YOUTH
IT was at Cranborne Lodge in Windsor Park, the official home of Sir
Thomas Aylesbury, that his grandchild, Edward Hyde’s eldest daughter,
was born on the 12th March 1637, and baptized by the name of Anne, that
of her father’s first wife. It may be mentioned that there is a
tradition, though one altogether disproved, that her birthplace was the
College Farm at Purton, which is said to have belonged to her paternal
grandfather, Henry Hyde.[16]
Footnote 16:
“Life of Edward, Lord Clarendon,” by Sir Henry Craik.
Of her early childhood nothing has come down to us, but in May 1649 the
mother with her five children set out for Antwerp. It was the dreary
year when, immediately following the King’s execution, many of the
broken and impoverished Cavaliers and their families saw no prospect for
the future save in leaving their distracted country, and the Hydes did
as their neighbours.
Hyde himself, as we have seen, had been despatched hither and thither in
the service of the young King, and when at length he rejoined his
family, it was at Breda.
The Princess of Orange was always as staunch a champion of her native
country as she was a passionately loving sister to her exiled brothers,
and she was ready at all times to extend a welcome to the forlorn and
beggared English. Hyde, moreover, had been, as she knew, an absolutely
trusted and faithful servant of the slaughtered father whose memory she
cherished so fondly, and she lavished every possible attention on him
and his family. She was upheld here by the good offices of Daniel
O’Neill of the King’s bodyguard, a great friend of Hyde’s, who threw all
his influence into the balance in his favour. Mary, we have seen, gave
tangible proof of her attachment to the exiled Chancellor, as she
generously provided a house at Breda, free of charge, for him and his
family. Here then, Hyde, as we have said, set up his household gods. So
many of the banished English were coming and going about the Princess
Mary’s Court and the person of her brother during many years, that the
Chancellor was by no means destitute of old friends.
Among these, not the least beloved and trusted was Morley, afterwards
Bishop successively of Worcester and Winchester. He[17] had had a
brilliant record as to learning. A king’s scholar of Westminster at
fourteen, he had been elected to Christ Church at seventeen, and at
Oxford had numbered among his friends Hammond, Sanderson, Sheldon,
Chillingworth and also Falkland, who had often received him at Great
Tew, where one can fancy the two musing together over books, and
communing on all heaven and earth. He was, to some extent, tainted with
Calvinism, but nevertheless, as a royal chaplain, gave his first year’s
stipend for the help of the king in war, and later was deprived of his
canonry and the rectory of Mildenhall by the Parliament. He was present
with the chivalrous Arthur, Lord Capel, on the scaffold, aiding him with
his prayers, and soon after went into exile, first in Paris, then at
Breda where he took up his abode with the Hydes. We find his old friend
the Chancellor, who called him “the best man alive,” recommending him as
a spiritual adviser to Lady Morton, and much later we shall see how far
his influence availed with his pupil, Hyde’s daughter.
Footnote 17:
_Dictionary of National Biography._
Another of her father’s friends and advisers, destined to be in close
contact with him in later years, was Gilbert Sheldon, afterwards
Archbishop of Canterbury.[18] Belonging as he did to the school of Laud
and Andrewes, his views on certain points differed widely from those of
Morley, yet both were alike in their unswerving loyalty to the King.
Both, too, enjoyed the friendship of Falkland as of Hyde, who indeed
made Sheldon one of the trustees of his papers during his exile. Like
the bulk of his fellows, the latter suffered imprisonment, being ejected
from his College of All Souls, for his “malignancy.” After the
Restoration he was high in the King’s favour, nevertheless he did not
hesitate to refuse to admit Charles to Holy Communion, on the score of
the latter’s evil life.
Footnote 18:
_Dictionary of National Biography._
In the house at Breda, sedulously cared for by her parents, Anne, the
elder, and by her father at least the best beloved daughter, reached her
seventeenth year. She was a clever, thoughtful girl, unusually well read
for the period and circumstances of her life, a devout churchwoman under
the guidance of Morley and her father, looking out on the life unfolding
before her with a mind which then at least showed singular powers of
balance and perception.
It may be stated in parenthesis, that the other daughter of the house
was Frances, who subsequently married Sir Thomas Keighley of
Hartingfordbury in Herts, but nothing beyond the bare fact is recorded
of her, after childhood, though Evelyn mentions her as a guest at his
house in 1673. The year 1654 was destined to bring about a change in the
life of Anne which was to prove more momentous than anyone could
foresee.
In the household of Mary, Princess of Orange, there was a maid of
honour, one Mistress Kate Killigrew. An outbreak of smallpox at Spa
drove the Court to take refuge at Aix-la-Chapelle, but Mistress
Killigrew had already been smitten with the disease and died.
Without loss of time the Stuart princess nominated Chancellor Hyde’s
young daughter to the vacant post. In this she was backed by her brother
Charles, for whom she had hired a house in Aix, keeping also a table for
him.
The proposed honour was, however, by no means so welcome as might be
supposed.
For one thing, the queen-mother, always a woman of impulse and violent
prejudice, had in no degree abated her dislike to Hyde, and everyone was
aware of the fact. O’Neill, it seems, declaring that the Princess
herself had so much kindness for the Chancellor’s daughter that she long
resolved to have her upon the first vacancy, suggested to his friend to
ask for the post for Anne, a proceeding to which Hyde strongly objected,
no doubt smarting under the knowledge of Henrietta’s attitude towards
him. He had, he said, “but one daughter, who was all the company and
comfort her mother had in her melancholic retirement,”[19] and therefore
he was resolved not to separate them, nor to dispose his daughter to a
“Court life,” “which he did in truth perfectly detest.”[20]
Footnote 19:
It is possible that the younger daughter, then an infant, might have
been left in England under the charge of friends there.
Footnote 20:
“Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon,” by himself. 1827.
In the old days when the dwindling Court had sojourned at Oxford, he had
seen enough and more than enough of the turmoil of intrigues and
jealousy, the incessant petty warfare between the rival factions of
Henrietta and her husband, which the latter at any rate had been
powerless to control, and naturally Hyde was sickened of it all, and
unwilling to venture his “Nan” into a like atmosphere. About the same
time we find him writing to Secretary Nicholas on the matter: “I presume
you think my wife a fool for being so indulgent to her girl as to send
her abroad on such a gadding journey. I am very glad she hath had the
good fortune to be graciously received by her Royal Highness, but I
think it would be too much vanity in me to take any notice of it.”[21]
Footnote 21:
“Life of Henrietta Maria.” J. A. Taylor.
As before said, the King put his oar in, saying to the Chancellor “his
sister having seen his daughter several times, liked her so well that
she desired to have her about her person, and had spoken to him herself,
to move it so as to prevent displeasure from the Queen, therefore he
knew not why Hyde should neglect such an opportunity of providing for
his daughter in so honourable a way.”[22]
Footnote 22:
“Tudor and Stuart Princesses.” Agnes Strickland.
To this Hyde answered: “He could not dispute the reasons with him, only
that He could not give himself Leave to deprive his Wife of her
Daughter’s Company, nor believe that She could be more advantageously
bred than under her Mother”—another shaft aimed at the influence of a
Court.[23]
Footnote 23:
“Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon,” by himself. Ed. 1759.
Finally Mary herself bore down all opposition. She had her full share of
the family obstinacy, and was determined to carry her point. In the end,
as might be supposed, she succeeded. Hyde himself went to her, and said
candidly that “if it had not been for her bounty in assigning them a
house where they might live rent free they could not have been able to
subsist,” and he therefore “confessed it was not in his power to make
his daughter such an allowance as would enable her to live in her Royal
Highness’ Court conformably to the position that was offered to
her.”[24]
Footnote 24:
“The Royal House of Stuart.” Cowan.
The Princess promptly answered that she did not mean him to maintain his
daughter in her service, as she took that upon herself, so the father
reluctantly withdrew his opposition, saying “he left his daughter to be
disposed by her mother.” On this point Lady Hyde had consulted Morley,
and, probably to her husband’s surprise, that adviser counselled the
acceptance of the Princess’s offer, on which the latter, recognising her
triumph, remarked cheerfully: “I warrant you my Lady and I will agree on
the matter.”
One cannot but wonder at Hyde’s backwardness, for he was then so poor
that he was forced to borrow of Nicholas small sums to pay postage for
King Charles. One member of the English royal family there was who
heartily approved and upheld the appointment. The Queen of Bohemia,
Elizabeth Stuart, that unlucky “Queen of Hearts” who attracted to
herself through so many stormy years the chivalrous devotion, among
others, of the gallant Lord Craven, was at all times accustomed to speak
and write her mind. On 7th September 1654 she wrote to Sir Edward
Nicholas: “I heare Mrs Hide is to come to my neece in Mrs Killigrew’s
place which I am verie glad of. She is verie fitt for itt, and a great
favorit of mine.”
One advantage Hyde himself reaped from his daughter’s advancement. He
records that his wife, “when she had presented her Daughter to the
Princess, came herself to reside with her Husband to his great Comfort
and which he could not have enjoyed if the other Separation had not been
made, and possibly that Consideration had the more easily disposed him
to consent to the other.”[25]
Footnote 25:
“Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon,” by himself. Ed. 1759.
[Illustration:
ELIZABETH, QUEEN OF BOHEMIA
]
The girl’s own feeling in the matter is expressed in a letter to her
father, dated 19th October, which, under the ceremonious address then
alone admissible, breathes a spirit of strong family affection.
“I have received yours of the 13th and shall euer make it soe
much my business strickly to observe all your commands in it
that when euer I transgress any of them in the least degree it
shall be out of ignorance and not willfullness soe that I hope
you shall neuer have cause to repent of the good opinion you are
pleased to have of me and which I shall dayly endeuour to
increase, and since you thinke it fitt for me, shall very
cheerfully submit to a life which I have not much desired but
now looke upon not onely as the will of my Father, but of
Almighty God and therefore doubtles will prove a blessing; but
S^r. you must not wonder if being happy in soe excelent a Father
and Mother I cannot part with them without trouble, for though
as you say I have been soe unfortunate as allways to live from
you yet I looke upon myself now as still more unlikely to be
with you or see you, and though I shall often heare from my
Mother and I hope see her, yet that will be but little in
respect of being continually with her. I say not this that I
repine at goeing to the Princess for I am confident that God
that has made her soe gracious in desiring me will make me happy
in her service, but I should be the worst of chilldren if I were
not very sensible of leaving soe good a Mother and leaving her
so much alone; but I hope you will be together this winter, and
in the meane time I beseech you to perswad her to stay as long
as shee can w^{th} vs at the Hague, that shee may be as little
as is possible alone heare; I humbly beg your blessing vpon
“S^r.
“Your most dutifull and obedient daughter,
“ANNE HYDE.”[26]
Footnote 26:
Clarendon MS., vol. xlix., folio 70 (Bodleian Library).
So she entered upon the duties of her new life, if with a certain shy
reluctance, yet probably with a more or less eager curiosity and
anticipation, feeling within herself a capacity to fulfil adequately the
demands of this altered sphere.
As might be supposed, Queen Henrietta, on hearing of the appointment,
flew into a passion and quarrelled hotly with her elder daughter, her
constant appeals to whom to dismiss the obnoxious “Nan Hyde” almost
seeming as though, if such a thing were possible, she had a sort of
presentiment of the future.
Hyde himself had reminded Mary of her mother’s probable resentment, but
the Princess answered simply: “I have always paid the duty to the Queen
my Mother which was her due, but I am mistress of my own family, and can
receive what servants I please, nay—I should wrong my Mother if I
forebore to do a good and just action lest her Majesty should be
offended at it. I know that some ill offices have been done you to my
Mother, but I doubt not that in due time she will discern that she has
been mistaken.”[27]
Footnote 27:
“Lives of the Queens of England.” Agnes Strickland.
If the young maid of honour could write submissively to her father, she
was not backward in admonishing her brothers, but in reading the
following letter one must bear in mind that she was the eldest, and no
doubt quite honestly believed that she was fulfilling a duty in giving a
piece of advice.
“BREDA, _6
Oct. 1654_.
“DEARE BROTHER,—This is to shew you that I will not allways be
soe lasey as not to answer your letters, and indeed I will never
be soe without a just cause for I am never better pleased than
when I am walkeing with you as me thinks I am when I am
writteing to you. I am sory to heare you doe not goe to Collogne
with my Father for I wish you might see as much as is possible
now you are abroad but our present condition will not permit us
what we most desire but I doubt not of a happy change and then
you will have all that is fitt for you which I most earnestly
wish you and truely it is one of the things I beg dayly of
Allmighty God to see you a very good and very happy man which I
shall not doubt of if you make it your business (as I hope you
ever will) to serve him and pleas my Father and Mother. My
service to all my acquaintance with you. I will not send it to
any of the Princesses Court becaus I belieue them all gone. My
Brothers and all heare are your seruants and I am ever yours
most affectionately,
“A. H.”[28]
Footnote 28:
Clarendon State Papers (Bodleian).
Anne once established in her new post, the Queen of Bohemia did not
forget her sentiments of friendship, for on the 16th November[29] we
find her again writing to Secretary Nicholas from the “Hagh”
(Elizabeth’s spelling was at any rate no worse than her neighbours’): “I
pray remember me to Mr Chancellor and tell him his Ladie and my favorit
his daughter came hither upon Saterday and are gone this day to Teiling.
I finde my favourit growen euerie way to her advantage.” A little later,
too, that is, on 11th January 1654-1655, she tells the same
correspondent: “We had a Royaltie though not vpon twelf night at Teiling
where my neece was a gipsie and became her dress extream well.” “Mrs
Hide was a shepherdesse and I assure you was verie handsome in it, none
but her Mistress looked better than she did. I beleeve my Lady Hide and
Mr Chancellor will not be sorie to heare it which I pray tell them from
me.” It was a kind little message from one mother to another. Elizabeth
Stuart’s roving life had perhaps taught her sympathy, grafted on to the
traditional good nature of her family. It is all the more surprising
that her own large flock of children “got on,” as one says, so badly
with their mother, though she did care more for her sons than for her
daughters.[30] However, that she took a fancy to “Nan Hyde” was certain.
Beauty, it is true, was lavishly distributed among those high-spirited,
high-handed Princes and Princesses Palatine (among whom their cousin
Charles II. so nearly found a bride), but it was probably Anne’s acute
perception and strong intellect that appealed to their brilliant mother.
Nevertheless she could, as we have seen, look with a keen and
appreciative eye on the girl’s personal appearance. Anne at eighteen was
at her best. The large frame had not yet thickened into the proportions
which so early in life discounted her claims to beauty. She had the
charm of expression, of good eyes, of vivacity, and then at least of
exuberant spirits.
Footnote 29:
Evelyn’s “Correspondence.”
Footnote 30:
“A Royal Cavalier: The Romance of Rupert, Prince Palatine.” Mrs
Steuart Erskine.
The “Royaltie” which the Queen describes was not unique. There were many
such revels at the Court of The Hague. The Princess Mary, recovered from
the shock of her early widowhood, and eager for enjoyment, loved these
occasions, and shone at them with hereditary grace, while in every
festive gathering her maids necessarily bore their part. The Queen
writes to her nephew, Charles II., during the same January of another
Royalty—she wrote to him very often, by the way:
“Though I believe you had more meat and drink at Hannibal
Sestade’s, yet I am sure our fiddles were better and dancers;
your sister was very well dressed like an amazon; the Princess
Tarente like a shepherdess; Mademoiselle d’Orange, a nymph. They
were all very well dressed, but I wished all the night your
Majesty had seen Vanderdons. There never was seen the like; he
was a gipsy, Nan Hyde was his wife; he had pantaloons close to
him of red and yellow striped, with ruffled sleeves; he looked
just like a Jock-a-lent. They were twenty-six in all, and came
[not?] home till five o’clock in the morning.”[31]
Footnote 31:
“Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia.” M. A. Green, revised by S. C.
Lomas.
A little before this Elizabeth had written to the same correspondent of
the amusements of his sister:
“My dear niece recovers her health and good looks extremely by
her exercises, she twice dancing with the maskers; it has done
her much good. We had it two nights, the first time it was
deadly cold, but the last time the weather was a little better.
The subject your Majesty will see was not extraordinary, but it
was very well danced. Our Dutch minister said nothing against
it, but a little French preacher, Carré, by his sermon set all
the church a-laughing.”
An early allusion to the festivities in which Anne Hyde afterwards
shared and shone.
* * * * *
In the year 1655, within a few months of her appointment in the Princess
Mary’s service, Anne’s young charms of mind and body brought to her feet
at least one lover worth the winning.
At The Hague, in those days, among the many exiled Cavaliers who were
generally made welcome at the Court of their young King’s elder sister,
was Sir Spencer Compton, not the least distinguished of his gallant
race. He was the youngest son of the loyal Earl of Northampton, and when
but a child wept bitterly because he could not go forth to battle with
his chivalrous brothers, seeing his small fingers could not grasp one of
the great wheel-lock pistols of that day.[32] With characteristic
contempt of concealment, he made no secret of his passion for Mistress
Anne. Charles II. himself with his usual love of mischief wrote to Henry
Bennet, afterwards Lord Arlington: “I will try whether Sir Spencer
Compton be so much in love as you say, for I will name Mrs Hyde before
him so by chance except that he be very much smitten it shall not at all
move him.”[33] We are not told how young Compton stood the test, but it
was pretty enough, that love-idyll of youth presented among the sylvan
shades of the wooded Hague, though whether from interference or the
coldness of the young maid of honour it was destined to fade quickly and
pass into the limbo of things forgotten. One would like to know the
story, but nothing more remains to us. Another suitor was Lord Newburgh,
of whom Sir George Radcliffe wrote from Paris in the spring: “Onely one
tould me yesterday a pretty story of him y^t he must marry Mr
Chancellor’s daughter (who waites of y^e Princesse Royale) and so by ye
Chanc: meanes be engaged in all the Scots affaires. The Chanc: has much
talke of him at y^e Pallais Royale where he is thought to be a powerfull
man at y^e Court at Cologne. A person of honour would needs persuade me
that y^e Princesse Royall had provided for 3 of his children (which was
2 more than I had heard on).” Here there is a touch of the jealousy of
Hyde’s influence and prosperity which was afterwards so widely spread.
Footnote 32:
Sir Philip Warwick.
Footnote 33:
Evelyn’s “Correspondence.”
We hear also of some sentimental passages with the conquering Harry
Jermyn, who was said, on what authority it is now difficult to decide,
to have been afterwards privately married to the Princess Mary. The same
story, by the way, was told of his uncle, the elder Jermyn, and Queen
Henrietta.
How far, however, the heart of the maid of honour was really concerned
in these fleeting love affairs it is useless to conjecture. She was
probably ready enough to be amused, and, conscious that she was not a
beauty, to be flattered at such homage.
She was not idle, either; she was always fond of writing and ready with
the pen, and at some time during her service—there is no date
attached—Anne bethought her to set down in writing the character of her
royal mistress. The manuscript is not in the girl’s own hand, but it is
endorsed: “Pourtrait of ye Princess Royall drawne by Mrs Anne Hyde.”
“Ceux qui connoissent l’admirable Princesse dont j’entreprend le
portrait trouveront bien étrange qu’une personne si peu capable
que moy, de la bien representer oze l’hazarder a un si grand
ouvrage et on m’accusera assurement de vanité ou de folie. Mais
comme j’y suis toute preparée cela ne m’exonnera pas ni ne
m’empêchera de commencer comme je ‘avois resolue, en vous disant
qu’elle a la taille la plus belle et la plus libre du monde et
qu’oy qu’Elle n’est pas des plus grandes il s’en voy beaucoup
plus au dessous qu’au dessus de la Sienne elle a les cheveux
d’un fort beau brun fort lustre et en grande quantité, les yeux
grands et si beaux et brillans qu’on a de la peine a en
supporter l’esclar. Son nes est un peu grand mais si bien fait
que cela n’otte rien de la beauté de son visage. Sa bouche est
fort belle, et les lèvres des plus vermeilles que l’on puisse
voir, les dens belles, le tour du visage parfaitement beau, et
le teint se uniet si beau qu’il ne se puisse rien voir au monde
qui l’égalle, la gorge belle, les bras et les mains de mesme.
Enfin on vois en toute sa personne quelque chose de si grande et
de si relevée que sans la connoistre on verroit combien elle est
au dessus du reste du monds. Elle a meilleure mine que personne,
et quoy qu’Elle a asses de douceur pour luy gaigner le cœur de
tous ceux qui la voyent. Elle a aussi une certaine fierte qui
luy fait craindre et respecter de tous le monde et qui sied fort
bien a une personne de sa condition. Pour son intérieur il est
tellement impossible de la connoistre, qu’il est bien difficile
pour moy d’y bien reussir; pour de l’esprit, Elle en a
infiniment mais de l’esprit vif et penetrant et qui la rend de
la meilleure humeur du monde, quand Elle veut obliger ceux avec
qui Elle se trouve; mais quand Elle ne se plait pas, Elle est
tout a fait retirée, ne pouvant se contraindre pour qui que se
soit quoy qu’Elle est generallement civile, mais Elle regarde la
contrainte comme une chose peu necessaire aux personnes de sa
qualité, les croyans plus faits pour eux mesmes, que pour les
autres; Et c’est ce qui est cause qu’Elle parle moins que
personne quand Elle est dans des Compagnies ou Elle ne veut pas
estre tout a fait familière; cela fait a croire a ceux qui ne la
connoissent pas qu’Elle est plus glorieuse qu’Elle n’est en
effet, il est vray qu’Elle l’est un peu mais il ne luy mésied
point, car il y a asseurement une espèce de gloire qui est
necessaire à toutes les femmes et sur toutes a celles de sa
naissance: Elle est tout a fait genereuse, et oblige de bonne
grace ceux pour qui Elle a de l’amitié, il est vray qu’Elle n’en
a pas pour beaucoup, mais Elle est parfaitement bonne amie où
elle en fait profession et ne change jamais, à moins que de luy
donner grand sujet, mais quand Elle a une fois mauvaise opinion
d’une personne pour qui Elle a eue de l’amitié, on ne se remet
jamais bien avec Elle, quoy qu’en apparence Elle vit fort bien
avec eux; ce qui marque qu’Elle est plus dissimulée qu’Elle ne
croit. Elle est asses colere qu’oy qu’Elle ne le temoigne guere
car en ses humeurs la Elle se renferme des apres diners entieres
sans voir qui que se soit; Elle parait plus indifferente que
personne, mais ceux qui ont l’honneur de la voir souvent,
peuvent remarquer qu’Elle n’est pas incapable des sentimens de
l’amitié et de la haine: Elle ne se mocque jamais de qui que se
soit, ni ne rompe jamais en visière, mais Elle n’est pas faschée
de faire de petites malices, qui peuvent mettre ses gens en
peine mais c’est tousjours a ceux dont Elle connoit tout a fois
les humeurs. Elle est fort constante en ses resolutions, un peu
trop quelque fois, car il y a des temps on cela va jusques à
l’opiniotreté; Elle ne se mele jamais des affaires d’autruy, si
ce ne’est qu’on luy en parle le premier, et alors Elle est tout
a fait secrete, et donne ses avis avec toute la franchise
imaginable. En fin Elle a toutes les qualites requises pour
rendre une personne parfaite; car outre ce que j’ay deja dit,
Elle danse mieux que qui se soit, mais Elle est un peu
paresseuse, ce qui est cause qu’Elle songe moins à se diverter
que personne, et qu’Elle aime mieux passer son temps toute seule
dans sa Chambre que de prendre la peine de s’ajuster pour une
assemblée, quoy qu’Elle y reusset mieux que personne n’a jamais
fait. Je n’aurois jamais fait si je voulois entreprendre à
depeindre toutes les admirables qualités de cette grande
Princesse. Je me contenteray donc de finir en la supliant tres
humblement de pardonner toutes les fautes d’une Portrait, qu’il
est impossible de rendre aussi parfait que son original, set
qu’Elle aura la bonté de se souvenir, que celle qui l’a fait est
tellement dediée à son service qu’Elle se croit seulement
heureuse parcequ’Elle est sienne, et qu’elle ne plaint son faut
d’esprit et de jugement que parcequ’ils l’empeschent de
representer comme elle doit les admirables qualites de sa
maitresse.”[34]
Footnote 34:
MS. 276, Egerton, 2542.
If the flattery contained in this portrait may be termed excessive, yet
something is due to the customs of the period, which almost enjoined
language of the kind. At the same time, Mary’s pride of demeanour is
insisted on in a way that betrays some sense of injury, though this is
carefully veiled. Later we know Anne was to suffer from the wrath and
indignation of her mistress, but there is no reason to suppose that when
she wrote these words she did not feel a very real affection for the
Princess, who had braved her own mother’s anger and surmounted various
difficulties for the sake of the writer. And moreover Mary, Princess of
Orange, was a Stuart. If she was haughty, imperious, at times wayward,
yet she had her share of the haunting, ineffable charm of her doomed
race, the charm which attracted the homage of heart and life of those
round her, and bound them to her with an imperishable chain. On the same
theme the maid of honour also ventured into poetry, at any rate into
rhyme. The effusion may possibly be ascribed to the same date.
“Heroic nymph! in tempests the support,
In peace the glory of the British Court,
Into whose arms the Church, the State, and all
That precious is or sacred, here did fall.
Ages to come that shall your bounty hear
Shall think you mistress of the Indies were,
Though straiter bounds your fortune did confine
In your large heart was found a wealthy mine.
Like the blest oil, the widow’s lasting feast,
Your treasure as you poured it out increased.
While some your beauty, some your bounty sing
Your native isles does with your praises ring,
But above all, a nymph of your own train
Gives us your character in such a strain
As none but she who in that Court did dwell
Could know such world, or worth describe so well.”[35]
Footnote 35:
“Tudor and Stuart Princesses.” Agnes Strickland.
Meanwhile Anne’s fate, all unsuspected, was advancing towards her with
swift and unfaltering steps.
Queen Henrietta had never been able to reconcile to herself Princess
Mary’s appointment of Hyde’s daughter about her person, and since its
accomplishment had constantly appealed to her to dismiss Anne from her
service.[36] Lord Hatton, in fact, writes: “The Queen’s last sickness
was by the chamber confident said to be expressed by the Queen by reason
of some late letters from the young P^{rsse} Orange wherein she still
contests for retaining with her Sir E. H. daughter which the Queen will
not cease till she out her there. This I assure you comes from eare
witnesses.”
Footnote 36:
“Lives of Princesses of England.” M. A. Everett-Green.
Mary was, however, quite as resolute as her mother, and when in 1655 she
formed the project of a visit to Paris, it was with the intention of
taking her favourite in her train.
Hyde, who as we have seen was fully conscious of the queen-mother’s
disapproval, wished to take this opportunity of withdrawing his
daughter, but the Princess peremptorily refused, declaring that it would
be only necessary for her mother to see Anne in order to abate her
unreasonable prejudice. The Chancellor’s unwillingness in the matter can
be gleaned from a letter he wrote at the time to Lady Stanhope, who had
become the wife of John van der Kirckhove Heenvliet, the Dutch
Ambassador despatched to England in 1641 to arrange the marriage of Mary
with the late Prince of Orange.
“MY VERY GOOD LADY”—so wrote Hyde[37]—“Though the considerations
and objections I presumed to offer this last year against the
high grace and favour which your Royal Mistress was then
inclined to vouchsafe to my poor Girl, were not thought
reasonable or probable, yet you now see that I had too much
ground for these apprehensions, and they who came last from
Paris are not reserved in declaring that the Princess Royal’s
receiving my Daughter into her service is almost the only cause
of the Queen’s late reservation towards her Royal Highness which
I hope you believe is a very great affliction to me. I most
humbly beg your Ladyship if you find any disposition in her
Royal Highness out of her goodness to me to give the girl leave
to attend her in this journey, when it seems others who have
more title to that honour must be left behind, that you will
consider whether the preferring her to this new favour may not
be an unhappy occasion of improving her Majesty’s old dislike,
and if there be the least fear of that or appearance of any
domestic inconvenience by leaving others unsatisfied I do beg
you with all my heart, to use your credit in diverting that
Gracious purpose in your Royal Mistress towards her, and let her
instead of waiting this journey, have leave to spend a little
time in the visitation of her friends at Breda, and upon my
credit, whatsoever in your wisdom shall appear fittest in this
particular shall be abundantly obliging to
“Madam, your Ladyship’s, etc.
“COLOGNE, this 16th March 1655.”
Footnote 37:
Clarendon State Papers.
Whether this letter was laid before the Princess or not, the journey was
undertaken, and she and her attendants began the long projected
expedition which was to be fraught with such far-reaching results.
Mary set out in high spirits at the prospect of the change, of seeing
her mother (in spite of their differences, which she probably considered
to be trivial) and of making the acquaintance of the little sister who
was yet a stranger to her, Henrietta Anne, the child born at Exeter
during the siege, and brought to France through many dangers, with real
heroism and devotion, by Lady Dalkeith.
According to our ideas, the journey from The Hague must have been a very
long and tedious one, but it was no doubt full of interest to the
Princess and her train. Each day furnished incidents to engross and be
discussed as the long cavalcade of maids and men, of heavy baggage
waggons, of lumbering coaches, of numerous pack-horses, of guards armed
with dag and musket, accoutred in back and breast plate—for there was a
body of sixty horse—flaunted along the heavy, muddy roads. Here a wheel
would sink into the deep ruts, and the vehicle be released with immense
noise and bustle; there an axle-tree would break and must be mended at
the cost of an hour or two’s delay, while the shoeing smiths reaped a
goodly harvest by their task of replacing cast shoes. The minister
Heenvliet accompanied the Princess to Antwerp and Brussels, at which
place he left her. At Mons ordnance was fired, torches were lighted, and
the magistrates paid her the compliment, customary in the case of
royalty, of asking from her the watchword for the night.[38]
Footnote 38:
“Lives of the Princesses of England.” M. A. Everett-Green.
So the procession passed on through the level, dyke-protected tracts of
Flanders, and came at last to the frontier and the fair land of France.
In the splendid days of Charles the Bold, he who had been Count of
Flanders and the Netherlands had been also Duke of Burgundy, a most
unwilling vassal to the French crown. Since his time, that province of
his great inheritance had become part and parcel of the dominion of King
Louis, and when the Princess of Orange halted at the ancient city of
Peronne she was well within French territory.
Here, at the capital of the old Burgundian Duchy, she was met by her
second brother, James, Duke of York, at this time—through no fault of
his own—reduced to a life of inaction at Paris, and here possibly began
the prologue of the romance which was to affect not only his own life,
but the future of the far-off country of his birth. Of this more later.
With the Duke, and attached to his person, were the Lord Gerard and Sir
Charles Berkeley, besides M. Sanguin, _maître d’hôtel_ to the French
king.
So accompanied Mary pursued her journey, to be met by her mother and
sister at Bourgel, six miles from Paris.
Of her stay in the French capital, though it extended over a period of
some months, there are but scanty records, but that she entered fully
into all the gaiety which surrounded the boy King is certain.
Anne Hyde appears to have caught smallpox during the visit, but it was a
slight attack and she probably escaped without disfigurement.[39] She
had not been well early in the year, as appears from Sir Alexander
Hume’s letter from Teyling on 22nd February.
Footnote 39:
Rawlinson MS. (Bodleian).
“I have acquainted your neece Mrs Hide with the tendernesse you
expresse for her, who returns her humble service to you with
many thanks for your care of her. But shee hath not been in any
such euill disposition of health as it seemes you have been
informed, only one day shee took a little physick since when
shee hath euer been a great deal healthfuller and handsomer than
before, and shee is indeed a very excellent person both for body
and minde as any young gentlewoman that I know.”[40]
Footnote 40:
Nicholas Papers.
Whether she won such golden opinions at Paris does not appear, but
probably she held her own there as well as in Holland. She had always
plenty of self-possession, which carried her through many anxious
moments, and if any special admirers manifested themselves there, it
must have been only to be flouted.
If the image of one too high in place to be acknowledged had already
been imprinted on her mind, she at least made no sign, but it is evident
that the young maid of honour was in no apparent haste to change her
condition, and was capable of determination in the management of her
affairs. She did not succeed in overcoming the prejudice of the English
queen-mother, and this was no doubt a cause of keen disappointment and
vexation to her own mistress. Mary had also other reasons for annoyance
on her own account. Besides the fact of Frances Stanhope’s conversion to
Rome, which was made as public as possible, she had to withstand her
mother’s pertinacity in this direction. Henrietta, who never left a
stone unturned to bring her children over to her own faith, insisted on
taking her elder daughter with her to her beloved convent at Chaillot,
in the hope of working on her feelings to the extent of securing her for
the fold of Rome. These efforts were useless, but they made matters more
or less uncomfortable for the Princess, who moreover strongly resented
anything in the shape of coercion. Keenly, therefore, as she appreciated
and admired the splendour and gaiety of the French Court, her visit was
not altogether free from drawbacks. Nevertheless, she might have
prolonged her stay but for the intelligence of her little son’s alarming
illness. It turned out to be only measles, and the child made a good
recovery, but his mother lost no time in starting on her journey, and it
was not long before she and her train found themselves once more at
home. It is certain that the Princess had at this time no suspicion of
any understanding between her brother and Anne Hyde, for the latter
remained in her service and high in her favour till the year before the
Restoration. One glimpse we have of the English girl at this time from
the facile and often extremely amusing pen of the Princess Palatine,
Elizabeth Charlotte, afterwards Duchesse d’Orléans, but at that time a
child. Her grandmother, the Queen of Bohemia, brought her to Mary’s
Court, a wild, unruly little person, but she records gratefully the fact
that Mistress Hyde was kind and good-natured.
“My aunt [Sophia, Electress of Hanover] did not visit the
Princess Royal, but the Queen of Bohemia did, and took me with
her. Before I set out, my aunt said to me: ‘Lisette, take care
not to behave as you generally do. Follow the Queen step by
step, that she may not have to wait for you.’ ‘Oh, aunt,’ I
replied, ‘you shall hear how well I behave.’
“When we arrived at the Princess Royal’s, whom I did not know, I
saw her son, whom I had often played with. After gazing for a
long time at his mother, without knowing who she was, I went
back to see if I could find any one who could tell me her name.
Seeing only the Prince of Orange, I said: ‘Pray can you tell me
who is that woman with so tremendous a nose?’ He laughed and
answered: ‘That is my Mother, the Princess Royal.’
“I was quite stupefied at the blunder I had committed. Mdlle
Hyde, perceiving my confusion, took me with the Prince into the
Princess’s bed chamber, where we played at all sorts of games. I
had told them to call me when the Queen was ready to go. We were
both rolling on a Turkey carpet when I was summoned. I arose in
great haste, and ran into the hall, but the Queen was already in
the ante-chamber. Without losing a moment I seized the robe of
the Princess Royal and, making her a courtesy at the same time,
placed myself directly before her, and followed the Queen step
by step into her coach. Every one was laughing at me, but I had
no idea what it was for.
“When we came home, the Queen sought out my aunt, and seating
herself on the bed, burst into a loud laugh. ‘Lisette,’ said
she, ‘has made a delightful visit,’ and related all I had done,
which made the Electress laugh more than her mother. ‘Lisette,’
said she, ‘you have done right, and revenged us well on the
haughtiness of the Princess.’”
This episode throws another side-light on Mary’s reputation for pride,
and her steady determination in exacting all the respect due to her
rank—a determination which we see to be more or less resented among her
German relations.[41]
Footnote 41:
“Tudor and Stuart Princesses.” Agnes Strickland.
During the years that were yet to intervene before the Restoration, Hyde
himself was to know little of peace. He was constantly on the move, now
with the King at Bruges, now obeying a summons from the Princess Royal.
His wife was writing in 1657 and 1658 to John Nicholas, on various
domestic questions, yet always betraying her disappointment at her
husband’s long absences and the uncertainty that attended his return to
her. The long and steady friendship with the family of the Secretary
extended over a long term of years, and never failed until death stepped
in to close it.
These letters were all written from Breda, at the house where the
Princess Dowager had established the Hyde family, and the first which
now follows was addressed to Bruges.
“_Sep. 20,
1657._
“I take it for a very perticuler favour to finde myselfe
preserved in Master Secretaries and my Ladys remembrance, and
you will very much oblige your servant in returning my most
humble and most affectionat serv’ces to them, please to assure
my Lady that I will be very carefull in obeying her commands,
but I am afrade I shall not performe them, as I desire, lining
Cloth being much deerer than ever I knew it, but Roberts and I
will doe our best; the goode Company you speake of will not make
me stay much the longer here, for as soone as my Husband hath
performed his duty to the Princesse we shall make hast to you,
my Husbands business not alowing him many play days, besids he
is impatient, w^{ch} I am in my winter matter, though wee are
now like to stay a little Longer then wee once intended. I hope
our frinds will not conclude w^{th} the rest that wee will come
no more, but looke upon the trew cause w^{ch} depends upon our
Master, thay say heare that the Princesse will be heare the
later end of the weake, and my Husband in his last gives me hops
that he shall be heare Saturday next, and he thretens me that he
will stay but very few days at Breda; to tell you I wish to be
at Bruges I know you will say is a compliment but I doe assure
you from the munite I leave the place, I shall wish myselfe
w^{th} your excelent familey to every of which I am a most reall
servant and very perticulerly
“S^r
“most affectionatly your
“faithfull servant
“FRAN: HYDE.
“Pray my serv’ces to your Brother and if it will not importune
you to much, lett the rest of my friends know I am there
servant.”[42]
Footnote 42:
2536, Nicholas Papers. Egerton MS.
The next letter is addressed to Brussels, to which place the Nicholas
family had transferred itself. Lady Hyde here makes allusion to one of
her children, Laurence, afterwards Earl of Rochester, who seems to have
become on his own account a correspondent of John Nicholas.
“_16 May
1658._
“I have many thankes to give you for your care to me, and though
it be longe, doe not forgitt the civilitie of your letter to me
w^{ch} the many indisposisons I have had sence my Lyeing in hath
kepte me from. Lory hath given you many a scrouble of from me of
w^{ch} I hope you will excuse w^{th} the rest. I am sure I must
relye one your goodnesse for it. Your last to Lory hath given me
great sattisfactione in Mr Secretaries perfecte recoverey. I
pray God continew his health to him, and make you and your hole
familey as happy as I wishe you. I was in hopes to have bin
w^{th} you longe before this time but the unsertainty of the
Kings being, keepes me still here, and now my Lord sends me word
that he will come hether, so that I am not like to see you a
great while, unlesse Mr Secretarey please to make his way to
Bruges whether I here he intends to goe as soon as the Kinge is
gon, pray tell him from me w^{th} my humble serv’ces that it is
but a Summers [day?] Journey and I know my Lady will dispense
w^h his absence for a few days more. If my Lady your Mother
still want a waiteing woman, I can helpe her to a prety younge
maid, I beleave you may know her mother, it is Mrs Gandye; now
if my Lady will doe an acte of Charity, I beleave she will in a
short time make her fitt for her serv’ces but she is holy to be
tought. I can only commend her for a prety civil maid, and truly
I beleave her capable to learne. She is about my haight and 16
yeares of age. I would not write to my Lady about it, because
even you can tell better then I can, whether this is fit
proposition, all w^{ch} I refere to you and desire only this
from you, that you would not move it to my Lady, unlesse you
like it very well, for I tell you againe she is to be maid a
servant by those that take her. Excuse this trouble with the
rest.”
Lady Hyde seems to have been as eager to supply her friends with
servants as some of her sisters in modern life, but laudably anxious to
be quite discreet in her recommendations.
In the next letter, dated 27th May 1658, there is an allusion to her
eldest son Henry, who was to succeed his father as second Earl of
Clarendon and who was at this time at Brussels under the care of the
Nicholas family. There is also mention of little Frances, the younger
daughter, who seems to have come back to her mother’s keeping recently
from England (if she had been left there). The remark as to her English
speaking points to this conclusion. But the chief anxiety in the
writer’s mind is the condition of her father, Sir Thomas Aylesbury, who
was an inmate of her house, and then in rapidly failing health.
“You are very much in the wright, I am not yet so raidy, and if
I were, should not use it to my friends and perticulerly where I
owe so much as to your familey, and w^{th} our acomplement the
blush would returne upon myselfe, if I should forgitt to returne
my thankes to you. I am againe to thanke you for delivering my
message to Mr Secretarey, and upon my word both he and you
s^{hd} be very welcome if you make Breda your way to Bruges.
M^{rs} Frances will be able to make you speaches in English, w^h
I am sure you will say is Language enough for a woman, and if
this will not bringe you, I can say no more. I am glad my
Husband hath refused to lend his House at Bruges, it Lookes, as
you say, as if it shou’d returne, but of this I know nothing,
but I assure you I should have great sattisfactione if it bringe
me to my Lady. I beleave indeed it is not possible for you to
guise at my Lord’s coming; I thinke from the first weeke of my
being brought to bed, he hath promised to come to me, but now I
will not so much as thinke of it till I see him, though he still
says it will not be long before he come. I wish I could tell you
that my Father were well but his sore mouth makes me much
afraide of him and yett to-day at present I thinke him better
than he was a week agoe; haveing latly hard from Monsieur
Charles I cannot but tell you that he is well, and his dry Nurse
assures me he grows apace. Pray present my afectionat and humble
serve’s to M^r Secretarie, and when you write to Bruges lett my
Lady know I am her most faithfull servant; though I am to make
no complaints, you may tell my Hary I have not hard from his
Father sence the 20. I wish it may prove a signe of your
removing towards Breda.”
The succeeding letter, which is dated 3rd June 1658, contains an
allusion to the siege of Dunkirk, which had been invested on the 25th
May by the English and French forces under Turenne. The Spanish army
marched from Brussels to relieve the town, and in this host were the
Dukes of York and Gloucester and the famous Condé, who, however, was not
allowed a free hand, for it was against his advice that the Spanish
Ambassador, Don John of Austria, persisted in giving battle. It was then
that the Prince said to the Duke of Gloucester: “Did you ever see a
battle fought?” and on the boy answering that he had not, Condé[43]
rejoined grimly, “Well, you will soon see a battle lost.”
Footnote 43:
Knight’s “Popular History of England.”
“This is to acknowledge yours of the 27. of the last Month and
to intreate you to returne my humble serv’es to my Lady w^h my
thankes for her willingness to receive a servant from me. Pray
assure her La^{sp} I am very well sattisfied with her reason in
not taking another servant at this time, and when I have the
happiness to see my Lady shall speake w^{th} her more at large
of the person I would recomend to her. I am very sorry the
plague is feared at Bruges, and much troubled for Dunquerque. I
pray God preserve them from the French. I hope you will not be
angry if I wish my Lady’s house at Breda this sumer, upon my
word I should looke upon it as a great blessing to me. What the
people w^{th} you intend, God knows, and though I must submitt
to my Lords businesse, I confesse I am troubled that he is not
now heare, my Father being not like to recover, and wishing
every day to see my Husband, this will I hope excuse my sad
impatience. Pray my humble serv’es to M^r Secretary and tell him
I doe still hope to see him here as I do our souter.”
The letter of 6th June makes another reference to Dunkirk.
“You are so great a courter that I could quarrell w^{th} you for
useing me so like a strainger, and you have forgotten my humor
if you thinke I expect it from my freinds. I am very glad that
you have some hopes of Mr Secretaries cominge hether, pray
present my humble serv’es to him and be sure you doe all good
offeces that may bringe him to Breda. If my Lady Steephens can
helpe my Lady your Mother to a good waiteing woman and it be not
inconvenent to my Lady to take her I hope nothing I have said
shall hender her from it, for the Person I proposed is to be
maid usefull to my Lady by her owne trouble in scatching and
making her fitt for her La^{ps} serv’es, and therefore is not to
keepe her from a better. I only named this in case there were
not a better to be had and so beseech you to lett my Lady know
w^{th} my most affectionat and humble serv’es to her. Thay say
Dunquerque is releeved, but being but Breda’s news I feare it,
how ever I wish my Lady a neerer neighbor and that it were in my
power to doe anything towards it that I might inioye her La^{ps}
company. Sence I tould you that I thought my Father was better,
I have bin in a great fright for him but I thanke God he is now
better and was this week tooke to take the Ayre w^{ch} I thinke
hath don him goode, but God knows he is brought very low, w^{ch}
keepes me in continual fear for him though I am very confident
my Lord will come to Breda, and beleave you thinke he will
surprise me, yett the people he hath to Leave w^{th} are so
unsertane that it is imposible for me to beleave anything of his
coming tell I see him: my Father’s illnesse makes me more
impatient of his stay then otherways I should be but I must
submitt to all.”
The next letter of 13th June lays further stress on Sir Thomas
Aylesbury’s failing condition, and there is an allusion which looks as
if little Frances Hyde were a special pet of the Secretary’s.
“You see how kind I am to myself in desiring so good a family as
yours neere me and I wish w^{th} all my heart it might be in my
power to serve my Lady if she should be put to a remove I assure
you none could w^{th} greater alacrety serve her then myselfe in
the meane time, so if my Lady have a mind to change the ayre I
will make her as good a conveniency w^{th} me as I can. I thanke
you for the share you are pleased to beare with us in our
afflictions for my Father. I am daly in great aprehensions of
him yett at present wee thinke him somthing better then he was,
pray give me your prayers for him; my Lord hath againe given me
hopes of seeing him this weeke and by w^t you say I should be
confident of it, but the King’s irresolution makes me still in
doubt. The sweete meate box w^{th} out asking any questions, is
most freely at your dispose. I will still hope to see Mr
Secretarie here, and so pray tell him with my most humble
serv’es and that his servant little Franke shall eate cold
puding with him for a wager, my humble serv’es to my Lady your
Mother when you write, if you will excuse the hast of this
scribled paper. I shall not doubt of your charity to
“S^r your most faithfull servant.”
All the letters show how much the movements of the exiled King and his
sister affected the Hyde household at Breda, and Lady Hyde’s comments
betray a certain impatience and irritation at the fact. It is evident
that to some extent she resented her husband’s constant periods of
absence, and scarcely considered them necessary, though she saw nothing
for it but submission.
“_June 27._
“I am now doeing a thing I doe not love to doe w^h is to
acknowledge three of yours in owne and if I had bin alone at
Breda would not have forgiven my selfe the neclicing it so long,
my Lord’s coming alone would not have kepte me from it but in
ernest sence the Kinge and Princesse came so neere Breda, I can
safely say I have not had an houre in the day to my selfe, and
this minit I have now gott in is by stealing out of a croude
w^{ch} will not alow me tim enough to ensware every particular
of yours. I hope I am wrightly understud by you that I would not
impose anything upon my Lady your Mother in w^{ch} I writ about
the waiteing-woman, it being meerely my owne thoughts, for the
person knows nothing of it, and my businesse was only to serve
my Lady, if she were willing to undertake the trouble of her.
Sence my husband hath found out so easy a way for my Lady I hope
she will alow us some time here where I can assure her a reall
and harty welcome w^{ch} I wish might make up for w^t will be
wanting in the entertaine her according to my desire to a person
I so truly love and honoure. Hary tells me of a third designe to
borow our House at Bruges w^{ch} w^{th} your timely notes I
thinke I shall prevent. I thank you for your prayres w^{ch} I
still aske from you, though I doubt my Father will not long
inioye the benefitte of them here, he weareing every day a way,
I may calle it like a lampe. I pray God it may be of no more
paine to him then yett it hath bin; now I have tould you this I
know you will pitty my conditione that must whether I will or
now entertaine and put on a cheere looke. I would say more but
Hary calles a waye w^{ch} must w^{th} all other faults excuse
this hast.”
Her eldest son had returned, and his mother in a letter of 5th August
speaks as if his health had been a matter of some anxiety.
“By your last I was in hope you would have bin at Hoochstraet in
a very short time but Mr Secretary’s last illnesse makes me
doubt all thoughts of that journey are Laid aside and
consequently that you will not come to Breda w^{ch} in ernest I
am sory for. I hope I shall not faile in my next my Husband
haveing promised me that I shall come to Bruxelles this winter
where I promise my selfe great sattisfactione in your excelant
family. I give you many thankes for your great care and
kindnesse to Hary of home I will have all the care I can and doe
not doubt but he will have much better health now he is like to
have more liberty in order to w^{ch} his Father hath taken a
Secretary w^h I beleeve Hary hath allredy tould you, as I am
confident he did that he and Lory were to goe into Holand for a
weeke w^{th} Mr Bealing. I would not have given you the trouble
of this account, but that I know you are Hary’s friend.”
Three days later, on 8th August, Lady Hyde alludes to the great sorrow
which has befallen her in the death of her father, Sir Thomas Aylesbury,
who died as previously mentioned at the age of eighty-one, surrounded by
all the care and affection his daughter could lavish on him.
“I doe acknowledge I am two Letters in your dett the former of
w^h I had answered longe before this but you know the sad
conditione I was in at this time w^{ch} is so inst: an excuse
and to tell you the truth I am yett unfit for anything else. I
had sent you a chalinge while you were at Antwerp for not
gitting one day to come to Miss Francesse, who is now al the
merth of our house, but in ernest I was in hope then to have
seene you, for I knew you were to returne to my Lady when the
Kinge did, she being so newly come to a strange place which I
have sent Mr Secretary word hath maid his pease for the present.
From Hochstraet now is the place I looke for to see you, by
w^{ch} time I hope my Lady will thinke it fitt to take the Ayre,
I can say no more but assure you a harty wellcome.”
The last letter to be transcribed, written on 29th September, is a short
one.
“I am a gaine two Letters in your dett but Downings’ disturbance
was the cause w^{ch} hath kept me from acknowlideing my Lady’s
favour and reioycing w^{th} you for Mr Secretary’s recovery, for
all w^{ch} I hope to make my peace when I come, my husband tells
me that shall be so quickely there, that I will say no more tell
I come, but intreate you to favour me w^{th} my humble serv’es
to Mr Secretarey and my Lady and your brother.”
These letters give a fairly close impression of the exiled Hyde
household at the time when that expatriation was drawing to its close.
The picture of Frances Hyde, the dutiful daughter, the devoted wife, the
affectionate mother, the loyal friend, is a pleasant one, but one
singular point must be noted. There is no allusion to the eldest
daughter. And yet Anne, in attendance on the Princess, must have been in
constant communication with her parents, both in person and by letter.
Indeed there are four letters from Anne to her father which, though
undated as to the year, may probably be placed in 1658 or 1659, towards
the end of her period of service.
“HOUNSLERDYKE,
“_July 24_.
“MY LORD,—I received yours of the 19 but yesterday, and am very
glad you weare not displeased with me. I am sure I shall never
willingly give you cause to be soe, and it would be the greatest
trouble to me in the world if euer you are it, for the business
of the play I assure you I shall never doe any such thing
without her Highness command and when that is I am confident
your Lord^p will not be displeased with me for it and in that
and all things els neuer have nor neuer will give anybody any
just cause to say anything of me. Miss Culpeper is this day gone
to her Brother’s wedding when shee returnes I hope your
Lord^{sp} will give me leave to see you somewheire in the meane
time I humbly beg yours and my Mothers blessing upon
“My Lord, your Lord^{sps}
“Most dutiful and obedient daughter
“ANNE HYDE.”[44]
Footnote 44:
Clarendon State Papers, MS. (Bodleian).
This seems to refer to some acting in which she was concerned, and which
her father did not altogether approve. The following allusion in a
letter from the Queen of Bohemia to Charles may refer to something of
the sort:
“We have now gotten a new divertisement of little plays after
supper. It was here the last week end, and now this week at your
sister’s. I hope the godly will preach against it also.”[45]
Footnote 45:
“Tudor and Stuart Princesses.” Agnes Strickland.
Anne’s next letter to Hyde contains a covert complaint of poverty. In
the light of subsequent events it is easy to see how such a condition
must have been irritating to the writer.
“HAGE,
“_August
22_.
“MY LORD,—I received yours of the 20 this minit when I cam
hither with her Highness in our way to Hounslerdyke from Tyling
wheire wee left my Lady Stanhope, it is true that her Highness
went incognito, but for business shee had none at least that I
could see, but to buy some thinges, it is a very fine place but
very troublesome to see when one has noe more money to lay out
then I had, but however I am very well satified to have been
theire. I pray God you may quickely heare some good news from
England, we are heare in great paine not hearing anything at
all, the Princess euery post askes me what I heare therefore
when theire is anything may be known, I shall be glad to have it
to tell her, my humble duty I beseech you to my Mother and be
pleased to give both your blessings to, my Lord, your Lord^{sps}
most dutifull and obedient daughter,
“ANNE HYDE.”
The next two letters indicate that the maid of honour’s empty purse is
replenished or to be so shortly.
“HAGE,
“_October 21_.
“MY LORD,—Though I heard noething from Bruxells this last post I
hope you are by this time perfectly recouered of your cold which
I heard troubled you soe much that I was afraid my letter then
would but have been troublesome to your Lord^{sps} which was the
cause I have been soe long without writeing, but I can now give
you some account of what you spoke to Monsieur D’Heenvliet, he
told me that he has spoke to her Highness and that shee had
promised I should very quickly have some money I am sure if he
does what he can in it it may eassily be done, wee goe next
weeke to Breda but the day is not yet named, but I suppose it
will be the latter end of the weeke because her Highness is
first to carry the Prince to Leyden. My humble duty I beseech
you to my Mother, and be pleased to give both your blessings
upon my Lord your Lord^{sps} most dutifull and obedient
daughter,
“ANNE
HYDE.”[46]
Footnote 46:
Clarendon State Papers, MS. (Bodleian).
“HAGE,
“_November 3_.
“MY LORD,—I have received yours of the 13th and am very glad the
King is at the Frontiers. I pray God this change in England may
worke a good one for his Majesty, and give him cause quickly to
come backe that wee might once againe hope to meett in England;
her Highness carries the Prince to-morrow to Leyden which is the
cause I write this to-day and by the Grace of God wee shall
without faile goe sometime the next weeke to Breda where I shall
expect your Lord^{sps} and my Mother’s commands since you will
have it soe, I will believe I am obliged to Monsieur d’Heenvliet
though I confess I cannot see how he could avoyd speakeing after
you desired him and the proffession he makes and I am sure he
deed but barely speake and I must beleeve that more is in his
power. I humbly beg my Mother’s and your blessing upon my Lord
your Lord^{sps} most dutifull and obedient daughter,
“ANNE HYDE.”[47]
Footnote 47:
Clarendon State Papers, MS. (Bodleian).
The prince mentioned in these two letters is of course Mary’s only son
William, destined afterwards to be King of England, but at this time a
little boy.
And through these years from 1656 to 1659 Anne was keeping her secret
well. Whether the Duke of York had arranged any means of communication
or not, enough had been said at Paris. Love can live on a very small
modicum of hope, and Anne’s nature may well have been of the stuff which
is “wax to receive and marble to retain.”[48]
Footnote 48:
It is possible that her mother had some inkling of the state of
affairs, and the uneasy consciousness of this may have prompted her
silence as to her daughter in her own correspondence.
At this point it may be as well to see what manner of man the English
prince, fated from childhood to a life of exile, appeared to his
contemporaries at this period of his life.
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