the answer made by a grenadier at Lyons. A grand review was held there,

just after the Emperor had landed on his return from Elba. The

Commanding Officer remarked to his soldiers that they were well clothed

and well fed, that their pay might be seen upon their persons:—"Yes,

certainly," replied the grenadier to whom he addressed himself.—"Well!"

continued the officer, with a confident air, “it was not so under

Bonaparte. Your pay was in arrear, he was in your debt?”—"And what did

that signify," said the grenadier smartly, “if we chose to give him

credit?”

THE EMPEROR’S MESSAGE TO THE PRINCE REGENT.—CHARACTERISTIC

REMARKS.—PORTFOLIO LOST AT WATERLOO.—ON AMBASSADORS.—M. DE

NARBONNE.—NAPOLEON ON THE POINT OF BEING TAKEN PRISONER IN GERMANY

AFTER THE BATTLE OF MOSCOW.—COST OF THE EMPEROR’S TOILET.—EXPENSE OF A

FAMILY ESTABLISHMENT IN THE DIFFERENT CAPITALS OF EUROPE.—THE

FURNISHING OF NAPOLEON’S HOUSE IN THE RUE DE LA VICTOIRE.—THE FITTING

UP OF THE IMPERIAL PALACES.—THE EMPEROR’S METHOD OF EXAMINING HIS

ACCOUNTS.

21st.—The Emperor sent for me to attend him in the garden, about four

o’clock, to act as interpreter. Captain Hamilton, the Commander of the

Havannah frigate, was to sail next day for Europe, and, with his

officers, had come to take leave of the Emperor. Captain Hamilton spoke

French. When I joined the party in the garden, the Emperor was

expressing himself with warmth.

“They wish to know what I desire?” said he; “I demand my liberty or

death. Report these words to your Prince Regent. I no longer ask to hear

from my son, since they have had the barbarity to leave my first request

unanswered.... I was not your prisoner. Savages would have had more

respect for my situation. Your Ministers have basely violated in my

person the sacred rights of hospitality; they have for ever dishonoured

England!”

Captain Hamilton having ventured to observe that Napoleon was not the

prisoner of England alone, but of all the Allied Powers, the Emperor

warmly resumed; “I did not deliver myself up to Russia, there I should

doubtless have been well received; I did not surrender myself to

Austria, there I should have been equally well treated; but I delivered

myself up, of my own free will and choice, to England, because I had

confidence in her laws and her public morals. I have been cruelly

deceived! But Heaven will avenge my wrongs; and, sooner or later you

will meet the punishment of a deed for which mankind already reproaches

you!——Repeat all this to the Prince Regent, sir.” He accompanied these

last words with a motion of his hand, and dismissed the Captain.

We walked about for a few minutes, and on the return of the Grand

Marshal, who had accompanied Captain Hamilton a short distance, we

thought that it would be proper to leave him alone with the Emperor; but

I had scarcely entered my room when he sent for me. He was alone, in his

own apartment; he asked me whether I had not had enough of retirement

during the day. I told him that a feeling of respect and discretion had

alone induced me to leave him. To this he answered that there was no

occasion for it, as nothing had passed that he wished to make a secret

of. “Besides,” added he, “a certain degree of freedom and ease is not

without its charm.” These words, which fell carelessly from Napoleon’s

lips, may better serve to show his character than hundreds of pages.

We then perused an English publication, containing the official

documents found in his portfolio, which was taken at Waterloo. The

Emperor was astonished himself at the number of orders which he had

issued almost at the same moment, and the countless details which he had

directed in every quarter of the empire. “This publication,” said he,

“can do me no harm, after all. It will at least satisfy every one that

its contents are not the production of a sluggard. They will compare me

with the legitimate Sovereigns, and I shall not suffer by the

comparison.”

After dinner, the Emperor conversed on several unconnected subjects. In

speaking of his Ambassadors, he said that he considered M. de Narbonne

as the only one who had fully deserved that title, and had really

fulfilled the duties of his office. “And that,” said he, “by the

peculiar advantages, not only of his talents, but of his old-fashioned

morals, his manners, and his name. When an Ambassador has merely to

prescribe, any one may fill the post; one person is just as good as

another; perhaps an aide-de-camp is the best man that can be chosen. But

when it is necessary to negotiate, the affair is widely different. In

that case it is indispensable to present to the old aristocracy of the

Courts of Europe, only the elements of that aristocracy, which, in fact,

constitutes a sort of free-masonry. If an Otto or an Andreossi were to

enter the saloons of Vienna, there would be a stop to the interchange of

opinion; habitual manners would cease. They would be regarded as

intruders and profaners, and the mysteries of diplomacy would be

suspended. But how different would it be with a Narbonne, possessing the

advantages of affinity, sympathy, and identity! A lady of the old

nobility would perhaps resign her person to a plebeian, though she would

not discover to him the secrets of the aristocracy.”

The Emperor was much attached to M. de Narbonne, and regretted him

deeply. He had made him his aide-de-camp, he observed, only because

Maria Louisa, through the intrigues of the persons composing her suite,

had refused to let him be appointed her gentleman of honour; a post for

which he was perfectly adapted. “Until the period of his embassy,”

continued the Emperor, “we had been duped by Austria. In less than a

fortnight, M. de Narbonne penetrated all the secrets of the cabinet of

Vienna, and M. de Metternich was deeply mortified at the appointment.

However, by a singular fatality, perhaps, even the success of M. de

Narbonne thwarted my views. I found that his talent was no less fatal

than useful. Austria, supposing that her designs were guessed, threw

aside the mask, and took precipitate steps. Had less penetration been

shewn on our part, she would have acted with greater reserve and

deliberation. She would have prolonged her natural indecision, and in

the interim other chances might have risen up.”

Some one present having alluded to the embassies of Dresden and Berlin,

and being apparently inclined to attach blame to our diplomatic agents

in those courts, at the period of the return from Moscow, the Emperor

replied that, at that period, the fault was not to be attributed to

persons, but to things; that with a single glance any one might have

foreseen what would happen; and that, for his part, he had not been

deceived for a moment. He added that if he had not in person conducted

the army back to Wilna, and into Germany, it was through the fear of not

being able himself to reach France. He wished, he said, to obviate this

imminent danger by the boldness of his movements in crossing Germany

rapidly and alone. He was, however, on the point of being taken in

Silesia: “but luckily,” said he, "the Prussians were deliberating at the

moment when they ought to have been acting. Their conduct in this

respect was like that which the Saxons observed towards Charles XII.,

who said, when he quitted Dresden on a similar occasion;—‘You will see

that they will hold a consultation to-morrow upon the expediency of

having detained me to-day.’”

Before dinner the Emperor called me into his closet to go over some

English exercises with him. He told me that he had just been calculating

the expenses of his toilet, and that it cost him about four napoleons

per month. We laughed at the immensity of the budget. He talked of

ordering some clothes, shoes, boots, &c. from the tradesmen in Europe

who had his measures. I thought that this would be attended with serious

inconvenience, and, after some consideration, we were convinced that it

would never be permitted.

“It is, however,” observed the Emperor, “extremely vexatious to be thus

deprived of money; and I wish to come to some settlement on this point.

As soon as the bill, which is to determine our situation here, shall be

notified to me, I intend to make arrangements for receiving an annual

loan of seven or eight millions of napoleons from Eugene. He cannot

refuse me. He has received from me perhaps upwards of forty-millions;

and it would be an insult to his sentiments to doubt his readiness to

serve me. Besides, we have long accounts to settle together. I am sure,

if I had appointed a committee of my Councillors of State to draw up a

report on this subject, they would have presented me with a balance of

at least ten or twelve millions against Eugene.”

At dinner the Emperor asked us some questions respecting the sum

necessary to enable a bachelor to live in a European capital, or for the

support of a plain family establishment, or the maintenance of a family

in a style of elegance. He is fond of these questions and calculations;

he treats them with great shrewdness, and enters into the most curious

details.

We each presented our budgets, and agreed that a residence in Paris

would cost 15,000, 40,000, and 100,000 francs. The Emperor dwelt much on

the prices of various articles, and even on the prices of the same

articles, as they are charged to different persons, and under different

circumstances.

“When I was about to leave the army of Italy,” said he, “to return to

Paris, Madame Bonaparte wrote to inform me that she had furnished, in

the best possible style, a small house that we had in the _Rue de la

Victoire_. The house was not worth more than 40,000 francs. What was my

surprise and vexation to find that the drawing-room furniture, which,

after all, appeared to me nothing out of the way, was charged at the

enormous rate of between 120 and 130,000 francs. In vain did I

remonstrate; I was obliged to pay the amount. The upholsterer showed me

the directions he had received, and which required that every article

should be the very best in its kind. Every thing had been made after new

designs, and the designs themselves had been invented expressly for the

fitting up of my house. Any judge of the case must have condemned me.”

The Emperor then adverted to the extravagant charges made for furnishing

the imperial Palaces, and the vast saving which he had made on this

point. He told us the price of the throne, the imperial ornaments, &c.

Nothing could be more curious than to hear him detail these charges,

together with his own plans of economy. How much I regret not having

noted them down at the time! The following particulars will serve to

show some of the methods which he adopted for ascertaining the

correctness of the accounts that were presented to him:—

On one occasion, when he returned to the Tuileries, which had been

magnificently fitted up during his absence, those about him were anxious

to direct his attention to all the new furniture and decorations. After

expressing his satisfaction at every thing he saw, he walked up to a

window overhung with a rich curtain, and, asking for a pair of scissars,

cut off a superb gold acorn which was suspended from the drapery, and

coolly putting it into his pocket, he continued his inspection to the

great astonishment of all present, who were unable to guess his motive.

Some days afterwards, at his levee, he drew the acorn from his pocket

and gave it to the person who superintended the furnishing of the

palace. “Here,” said he, “Heaven forbid that I should think you rob me;

but some one has doubtless robbed you. You have paid for this at the

rate of one-third above its value. They have dealt with you as though

you had been the steward of a great nobleman. You would have made a

better bargain if you had not been known.” The fact was that Napoleon,

having walked out one morning in disguise (as he was often in the habit

of doing), called at some of the shops in the Rue Saint Denis, where he

enquired the price of ornaments similar to that which he had cut from

the curtain, and enquired the value of various articles of furniture

like those provided for the palace, and thus, as he said, he arrived at

the result in its simplest form. Every one knew his habits in this

respect. These, he said, were his grand plans for ensuring domestic

economy, which, notwithstanding his extreme magnificence, was carried to

the utmost degree of precision and regularity.

In spite of his numerous occupations he himself revised all his

accounts; but he had his own method of doing this, and they were always

presented to him in their details. He would cast his eye on the first

article, sugar for example, and, finding some thousands of pounds set

down, he would take a pen, and say to the person who drew up the

accounts: “How many persons are there in my household?”—"Sire, so many:"

(and it was necessary to give the answer immediately.)—"And how many

pounds of sugar do you suppose they consume per day on an

average?"—"Sire, so many."—He immediately made his calculation, and,

having satisfied himself, he would give back the paper, saying, “Sir, I

have doubled your estimate of the daily consumption, and yet you are

enormously beyond the mark. Your account is erroneous. Make it out

again, and let me have greater correctness.” This reproof would be

sufficient to establish the strictest regularity. Thus he sometimes said

of his private, as of his public, administration, “I have introduced

such order, and employed so many checks, that I cannot be much imposed

on. If I am wronged at all, I leave the guilty person to settle the

matter with his own conscience. He will not sink under the weight of his

crime, for it cannot be very heavy.”

THE GOVERNOR’S VISIT TO MY APARTMENT.—CRITIQUE ON VOLTAIRE’S

MAHOMET.—REMARKS ON THE MAHOMET OF HISTORY.—GRETRY.

22nd—25th. The weather has been very bad for several days past. The

Emperor discontinued his morning walks, and applied himself with greater

regularity to his different occupations. He dictated every morning on

the events of 1814.

Sir Hudson Lowe came to visit our establishment. He entered my apartment

and remained there for a quarter of an hour. He expressed his regret for

the inconveniences to which we were exposed; and observed that we were

lodged in bivouacs rather than in apartments. He was right; the pitched

paper which had been used for the rooms was already beginning to yield

to the effect of the hot climate; when the sun shone I was stifled; and

when it rained I was inundated. Sir Hudson Lowe said that he would give

directions for having these evils remedied as far as possible, and

politely added that he had brought with him about 1500 or 2000 French

volumes, which, as soon as they were arranged, he should feel great

pleasure in placing at our service.

Racine and Voltaire occupied us for these two or three evenings. Phedre

and Athalie, which were read to us by the Emperor, afforded us

delightful entertainment; for his observations and commentaries gave

twofold interest to what he read.

Mahomet was the subject of deep criticism. “Voltaire,” said the Emperor,

"in the character and conduct of his hero, has departed both from nature

and history. He has degraded Mahomet, by making him descend to the

lowest intrigues. He has represented a great man, who changed the face

of the world, acting like a scoundrel, worthy of the gallows. He has no

less absurdly travestied the character of Omar, which he has drawn like

that of a cut-throat in a melo-drama.

“Voltaire committed a fundamental error in attributing to intrigue that

which was solely the result of opinion. Those who have wrought great

changes in the world never succeeded by gaining over chiefs, but always

by exciting the multitude. The first is the resource of intrigue, and

produces only secondary results: the second is the resort of genius, and

transforms the face of the universe!”

The Emperor, adverting to the truth of history, expressed his disbelief

of all that was attributed to Mahomet. “He must doubtless have been like

all chiefs of sects,” said he. “The Koran, having been written thirty

years after his death, may have recorded many falsehoods. The Empire of

the Prophet, his doctrine and his mission, being established and

fulfilled, people might and must have spoken accordingly. Still it

remains to be explained how the mighty event which we are certain did

take place, namely, the conquest of the world, could have been effected

in the short space of fifty or sixty years. By whom was it brought

about? By the hordes of the desert, who, as we are informed, were few in

number, ignorant, unwarlike, undisciplined, and destitute of system. And

yet they opposed the civilized world, abounding in resources. Fanaticism

could not have accomplished this miracle, for fanaticism must have had

time to establish her dominion, and the career of Mahomet lasted only

thirteen years.”—The Emperor conceived that, independently of the

fortuitous events by which prodigies are sometimes brought about, there

must have been in this case some hidden circumstance which has not

reached our knowledge. He was of opinion, that Europe had doubtless sunk

beneath the results of some primary cause, of which we are

ignorant;—that the different races of people, who suddenly issued from

the deserts, had perhaps been engaged in long civil wars, in which men

of heroic character and great talent might have risen up, and

irresistible impulses have been created.

In all that relates to oriental affairs, Napoleon departed materially

from the common opinions which are derived from the books usually

regarded as authorities. He said that on this subject he entertained

ideas peculiar to himself, though perhaps they were not very well

defined; and that his expedition to Egypt had brought about this result

in his mind.

“But to return to Voltaire,” said he, “it is astonishing how ill his

dramas are adapted for reading.—When criticism and good taste are not

cheated by pomp of diction and scenic illusion, he immediately loses a

thousand per cent. It will scarcely be believed,” continued he, “that,

at the time of the Revolution, Voltaire had superseded Corneille and

Racine. The beauties of these two great dramatists lay dormant, until

the First Consul again brought them into notice.”

The Emperor spoke truly. It is very certain that when he brought us back

to civilization, he at the same time restored us to good taste. He

revived our national dramatic and lyric master-pieces—even those which

had been proscribed for political reasons. Thus Richard Cœur-de-Lion

was again brought upon the stage, though a tender interest had as it

were consecrated it to the Bourbons.

“Poor Gretry,” said the Emperor, “had long urged me to permit the

performance of the opera. It was rather a dangerous experiment, and a

violent uproar was predicted. The representation however went off

without any unpleasant circumstances, and I ordered it to be repeated

for a week or a fortnight in succession, until the public were

completely tired of it. The charm being broken, Richard continued to be

played like any ordinary piece, until the time when the Bourbons in

their turn prohibited it, because it excited an interest in my favour.”

This strange vicissitude has, it is said, since been renewed with regard

to the drama of Prince Edward the Pretender. The Emperor prohibited the

piece on account of the Bourbons, and the Bourbons have recently

proscribed it on account of the Emperor.

MY VISIT TO PLANTATION HOUSE.—SIR HUDSON LOWE’S INSINUATIONS.—HIS FIRST

ILL-NATURED TRICK.—NAPOLEON’S PROCLAMATIONS.—HIS POLICY IN EGYPT.—HIS

CONFESSION OF AN ILLEGAL ACT.

26th.—I went to pay my first visit to Plantation-House. I thought Lady

Lowe a pretty and amiable woman, though there was something of the

actress about her. Sir Hudson Lowe married a short time before his

departure from Europe, for the express purpose, it is said, of having

his wife to assist him in doing the honours of the colony. I understand

that this lady was the widow of an officer of the regiment which Sir

Hudson Lowe formerly commanded, and the sister of a colonel killed at

Waterloo.

The Governor showed me the most marked politeness and attention. He

remarked that we were old acquaintances, though I was not aware of the

fact. He said he had been much gratified by the perusal of M. Lesage’s

Atlas, though he had never dreamed that he should one day be introduced

to the author. He had first seen the work in Sicily, where he got it

smuggled from Naples; and he was inexhaustible in his praises of it. He

had frequently read the account of the battle of Jena, with General

Blucher, at the head-quarters where he was English commissioner, during

the campaign of 1814. He said that he had always admired the liberal

expressions and the spirit of moderation and impartiality which were

observed towards England; but that at the period when he first examined

the work, he had been forcibly struck by some equivocal passages which

seemed to breathe hostility to, or censure of, him who then governed us.

He added that he had accounted for these passages at the time, by my

character and doctrines as an emigrant; but that now he thought it a

singular contradiction, to find me here in the suite of that person.

Now we had just been informed that Sir Hudson Lowe was, when in Italy, a

kind of Head Police Officer, and an active agent of the system of

_espionage_. I could not help suspecting that a certain insinuation was

intended to be conveyed in these remarks. If this were really the fact

(and the Emperor entertained no doubt of it), then, at least, the

business was cleverly managed on his part; and had I felt less

self-respect than I did I could have given a smart retort, and the

matter might have been carried to some length. I, however, merely

replied that he had totally misunderstood the application of the

equivocal passages in question, and that they could not have any

reference to Napoleon, since I was now attached to his person.

On my return home, I found two French works which Sir H. Lowe had sent

to me in the morning, accompanied by a note, in which he expressed a

hope that their perusal would gratify the Emperor. Will it be credited?

One of these works was the Abbé de Pradt’s Embassy to Warsaw. This I may

note down as Sir Hudson Lowe’s _first ill-natured trick_. The work was a

novelty, it is true; but it was a libel solely directed against

Napoleon.

As to the other book, when I first saw it, I thought I had found a

treasure. I imagined it would indemnify us for the want of the Moniteur,

and furnish us with the materials which we stood so much in need of. Its

title described it to be a collection of all the proclamations and

official documents of Napoleon, as General, First Consul, and Emperor.

But it was published by Goldsmith the libeller, and was very incomplete,

the most striking bulletins being suppressed, the addresses to the

Legislative Body mutilated, &c. But, even in this imperfect state, the

collection still remains the noblest monument that any man ever left

behind him.

After dinner the Emperor amused himself by reading, in Goldsmith’s

publications, some of his own proclamations to the army of Italy. They

produced a powerful impression on himself; they interested and excited

him. “And yet,” said he, “they had the impudence to say that I could not

write!”

He then turned to his proclamation to the army of Egypt, and joked much

about that in which he represented himself as inspired and sent by God.

“This was quackery,” said he; “but it was quackery of the highest order.

Besides, the proclamation was composed only for the purpose of being

translated into high-flown Arabic verse by one of the cleverest of the

Sheiks. My French troops,” continued he, “merely laughed at it; and such

was their disposition in this respect that, in order to induce them to

listen to the bare mention of religion, I was myself obliged to speak

very lightly on the subject, to place Jews beside Christians, and Rabbis

beside Bishops, &c.”

The assertion made by Goldsmith of Napoleon’s having assumed the

Mussulman dress, is totally false. If ever he entered a mosque, he said,

it was always as a conqueror, and not as a worshipper. He was of too

serious a turn, and had too much self-respect, to act in an equivocal

way on this point.

“After all,” continued he, gaily, “it would not have been so very

extraordinary, even though circumstances had induced me to embrace

Islamism; and, as a good Queen of France once said, ‘_You will talk to

me so much about it!_’... But I must have had good reasons for my

conversion. I must have had possession of all as far as the Euphrates,

at least. Change of religion for private interest is inexcusable; but it

may be pardoned in consideration of immense political results. Henry IV.

said, ‘_Paris is well worth a mass_.’ Will it then be said that the

dominion of the East, and perhaps the subjugation of all Asia, were not

worth a turban and a pair of trousers? And, in truth, the whole matter

was reduced to this; for the grand Sheiks had studied how to render it

easy to us. They had smoothed down the greatest obstacles; allowed us

the use of wine, and dispensed with all corporeal formalities. We should

therefore have lost only our small-clothes and hats. I say we; for the

army, in the disposition in which it then was, would have entertained

but few scruples on the subject, and would have made it a mere matter of

jest and laughter. But what would have been the consequence? I should

have turned my back on Europe, and the old civilization of the continent

would have been bound up. And who would then have troubled themselves

about the course of Fate in France, or the regeneration of the age!...

Who would have attempted it! Who could have succeeded!”

Continuing his examination of Goldsmith’s book, the Emperor by chance

cast his eyes on the Act of the Consuls, by which General Latour Foissac

was cashiered for the surrender of Mantua. “This,” said the Emperor,

“was, without doubt, an illegal and tyrannical act, but it was a

necessary evil; it was the fault of the laws. The general was a hundred

and a thousand times guilty, and yet it was doubtful whether we ought to

have condemned him. His acquittal would have produced the most fatal

effect. We therefore struck the blow with the combined arms of honour

and opinion. But I say again, it was a tyrannical act, one of those

severe strokes which are sometimes indispensably necessary in a great

nation, and under important circumstances.”

THE FIRST INSULT, AND THE FIRST INSTANCE OF CRUELTY, ON THE PART OF THE

GOVERNOR.—CHARACTERISTIC TRAITS.

27th.—About two o’clock, the Governor came to Longwood, and asked the

Emperor’s leave to summon all the domestics before him. This was the

first insult received from the Governor.

He probably wished to ascertain whether their declarations had been

spontaneously made. M. de Montholon, who had the superintendence of the

servants, informed Sir Hudson Lowe, in the Emperor’s name, that his

Majesty had not imagined there could have been any pretence for

interference between him and his valet de chambre; that, if his

permission were asked, he decidedly refused it; that, if the Governor’s

instructions required the adoption of this measure, the power was in his

own hands, and he might use it: this would only be adding another

outrage to those which the English Ministers had already accumulated

upon him.

At this moment I joined M. de Montholon and the Governor. I could easily

perceive that the two interlocutors were by no means pleased with each

other. After a few moments’ silence and evident dissatisfaction, the

Governor turned to me, and remarked that pains seemed to be taken to

create difficulties and embarrassments in all that regarded the Emperor.

I observed that Napoleon’s household having been appointed for him, and

not being one of his choice, it was perfectly natural that he should

object to any interference with his servants; that, if the Governor had

any doubts to clear up relative to the domestics, two courses were open

to him. He might resort to indirect and underhand means, which at least

would not wound our feelings; or he might employ force and authority;

that he possessed these, and there was nothing to restrain him from

resorting to them. But I added that the method he was pursuing was quite

hostile to our habits. I assured him that the Emperor was desirous of

being as accommodating as possible, in the new situation in which he was

placed: that he wished to retire within himself, asking for nothing but

to be left unannoyed: that fortune had indeed robbed him of his power,

but that nothing could deprive him of his self-respect: and, finally,

that the consciousness and the delicacy of his dignity were the only

things that remained to him of which he could call himself the master.

Meanwhile the servants were assembled, and M. de Montholon and I

withdrew, that we might not sanction such a measure by our presence. The

Governor spoke to the domestics, and afterwards joined us, saying:—"I am

now satisfied. I can inform the English Government that they all signed

it freely and voluntarily."

But his ill-humour was not yet fully spent; for he began most

inopportunely to extol the beautiful situation of Longwood, observing

that, after all, we were not so very badly off. And when we remarked

that we felt most severely the want of shade in this burning climate,

and that there was scarcely a single tree on the Island. “Oh! we will

plant some!” said he. Could any thing have been more cutting?... This

may be recorded as the first trait of brutality on the part of the

Governor. After this he took his leave.

About five o’clock the Emperor got into the carriage to take an airing.

As we were going out, he said, “Gentlemen, but for one man I should have

been master of the world! And who do you think this one man was?” We

were all eagerness to know.... “The Abbé de Pradt,” continued the

Emperor, “the Almoner of the God of War.” On hearing this we could not

repress our laughter. “I am serious,” continued he, “the Abbé thus

expresses himself in his Embassy to Warsaw; you may read it yourselves.

The work is altogether a wicked attack on me, an absolute libel,

overwhelming me with insults and calumnies. Whether I happened to be in

a particularly good-humour at the time, or whether it was because only

truth offends, I know not; but, at all events, I laughed heartily when I

read the work, and it afforded me abundant entertainment.”

Misunderstandings occasionally occurred between two individuals of the

Emperor’s suite. This circumstance would not have been mentioned here,

but that it serves to introduce some characteristic traits of the mind

and heart of him to whom we are devoted. The newspapers of the time, and

the return of one of the parties to Europe, in consequence of these

misunderstandings, however, have already given publicity to the affair.

When I entered the drawing-room, to wait until the announcement of

dinner, I found the Emperor speaking with the utmost warmth on this

subject, which vexed him exceedingly. His language was energetic and

moving.

“You followed me,” said he, “with the view of cheering my captivity! Be

brothers, then! otherwise you but annoy me. If you wish to render me

happy, be brothers, or you are but a torment to me! You talk of

fighting, and that before my face. I am no longer then the object of

your attention. You forget that the observation of foreigners is fixed

on you.... I wish you all to be animated by my spirit.... I wish that

every one around me should be happy, and share the few enjoyments that

yet remain to us. Even down to little Emmanuel there, I would wish you

all to have your due share....”

The announcement of dinner put an end to the reprimand. The Emperor was

silent during the repast; at the dessert he ordered Voltaire to be

brought to him, and began to read some of his dramas; but he soon laid

aside the books. We daily became more and more tired of Voltaire.

The Emperor retired very early, and soon after desired me to attend him

in his bed-chamber, where I remained with him until a late hour.

THE ABBÉ DE PRADT, AND HIS EMBASSY TO WARSAW.

THE RUSSIAN WAR.—ITS ORIGIN.

28th.—The Emperor again recurred to the Abbé de Pradt and his work,

which he reduced to merely the first and last pages. “In the first,”

said he, "he states himself to be the only man who arrested Napoleon’s

career; in the last, he shows that the Emperor, in his way back from

Moscow, dismissed him from the embassy, which is true; and this fact his

self-love would fain misrepresent or revenge. This is the whole work....

“But the Abbé,” continued the Emperor, “did not fulfil at Warsaw any of

the objects which had been intended; on the contrary, he did a great

deal of mischief. Reports against him poured in upon me from every

quarter. Even the young men, the clerks attached to the embassy, were

surprised at his conduct, and went so far as to accuse him of

maintaining an understanding with the enemy; which, however, I by no

means believed. But he certainly had a long conversation with me, which

he misrepresents, as might be expected; and it was at the very moment

when he was delivering a long prosing speech, which appeared to me a

mere string of absurdity and impertinence, that I scrawled on the corner

of the chimney-piece the order to withdraw him from his embassy, and to

send him as soon as possible to France; a circumstance which was the

cause of a good deal of merriment at the time, and which the Abbé seems

very desirous of concealing.”

I cannot refrain from transcribing from the Embassy to Warsaw, M. de

Pradt’s account of the Emperor Napoleon’s court at Dresden. His remarks

on this subject are striking, and afford a faithful picture both of men

and things at that period.

“You,” he says, "who wish to form a just idea of the omnipotence

exercised in Europe by the Emperor Napoleon, who wish to fathom the

depths of terror into which almost every European sovereign has fallen,

transport yourselves in imagination to Dresden, and there contemplate

that superb Prince, at the period of his highest glory, so nearly

bordering on his fall!

"The Emperor occupied the state apartments of the palace whither he had

transferred a considerable portion of his household. Here he gave grand

dinner parties; and, with the exception of the first Sunday, when the

King of Saxony had a gala, Napoleon’s parties were always attended by

the Sovereigns and different members of their families, according to the

invitations issued by the Grand Marshal of the Palace. Some private

individuals were admitted on these occasions. I enjoyed that honour on

the day of my appointment to the embassy of Warsaw.

"The Emperor’s levees were held here, as at the Tuileries, at nine

o’clock. Then with what timid submission did a crowd of Princes,

mingling with the courtiers, and often scarcely perceived among them,

anxiously await the moment for presenting themselves before the new

arbiter of their destinies!"

These passages, and some others of equal truth and beauty of diction,

are lost amidst a heap of details full of misrepresentation and malice.

“They are distorted facts and mutilated conversations,” said the

Emperor: and, adverting to the accounts of the Empress of Austria, which

were filled with adulation, and of the Emperor Alexander, whose amiable

virtues and brilliant qualities are extolled by the author, to the

detriment of Napoleon. “Surely,” exclaimed the Emperor, “this is not a

French bishop, but one of the eastern magi—a worshipper of the rising

sun.” I shall both now and henceforward suppress, from a feeling of

justice, several other articles and many details. The following

observations may however be noted down, in opposition to the Abbé de

Pradt’s endeavours to prove that the French were the unjust aggressors

in the contest with Russia.

The Emperor, speaking of the Russian war, said: "No events are trifling

with regard to nations and sovereigns; for it is such that govern their

destinies. For some time a misunderstanding had sprung up between France

and Russia. France reproached Russia with the violation of the

continental system, and Russia required an indemnification for the Duke

of Oldenburg, and raised other pretensions. Russian troops were

approaching the duchy of Warsaw, and a French army was forming in the

north of Germany. Yet we were far from being determined on war, when,

all on a sudden, a new Russian army commenced its march towards the

Duchy; and, as an ultimatum, an insolent note was presented at Paris by

the Russian Ambassador, who, in the event of its nonacceptance,

threatened to quit Paris in eight days. I considered this as a

declaration of war. It was long since I had been accustomed to this sort

of tone. I was not in the habit of allowing myself to be anticipated. I

could march to Russia at the head of the rest of Europe; the enterprise

was popular; the cause was one which interested Europe. It was the last

effort that remained to France. Her fate, and that of the new European

system, depended on the struggle. Russia was the last resource of

England. The peace of the whole world rested with Russia. The event

could not be doubtful. I commenced my march; but when I reached the

frontier I, to whom Russia had declared war by withdrawing her

Ambassador, still considered it my duty to send mine (Lauriston) to the

Emperor Alexander at Wilna: he was rejected, and the war commenced!

"Yet, who would credit it? Alexander and myself were in the situation of

two bullies, who, without wishing to fight, were endeavouring to terrify

each other. I would most willingly have maintained peace; I was

surrounded and overwhelmed with unfavourable circumstances, and all that

I have since learned convinces me that Alexander was still less eager

for war than myself.

"M. de Romanzoff, who had maintained communications at Paris, and who

some time afterwards, when the Russians experienced reverses, was very

severely treated by Alexander for the course he had induced him to

pursue, had assured the Russian Emperor, that the moment was come when

Napoleon, in his embarrassments, would readily make some sacrifices to

avoid war; that the favourable opportunity should not be allowed to

escape; that it was only necessary to assume a bold attitude, and a tone

of firmness; that indemnity would be obtained for the Duke of Oldenburg;

that Dantzick might be gained, and that Russia would thus acquire

immense weight in Europe.

"Such was the cause of the movement of the Russian troops, and of the

insolent note of Prince Kourakin, who, doubtless, was not in the secret,

and who had been foolish enough to execute his instructions in too

literal a way. The same mistaken notions, and the same system also,

occasioned the refusal to receive Lauriston at Wilna. This was an

instance of the errors and misfortunes which attended my new diplomacy.

It stood insulated, without affinity or contact, in the midst of the

objects which it had to direct. Had my Minister for Foreign affairs been

a member of the old aristocracy, and a man of superior ability, no doubt

he would have observed the cloud that was gathering, and might have

prevented our going to war.

“Talleyrand, perhaps, might have done this: but it was above the powers

of the new school. I could not make the discovery myself; my dignity

precluded personal explanations. I could form my judgment only from

documents, and in vain did I turn them over and over, for I was sure at

last to arrive at a point where they could make no reply to my

enquiries.

"Scarcely had I opened the campaign, when the mask fell, and the real

sentiments of the enemy were developed. In the course of two or three

days Alexander, alarmed at our first successes, despatched a messenger

to me, to say that if I would evacuate the invaded territory, and fall

back as far as the Niemen, he would enter upon negotiations. But I in my

turn took this for a stratagem. I was elated with success; I had taken

the Russian army in the very fact, in the critical moment; I had cut off

Bagration, and I had reason to hope that I should destroy him. I

thought, however, that the enemy merely wanted to gain time for the

purpose of rallying his forces. Had I been convinced of Alexander’s

sincerity, I should doubtless have acceded to his proposition of falling

back to the Niemen. In that case, he would not have passed the Dwina;

Wilna would have been neutralized: and there Alexander and myself,

accompanied by a few battalions of our guards, would have negotiated in

person. How many arrangements should I not have proposed!... Alexander

would have had only to take his choice, and we should have separated

good friends.

"Yet, in spite of the events which succeeded, and which left my enemy

triumphant, is it quite certain that the measures I have just hinted at

would have been less advantageous than those which have since been

pursued? Alexander marched to Paris, it is true, but he came accompanied

by the forces of all Europe. He has gained Poland: but what will be the

result of the shock given to the whole European system; of the agitation

into which every nation has been thrown; of the increase of European

influence over the rest of Russia through the accumulation of new

acquisitions: the expeditions in which the Russian troops are engaged in

remote quarters; and the influence of the incongruous mass of men and

knowledge which have taken refuge in Russia from foreign parts?

“Will the Russian sovereigns be content to consolidate what they have

acquired? If, on the contrary, they should be influenced by ambition,

what extravagant enterprises may they not attempt! And yet they have

lost Moscow, her wealth and resources, and those of many other cities!

These are wounds which will bleed for half a century. But at Wilna we

might have entered into arrangements for the advantage of all, subjects

as well as sovereigns!”

On another occasion, the Emperor said, "I might have shared with Russia

the possession of the Turkish empire. We had oftener than once

contemplated the idea, but Constantinople was always the obstacle that

opposed its execution. The Turkish capital was the grand stumbling-block

between us. Russia wanted it, and I could not resign it. Constantinople

is worth an empire of itself. It is the real keystone of power; for he

who possesses it may rule the world.

“What then?” said the Emperor, resuming the former question, “what has

Alexander gained, which he might not have secured to better advantage at

Wilna?”—Some one present replied, “Sire, he has conquered, and he

remains triumphant.”—"That may be the vulgar opinion," exclaimed the

Emperor, "but no Sovereign should entertain such an idea. A monarch, if

he himself governs, or his councillors, if they govern for him, must, in

vast enterprises of this nature, attach less importance to the victory

than to its results. And even though the case be limited to vulgar

considerations, still I maintain that the wished-for object has not been

attained. Even here the palm must be awarded to the vanquished party.

Who will pretend that my victories in Germany were equalled by the

successes of the Allies in France? Will any thinking man, will any

historian pronounce such an opinion?

"The Allies advanced with all Europe in their train, against a force

which might be almost counted as nothing. They had 600,000 men in the

line, and nearly an equal number in reserve. If they had been beaten,

they had nothing to fear, they could have fallen back. I, on the

contrary, in Germany, 500 leagues from home, had hardly a force equal to

my enemy’s. I was surrounded by sovereigns and people repressed only by

fear, and who, on the first disaster, were ready to rise against me. But

I triumphed amidst dangers constantly increasing; I was incessantly

compelled to exercise an equal degree of address and energy. In all

these enterprises I found it necessary to display a strange character,

strange views and a strange confidence in my own plans, which were

disapproved perhaps by every one around me.

"What deeds on the part of the Allies can be compared with these? If I

had not conquered at Austerlitz, I should have had all Prussia on me. If

I had not proved victorious at Jena, Austria and Spain would have

assailed me in my rear. If I had not triumphed at Wagram, which by the

by, was a less decisive victory, I had to fear that Russia would abandon

me, that Prussia would rise against me; and meanwhile the English were

already before Antwerp.

"Yet what was my conduct after the victory? At Austerlitz, I gave

Alexander his liberty, though I might have made him my prisoner.[9]

After Jena I left the House of Prussia in possession of a throne which I

had conquered: after Wagram, I neglected to parcel out the Austrian

monarchy.

Footnote 9:

Since my return to Europe, I have been assured that there exist two

notes, written in pencil by the Emperor Alexander, urgently soliciting

that he might be allowed to pass. If this be true, what a singular

vicissitude of fortune presents itself! The magnanimous Conqueror was

doomed to perish in captivity, far from Europe, and separated from his

family; and this too, in the name of the conquered party, to whose

prayers he had so generously listened.

“If all this be attributed merely to magnanimity, cold and calculating

politicians will doubtless blame me. But, without rejecting that

sentiment, to which I am not a stranger, I had higher aims in view. I

wished to bring about the amalgamation of the great European interests,

in the same manner as I had effected the union of parties in France. My

ambition was one day to become the arbiter in the great cause of nations

and kings; it was therefore necessary that I should secure to myself

claims on their gratitude, and seek to render myself popular among them.

This I could not do without losing something in the estimation of the

people. I was aware of this. But I was powerful and fearless. I

concerned myself but little about transient popular murmurs, being very

sure that the result would infallibly bring the people over to my side.

“I committed a great fault after the battle of Wagram, in not reducing

the power of Austria still more. She remained too strong for our safety,

and to her we must attribute our ruin. The day after the battle, I

should have made known, by proclamation, that I would treat with Austria

only on condition of the preliminary separation of the three crowns of

Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia. Will it be credited? A Prince of the

House of Austria several times hinted to me the idea of transferring one

of the two last-mentioned crowns to himself, or even raising him to the

throne occupied by his own family, on pretence that it was only thus

that Austria could be induced to act sincerely with me. He even proposed

to give me, by way of hostage, ——— and moreover, every possible

guarantee.”

The Emperor said, that he had even turned this idea over in his own

mind. He had hesitated about it for some time previously to his marriage

with Maria Louisa; but after that event, continued he, it became

impracticable. He observed that on the subject of marriage his notions

were too citizen-like:—"Austria," said he, “had become a portion of my

own family; and yet my marriage ruined me. If I had not thought myself

safe and protected by this alliance, I should have delayed for three

years the resurrection of Poland; I should have waited until Spain was

subdued and tranquil. I stepped upon an abyss, covered by flowers.”

THE EMPEROR INDISPOSED.—HIS FIRST DAY OF COMPLETE SECLUSION.—THE PERSIAN

AND TURKISH AMBASSADORS.—ANECDOTES.

29th.—About five o’clock the Grand Marshal visited me in my chamber. He

had not been permitted to see the Emperor, who through indisposition had

been confined to his own apartment all day, and refused to see any one.

Towards evening I went out to take a stroll in those paths in which the

Emperor usually walked about this time. I felt dull, being alone. We had

dined without the Emperor.

About nine o’clock, just as I was regretting that the day had passed

over without my seeing him, he sent for me. I expressed my concern for

his indisposition. He replied that he was perfectly well, but that he

had taken a fancy to remain alone; that he had been reading all day, and

that the time had passed away swiftly and agreeably.

He however appeared low-spirited and languid. He took my Atlas, which

happened to be lying beside him, and, opening it at the map of the

world, he cast his eye on Persia. “I had some excellent plans, with

regard to that country,” said he. “What a capital point of support would

it have been for my lever, whether I wished to disturb Russia, or to

invade India. I had set on foot relations with Persia, and I hoped to

bring them to the point of intimacy, as well as those with Turkey. It

might have been supposed that the animals would have understood their

own interests sufficiently well to have acceded to my propositions; but

both Persians and Turks evaded me at the decisive moment. English gold

proved more powerful than my plans. Some treacherous ministers, for a

few guineas, sacrificed the prosperity of their country: which is

usually the case under seraglio monarchs or imbecile kings.”

The Emperor then, abandoning politics, began to relate some anecdotes of

the seraglio, and adverted to the Persians of Montesquiou, and his

letters, which he said were distinguished for wit, delicate

observations, and above all, for bitter satire on the time. He

afterwards spoke of the Turkish and Persian Ambassadors who were in

Paris during his reign. He asked me what impression they produced in the

French capital; whether they paid visits, and received company, &c.

I replied that, during their stay in Paris, they engrossed public

attention, and formed a kind of raree-show at Court. The Persian in

particular attracted curiosity. On his arrival, he willingly received

visitors, and as he made presents of perfumes and even shawls, he was a

great favourite with the ladies. But the great number of those who paid

their court to him soon forced him to set bounds to his liberality, and,

thenceforward, the rage being over, he was no longer thought of. I

added, that at Court, when the Emperor was not present, we sometimes

ventured, very inconsiderately to be sure, to play off tricks at the

expense of the oriental Ambassadors. At a concert given one day by the

Empress Josephine, Asker-Kan, with his long painted beard, was one of

the company. He seemed to be heartily tired of the music, and fell

asleep standing with his back against a wall, his feet thrust forward

and resting against an arm chair which stood in the corner by the

fire-place. Some one, by way of joke, drew the chair away softly, so

that his Excellency had well nigh fallen down at full length on the

floor, and being thus roused from his slumber, he roared out lustily.

Asker-Kan could more readily enter into a joke than the Turkish

Ambassador; but, on this occasion he was in a great passion, and as we

could only understand each other by gestures, the scene was most

ludicrous. In the evening, the Empress enquired the cause of the noise

which she had heard during the concert; and when the circumstance was

explained to her, she laughed a good deal and scolded us still more. “It

was very wrong, certainly,” observed the Emperor; “but what business had

he at the concert?”—"Sire," I replied, “both he and the Turkish

Ambassador went thither with the view of paying court to you. They hoped

that your Majesty would be apprized of the circumstance, though you were

at that time five hundred leagues off.” I added that on other occasions

they had both proved themselves accomplished courtiers, and that their

wish to ingratiate themselves with the Emperor carried them to the most

extravagant lengths. “We have often seen them,” said I, “at the close of

the grand diplomatic audiences on Sunday, follow your Majesty to mass,

and occupy the pews in the chapel along with Cardinals of the Holy

Catholic Church.”—"What a monstrous spectacle!" exclaimed the Emperor.

“What a subversion of their principles and habits!—What extraordinary

things I brought about; and yet all this was neither ordered nor

perceived.”

The conversation continuing on the two orientals, I mentioned that I had

been informed the Arch-chancellor Cambacérès once gave them a grand

dinner. Though both from the same quarter, and members of the same

religion, yet they nevertheless evinced shades of character totally

different. The Turk, who was a disciple of Omar, was the Jansenist, and

the Persian, who was a sectary of Ali, was the Jesuit. It was said that,

at Cambacérès’ dinner, they scrupulously watched each other with regard

to the wine, just as two Catholic Bishops seated at the same table might

be expected to keep a vigilant look out, lest either should be tempted

to eat meat on a Friday.

The Turk was gloomy and ignorant, and was looked upon as little better

than a brute; but the Persian possessed literary information, was very

talkative, and had the reputation of being a clever man. It was observed

that he made no use of a knife and fork, either in eating or helping

himself to any dish at table; and he probably would not have hesitated

to help his neighbours in the same unceremonious way. One of our customs

particularly attracted his notice; this was our practice of eating bread

with every dish. He said he could not conceive why we were obliged

always to eat the same article with every thing.

I believe I have already remarked that nothing amuses the Emperor so

much as accounts of the fashionable world in Paris, anecdotes of our

drawing-rooms, &c.

The Emigrants and the Faubourg St. Germain were subjects on which he was

always fond of conversing with me when we were alone, and he accounted

for this by saying to me once, “I was well acquainted with every thing

that had relation to myself, but I never knew any thing of those

affairs.” He observed, that he had nevertheless a natural desire to

learn every thing that was passing near him, and to hear the chit-chat

of little towns, &c. “I heard a great deal on these subjects,” added he,

“during the period of my power; but whenever any thing favourable was

said, I put myself on my guard—I was fearful of insinuations; and if, on

the contrary, any thing unfavourable was reported to me, I mistrusted

the accusation, and had enough to do to guard against a feeling of

contempt. Here, my dear Las Cases, none of these disadvantages exist;

you and I already belong to the other world; we are conversing in the

Elysian fields: you are without interested views, and I am without

suspicion.” I therefore eagerly seized every opportunity that offered

itself to entertain the Emperor in this way. He perceived this, and gave

me credit for my intentions; for, at the conclusion of one of my

stories, he pinched my ear, and said, in a tone of voice which delighted

me: “I read a story in your Atlas of a Northern Monarch who was immured

in a prison, and one of his soldiers solicited and obtained permission

to be imprisoned with him, in order that he might cheer his spirits,

either by inducing him to converse, or by relating amusing stories to

him. My dear Las Cases, you are that soldier.”...

On the present occasion I described to the Emperor the hoax which had

been played upon M. de Marbois, and which he had not heard of before. It

was as follows: one day, as the story goes, Asker-Kan, who was

indisposed, and tired of his Persian treatment, gave orders to send for

M. Bourdois, one of the first physicians in Paris. The messenger made a

mistake, and went to M. de Marbois, Ex-minister of the Treasury, and at

that time President of the Court of Accounts.—"His Excellency the

Persian Ambassador," said he, “is very ill, and wishes to see you.” M.

de Marbois could not conceive what business the Persian Ambassador could

possibly have with him: but Asker-Kan was the envoy of a great Prince,

and there is nothing which vanity will not contrive to reconcile. He

proceeded with great pomp to the Ambassador’s residence; and it must be

allowed that there was nothing in his dress, physiognomy, or deportment,

at all likely to undeceive the Persian, who, as soon as he saw him,

thrust out his tongue, and stretching forth his arm, motioned him to

feel his pulse. These extraordinary gestures astonished M. de Marbois,

but he thought they might be some oriental fashion. He took the hand

which was offered, and pressed it cordially, when four attendants

entered with solemnity, and presented to the Ex-minister a vessel of a

very unequivocal nature, for his better information on the state of the

patient. At this spectacle, the grave M. de Marbois flew into a violent

passion, and asked what was the meaning of this extraordinary behaviour.

The mistake was explained; it was M. Bourdois who had been wanted, and

the similarity in the sound of the two names had alone occasioned the

error. Poor M. de Marbois was the laughing-stock of Paris, and for a

long time he could not show his face any where without exciting

merriment.

“The drawing-rooms of Paris are indeed tremendous with their jokes!”

said the Emperor, “for it cannot be denied that they are for the most

part pointed and witty. They always assail the enemy at the breach, and

a total defeat is the usual consequence.”—"It is true," said I, “nothing

was spared. Even religion was not held sacred, and your Majesty may well

suppose that neither you nor the Empress escaped.”—"I dare say not,"

replied the Emperor, “but no matter; what was said of us?”—“It was

reported. Sire, that one day your Majesty, being much dissatisfied at

the perusal of a despatch from Vienna, said to the Empress, in a moment

of ill-humour, Your father is a blockhead (_votre père est une

ganache_). Maria Louisa, who was unacquainted with many French phrases,

turned to the person nearest her, and, observing that the Emperor had

called her Father a _ganache_, asked what the term meant. The courtier,

embarrassed at this unexpected interrogatory, stammered out that the

word signified a clever man, a man of judgment, and extraordinary

talent. Some time afterwards, the Empress, with her newly learnt term

fresh in her memory, was present at the Council of State, and the

discussion, becoming somewhat warm, in order to put a stop to it, she

called on M. Cambacérès, who was yawning by her side....—‘You must set

us right on this important point,’ said she, ‘you shall be our oracle;

for I consider you as the greatest _ganache_ in the Empire.’” At these

words the Emperor held his sides with laughter. “What a pity,” said he,

“that this anecdote is not true! Only imagine the scene. The offended

dignity of Cambacérès, the merriment of the whole council, and the

embarrassment of poor Maria Louisa, alarmed at the success of her

unconscious joke.”

The conversation continued for a long time in this way, and I spent

about two hours with the Emperor; I had exerted myself to talk as much

as I possibly could to divert him, and I had succeeded. The Emperor felt

his spirits revived, he even enjoyed a hearty laugh. When he dismissed

me, he felt much better, and I was happy at the change.

SECOND DAY OF SECLUSION.—THE EMPEROR RECEIVES THE GOVERNOR IN HIS

CHAMBER.—CHARACTERISTIC CONVERSATION.

30th.—To-day I and my son were engaged to dine at Mr. Balcombe’s at the

Briars. About half past three, I went to receive the Emperor’s commands:

he was the same as yesterday, and did not intend to go out.

Just before I had reached Hut’s Gate, the residence of Madame Bertrand,

I met the Governor on his way to Longwood. He asked me how the Emperor

was. I told him that I felt uneasy about him, and that he had not seen

any of us yesterday. I added that though he had told me this morning he

was well, yet from his countenance I should have expected a different

account.

About half past nine, we set out from the Briars on our return to

Longwood; it was very dark. A heavy rain had come on, which was as sharp

and cutting as hail. We had a most disagreeable, troublesome, and

dangerous ride, being every moment on the point of being precipitated

into some abyss or other, for we were obliged to gallop on at random

without seeing where we were going. We arrived at Longwood drenched to

the skin.

The Emperor had given orders that I should attend him on my return. He

was well, but he had stayed at home as he had done yesterday. He said he

had been waiting for me, and had many things to tell me.

On learning that the Governor had arrived, he admitted him into his

chamber, though he was not dressed, and was unable to rise from his

couch. He said he had discussed with him, in perfect composure, all the

points which naturally presented themselves to his mind. He spoke of

protesting against the treaty of the second of August, in which the

Allied Sovereigns declared him an exile and a prisoner. He asked what

right these Sovereigns had to dispose of him, without his consent, him

who was their equal, and had sometimes been their master. He said, if he

had thought proper to withdraw to Russia, Alexander, who styled himself

his friend, and who never had any but political disputes with him, would

if he had not upheld him as a king, at least have treated him as one.

This the Governor could not deny. He said, had he thought proper to take

refuge in Austria, the Emperor Francis could not, without disgracing

himself, have denied him admission not only to his empire, but even to

his house and his family, of which he, Napoleon, was a member. This the

Governor also admitted.

“Lastly,” said the Emperor, “if, relying on my own individual interests,

I had persisted in defending them in France by force of arms, there is

no doubt that the Allies would have formally granted me immense

advantages, perhaps even territory.” The Governor, who hesitated for

some time on this point, at length agreed that there was no doubt the

Emperor might with ease have obtained a Sovereignty. “I did not wish

it,” continued the Emperor: “I determined on abandoning public affairs;

indignant at beholding the leading men in France betraying their

country, or at least committing the grossest errors with regard to her

interests; indignant at finding that the mass of the representatives

preferred disgrace to death, and stooped to traffic with that sacred

independence, which, like honour, should be _a rocky and inaccessible

island_. In this state of things what did I determine on? What

resolution did I adopt? I sought an asylum in a country which was

supposed to be governed by laws: among a people, of whom for twenty

years I had been the bitterest enemy! But what did you do?... Your

conduct will be recorded in history to your eternal disgrace. Yet there

is an avenging Providence; sooner or later you will receive your

punishment! It will not be long before your posterity, your laws, will

expiate your crime!... Your ministers have sufficiently proved, by their

instructions, that they wish to get rid of me! Why did not the Kings who

proscribed me openly decree my death? One act would have been as legal

as the other! A speedy termination to my sufferings would have shown

more energy than the lingering death to which they have doomed me. The

Calabrians have been more humane, more generous than the Allied

Sovereigns or your Ministers. I will not die by my own hands. That would

be an act of cowardice. To overcome misfortune is a proof of a noble and

courageous mind! We mortals are bound to fulfil our destinies. But if it

be intended to keep me here, I feel that you would be doing me a

kindness in depriving me of life; for here I daily suffer the agonies of

death! The limits of St. Helena are too narrow for me, who was every day

accustomed to ride, ten, fifteen, or twenty leagues on horseback. The

climate is not like ours: neither the sun nor the seasons are like what

we have been accustomed to. Every thing here is hostile to happiness and

comfort. The situation is disagreeable and unwholesome, and is destitute

of water. This part of the island is totally barren and has been

deserted by the inhabitants.”

The Governor stated that his instructions required that the Emperor

should be restricted to certain limits in his rides, and that an officer

should always accompany him. “If they had been thus enforced,” replied

the Emperor, “I should never have left my chamber. If your instructions

will not admit of greater latitude, you can henceforth do nothing for

us. However, I neither ask nor wish for any thing. Convey these

sentiments to the English Government.”

“This,” said the Governor, “is the consequence of transmitting

instructions from so great a distance, and with regard to a person of

whom those who draw up the instructions know so little.” He then

endeavoured to shift the question by intimating that, on the arrival of

the wooden house or palace, which was on its way to St. Helena, better

plans might perhaps be adopted: that a vessel was expected, bringing

furniture and stores of provisions, which it was supposed would be

agreeable to the Emperor; that the English Government was exerting every

effort to alleviate his situation, &c.

The Emperor replied that all their efforts amounted to little; that he

had requested to be furnished with the Morning Chronicle and the

Statesman, that he might read what related to himself under the least

disagreeable forms: but his request had never been complied with. He had

asked for books, which were his only consolation; but nine months had

passed away, and he had not received any. He had desired to obtain

intelligence of his wife and son; but this had been withheld from him.

“As to the provisions, the furniture, and the house, that are intended

for me,” continued he, “you and I, Sir, are soldiers; we know how to

value these things. You have been in my native city, perhaps in the very

house occupied by my family. Though it was not the worst on the

island—though I have no reason to be ashamed of my family circumstances,

yet you know what they were. But though I have occupied a throne, and

have disposed of crowns, I have not forgotten my first condition; my

couch and my camp-bed, you see, are still sufficient for me.”

The Governor observed that the wooden palace and all its accompaniments

were at least an attention. “For your own satisfaction, in the eyes of

Europe,” replied the Emperor, “but to me they are matters of perfect

indifference. It is not a house, nor furniture, that should have been

sent to me: but an executioner and a coffin. The former are a mockery,

the latter would be a favour. I say, again, the instructions of your

ministers tend to this result, and I invoke it. The Admiral, who is not

an ill-disposed man, appears to me now to have softened these

instructions; I do not complain of his acts: his forms alone offended

me.” Here the Governor asked whether he had unconsciously committed any

faults. “No, Sir, we complain of nothing since your arrival. Yet one act

has offended us, and that is your inspection of our domestics. It was

insulting to M. de Montholon, by appearing to throw suspicion on his

integrity; and it was petty, disagreeable, and insulting towards me, and

perhaps degrading to the English General himself, who thus came to

interfere between me and my valet de chambre.”

The Governor was seated in an arm-chair on one side of the Emperor, who

had remained stretched on his couch. It was dark, the evening was

drawing in, and it was not easy to distinguish objects. “Therefore,”

observed the Emperor, “it was in vain that I endeavoured to watch the

play of his features, and to observe the impression which my words made

on him.”

In the course of the conversation the Emperor, who in the morning had

been reading the Campaign of 1814, by Alphonse de Beauchamp, in which

all the English bulletins bore the signature Lowe, asked the Governor if

he was the individual who had signed them. Sir Hudson Lowe, with marked

embarrassment, replied in the affirmative, and added that the bulletins

represented his views and opinions. The Governor, who had several times

proposed that the Emperor should be attended by his physician, who he

said was a very skilful man, on taking his leave again proposed to send

his Doctor to Longwood. But the Emperor saw his motives, and constantly

resisted his offer.

Having related all these particulars to me, the Emperor remained silent

for some minutes. Then resuming, apparently after some reflection, he

said: "How mean and disagreeable is the expression of the Governor’s

countenance! I never saw any thing like it in my life!... I should be

unable to drink my coffee if this man were left for a moment alone

beside me.... My dear Las Cases, they have sent me worse than a

jailor!..."

THIRD DAY OF THE EMPEROR’S SECLUSION.—SUMMARY

OF HIS HISTORY.

May 1st.—The Emperor kept his room to-day as he had done yesterday. I

felt ill from my ride from the Briars; I had a slight fever, accompanied

by great lassitude. The Emperor sent for me about seven o’clock in the

evening. I went to his chamber and found him reading Rollin, whom he

accused, as usual, of being too indulgent an historian. He did not

appear to have been indisposed, and even said he was very well; but this

only rendered me the more uneasy at his seclusion and his calmness of

manner. He put off dinner to a later hour than usual, and detained me

with him. He called for a glass of Constantia some time before dinner;

this he generally does when he feels the want of excitement.

After dinner, he looked over a few of the addresses, proclamations, or

acts, in Goldsmith’s imperfect collection. The perusal of some of these

documents seemed to interest him; then, laying down the book, he began

to walk about, and said, "After all, let them abridge, suppress, and

mutilate as much as they please, they will find it very difficult to

throw me entirely into the shade. The historian of France cannot pass

over the Empire, and if he has any honesty, he will not fail to render

me my share of justice. His task will be easy; for the facts speak for

themselves: they shine like the sun.

“I closed the gulf of anarchy and cleared the chaos. I purified the

Revolution, dignified Nations and established Kings. I excited every

kind of emulation, rewarded every kind of merit, and extended the limits

of glory! This is at least something! And on what point can I be

assailed on which an historian could not defend me? Can it be for my

intentions? But even here I can find absolution. Can it be for my

despotism? It may be demonstrated that the Dictatorship was absolutely

necessary. Will it be said that I restrained liberty? It can be proved

that licentiousness, anarchy, and the greatest irregularities, still

haunted the threshold of freedom. Shall I be accused of having been too

fond of war? It can be shown that I always received the first attack.

Will it be said that I aimed at universal monarchy? It can be proved

that this was merely the result of fortuitous circumstances, and that

our enemies themselves led me step by step to this determination.

Lastly, shall I be blamed for my ambition? This passion I must doubtless

be allowed to have possessed, and that in no small degree; but, at the

same time, my ambition was of the highest and noblest kind that ever,

perhaps, existed—that of establishing and of consecrating the empire of

reason, and the full exercise and complete enjoyment of all the human

faculties! And here the historian will probably feel compelled to regret

that such ambition should not have been fulfilled and gratified!” ...

Then after a few moments of silent reflection: “This,” said the Emperor,

“is my whole history in a few words.”

FOURTH DAY OF ABSOLUTE SECLUSION.—THE MONITEUR

FAVOURABLE TO THE EMPEROR.

2nd.—The Emperor still kept his room as on the preceding days. He sent

for me about nine o’clock in the evening, after I had dined. He had seen

no one during the day; I remained with him till eleven o’clock; he was

in good spirits, and appeared to be well. I assured him that the days

which we passed without seeing him seemed very tedious; and that we

feared his health would suffer from close confinement and the want of

fresh air. For my own part, this seclusion caused me great uneasiness

and affliction. He went to bed half an hour before he dismissed me: he

said his legs refused to support him. He felt fatigued with walking,

though he had only taken a few turns with me in his chamber.

He spoke a great deal of the Legion of Honour, of Goldsmith’s

Collection, and of the Moniteur. Respecting the latter, he said that it

was certainly a very remarkable circumstance, and one of which few

besides himself could boast, that he had made his way through the

Revolution at so early an age, and with so much notoriety, without

having to dread the Moniteur. “There is not a sentence in it,” said he,

“which I could wish to obliterate. On the contrary, the Moniteur will

infallibly serve me as a justification, whenever I may have occasion for

it.”