The Battle of Kenesaw Mountain—On to Marietta—Across the
Chattahoochie—General Johnston succeeded by General Hood—
Marching and Fighting—Death of McPherson—Fight at Jonesboro—
The last struggle for Atlanta—Victory.
JUNE 14th, General Hooker was on the right and front of the rebel
intrenchments, General Howard on the left and front. A heavy cannonading
was opened, filling the air with bursting shells and whistling balls,
till the old mountains echoed with the thunder and shouts of battle, and
hung upon their tops the streamers of its sulphurous smoke. Look away
among the rebel battalions, and mark that daring and conspicuous
officer, with the air of dignified, cultivated, and mature manhood. With
words of command on his lips, he reels, and falls from his steed. The
fatal missile has opened the life current of the Bishop and General
Polk, the severest loss to the rebels of that sanguinary day.
The next morning brightened the summit of Pine Mountain without the
gleaming bayonets and bristling cannon on which the sunset rays fell a
few hours before; the enemy had abandoned the summit during the night.
The heroic Thomas and Schofield immediately advanced, and found the
stubborn foe again strongly intrenched along a range of rocky hills
running from Kenesaw to Lost Mountain. General McPherson crowded the
opposing lines on the left. The unyielding and steady advance of the
Union forces made the sides of Lost Mountain too warm for the rebels,
and on the 17th, just when General Sherman was about to order a charge,
they withdrew, leaving in our hands not only the formidable heights, but
the “admirable breastworks connecting it with Kenesaw Mountain.” Onward
through dark forests and across deep ravines, the resolute chief led the
“boys,” fighting every step of the way, toward the next fiery barrier of
bullets and steel. This was found at Kenesaw. The fastness had become
the last defence against the Northern troops among the peaks which had
for more than two weeks frowned upon them. It was the enemy’s front, the
outer lines having fallen back to cover Marietta and the railroad to the
Chattahoochie.
Sadly glorious deeds were done in these wilderness fights. When the One
Hundred and Nineteenth New York regiment was so near the hostile ranks
that a halt to throw up a temporary breastwork of logs was necessary, by
some singular and melancholy mistake a party of twelve or fifteen men
were ordered to advance beyond these works on picket duty. Though
knowing that it was almost certain death to show their heads above the
walls of their little fort, still they obeyed without question or
hesitation. They had advanced scarcely more than a rod beyond their
comrades, when a heavy volley of musketry prostrated to the ground every
man save two! Two were killed instantly, and the rest wounded more or
less severely. All of the wounded, however, were able to drag themselves
back and escape, except one poor fellow, Sergeant Guider, who was so
badly wounded that he could not stir from his place. There he lay almost
within arms-length of his comrades, and yet they were powerless to
rescue him or give him aid, so galling was the rebel fire. One bolder
than the rest made the hazardous attempt, but scarcely had he got over
the breastworks when he fell severely wounded. They endeavored to allay
his raging thirst by throwing to him canteens of water, and even one of
these was pierced by a rebel bullet. Finally, as they could not go over
the breastworks, they dug a way under them with no other implements than
their bayonets, and through it two men crawled and succeeded in reaching
him unhurt. Just as they reached him their comrades in the rear gave an
exultant cheer, which elicited from the rebels another volley. A fatal
ball pierced the poor fellow’s breast for a second time, and he had only
time to murmur feebly to his rescuers, “Now I die content; I am in your
hands,” and expired.
Then came the terrible assault upon the stronghold to dislodge the
enemy. Oh, how bravely yet vainly did the columns to whom the voice of
their leader was enough to take them anywhere, dash against the rocks
terraced with cannon! Again the charge sounded, and, like tides
thundering on the face of Gibraltar, the lion-hearted Hooker hurled his
forces upon the death-dealing intrenchments. There was an Illinois
regiment, whose sublime patriotism, like that of the One Hundred and
Nineteenth New York, shed immortal radiance on the sanguinary field,
assuring all men that our conflict is no tragical play of ambition, or
murderous work of revenge.
“In the bloody charge led by General Hooker, the Twenty-seventh Illinois
was pressing upon the rebel works; and when they had approached very
near them, Michael Delaney, the color-bearer, rushed some ten paces
forward ahead of his regiment, and holding aloft the starry banner of
his country, shouted to his comrades to follow. Just then a ball struck
his left arm, inflicting a flesh wound, from which the blood trickled in
profuse currents. Still grasping the flag, and keeping it to the breeze,
he drew his revolver, and rushing forward, leaped upon the enemy’s
works, waving his flag, and firing his pistol upon the foe. Thus,
standing upon the enemy’s works, his pistol in hand, and his colors
streaming over his head, two rebels approached him, one on each side,
and thrust their bayonets into the sides of the hero martyr. He felt the
cold steel pierce to the very quick of his young life, yet he did not
falter. With the blood gushing from his wounds, he clasped the flag to
his breast, and bore it back in safety to his comrades, among whom he
soon after bled to death. Though no star or eagle decorated his
shoulders, he is of the country’s heroes, his name stamped among theirs,
high on the roll of honor. Though no sculptured marble may mark the spot
of his lonely grave among the melancholy pines of northern Georgia, his
intrepid bravery entitles him to the homage of all who honor the flag he
so bravely bore, and laid down his life to save. The Twenty-seventh
Illinois regiment suffered heavily, but behaved nobly, in this fierce
and unequal contest.”
And the unresting, yet patient, sagacious commander, in his own report,
tells us how he alarmed his antagonist, and drew him away from the
slopes of Kenesaw to save his path of retreat: “On the 1st of July
General McPherson was ordered to throw his whole army by the right down
to and threaten Nickajack Creek and Turner’s Ferry, across
Chattahoochie. General McPherson commenced his movement on the night of
July 2d, and the effect was instantaneous. The next morning Kenesaw was
abandoned, and with the first dawn of day I saw our skirmishers appear
on the mountain top. General Thomas’s whole line was then moved forward
to the railroad, and turned south in pursuit toward the Chattahoochie.
In person I entered Marietta at 8.30 o’clock in the morning, just as the
enemy’s cavalry vacated the place. General Logan’s corps of General
McPherson’s army, which had not moved far, was ordered back into
Marietta by the main road, and General McPherson and General Schofield
were instructed to cross Nickajack, and attack the enemy in flank and
rear, and, if possible, to catch him in the confusion of crossing the
Chattahoochie; but Johnston had foreseen and provided against all this,
and had covered his movement well. He had intrenched a strong
_tête-du-pont_ at the Chattahoochie, with an advanced intrenched line
across the road at Smyrna camp-meeting ground, five miles from
Marietta.”
Strange scenes, indeed, are witnessed in this civil war: “The two armies
in Georgia met in the persons of some of their superior
officers—Generals Clayborne, Cheatham, Hindman, and Maney—parties
having been detailed from each by mutual agreement, for the burial of
their dead. Grouped together in seemingly fraternal unity were officers
and men of both contending armies, who but five minutes before were
engaged in the work of slaughter and death. Cheatham looked rugged and
healthy, though seemingly sad and despondent. He wore his ‘fatigue’
dress, a blue flannel shirt, black necktie, gray homespun pantaloons,
and slouch black hat. Colonel Clancy, of the Fifty-second Ohio, in
talking to Generals Maney and Hindman, remarked that it was a sad state
of affairs to witness human beings of a common origin and nationality
dig two hours every day to bury the dead of twenty minutes’ fighting.
‘Yes, yes, indeed,’ said one, ‘but if the settlement of this thing were
left to our armies there would be peace and good fellowship established
in two hours.’”
With the “forward to Atlanta!” ringing over the proud ranks of Generals
Logan, Howard, Palmer, and Hooker, moving out through the enemy’s works,
and defiling into the valley along the railroad toward Marietta, let us
look into the deserted mountain fortress. First you will notice twenty
feet in front of the battlements, to prevent approach, the small trees
cut down and sharpened, presenting an impenetrable thicket of pointed
green-wood under the “dread artillery.” Besides, “hay-rakes,” as they
are called by the “boys,” are added. They are trees half of a foot in
diameter, pierced with two rows of auger holes about the same distance
apart, through which are driven sticks sharp at both ends—no trifling
barrier to a successful charge. Inside of the defences all the means of
strength suggested by military art had been employed to make them
impregnable. But before the irresistible Sherman, General Johnston is
obliged to retreat, hastening on toward the bulwarks of Atlanta.
At Smyrna, General Sherman continues: “General Thomas found him, his
front covered by a good parapet, and his flanks behind the Nickajack and
Rottenwood Creeks. Ordering a garrison for Marietta, and General Logan
to join his own army near the mouth of Nickajack, I overtook General
Thomas at Smyrna. On the 4th of July we pushed a strong skirmish line
down the main road, capturing the entire line of the enemy’s pits, and
made strong demonstrations along Nickajack Creek, and about Turner’s
Ferry. This had the desired effect, and the next morning the enemy was
gone, and the army moved to the Chattahoochie, General Thomas’s left
flank resting on it near Price’s Ferry, General McPherson’s right at the
mouth of Nickajack, and General Schofield in reserve; the enemy lay
behind a line of unusual strength, covering the railroad and pontoon
bridges and beyond the Chattahoochie.”
The commander-in-chief now began to cast about for places to ford the
Chattahoochie, whose waters crossed his path. He had secured three safe
points of passage above his enemy, with good roads running toward the
city, ten miles distant, on which his eager eye was fixed.
Marietta, where General Johnston paused to make a faint resistance
before reaching the river, is a pleasant town which before the war
contained a thousand inhabitants, with neat villas and elegant brick
mansions. Nearly all the families left before or with the rebel army on
their retreat, leaving their deserted houses and gardens as trophies for
the “invading horde of Lincolnites.” But about forty houses were
occupied, principally by rabid rebel women, who, as our officers rode
through the town, betrayed evident uneasiness, rushing into their houses
in some instances, and locking their doors against all callers who
politely asked admittance. The town is beautifully situated in the
Kenesaw valley, with nearly all the houses nestling in beautiful groves
of southern trees that gave forth fragrant odors, to mingle with the air
that is wafted to the mountain resort, where the ladies made their
lookout to witness the efforts of the Federals to drive back Johnston
and his followers. Our troops occupied the town about ten o’clock, while
the bells of the Episcopal Church pealed out the call to public worship.
The minister and the congregation were not interrupted in their
devotions, the troops behaved very orderly, and, after a brief rest,
resumed the march to the Chattahoochie.
While here, the chieftain wrote the following noble letter to a friend
of former days, the wife of Rev. Charles Bowen, in reply to a note
reminding him of the cherished past in their social relations, and of
the melancholy present with its cruel “Yankee invasion.”
“HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, }
IN THE FIELD NEAR MARIETTA, GA., _June 30_. }
“_Mrs. Anna Gilman Bowen, Baltimore, Md._
“DEAR MADAM: Your welcome letter of June 18th, came to me here
amid the sound of battle, and, as you say, little did I dream,
when I knew you, playing as a school-girl on Sullivan’s Island
beach, that I should control a vast army, pointing, like the
swarm of Alaric, toward the plains of the South. Why, oh why is
this? If I know my own heart it beats as warmly as ever toward
those kind and generous families that greeted us with such warm
hospitality in days long past but still present in memory, and
to-day, were Frank and Mrs. Porcher, and Eliza Gilman, and Mary
Lamb, and Margaret Blake, the Barksdales, the Quashis, the
Pryors, indeed any and all of our cherished circle, their
children, or even their children’s children, to come to me as of
old, the stern feelings of duty and conviction would melt as
snow before the genial sun, and I believe I would strip my own
children that they might be sheltered; and yet they call me
barbarian, vandal, and monster, and all the epithets that
language can invent that are significant of malignity and hate.
All I pretend to say, on earth as in Heaven, man must submit to
some arbiter. He must not throw off his allegiance to his
Government or his God without just reason and cause. The South
has no cause; not even a pretext. Indeed, by her unjustifiable
course she has thrown away the proud history of the past, and
laid open her fair country to the tread of devastating war. She
bantered and bullied us to the conflict. Had we declined battle,
America would have sunk back, coward and craven, meriting the
contempt of all mankind. As a nation, we were forced to accept
battle, and that once begun, it has gone on till the war has
assumed proportions at which even we in the hurly-burly
sometimes stand aghast. I would not subjugate the South in the
term so offensively assumed, but I would make every citizen of
the land obey the common law, submit to the same that we do—no
worse, no better—our equals and not our superiors. I know and
you know that there were young men in our day, now no longer
young, but who control their fellows, who assumed to the
gentlemen of the South a superiority of courage and manhood, and
boastingly defied us of northern birth to arms. God knows how
reluctantly we accepted the issue, but once the issue joined,
like the northern race in other ages, though slow to anger, once
aroused are more terrible than the more inflammable of the
South. Even yet my heart bleeds when I see the carnage of
battle, the desolation of homes, the bitter anguish of families;
but the very moment the men of the South say that instead of
appealing to war they should have appealed to reason, to our
Congress, to our courts, to religion, and to the experience of
history, then will I say Peace—Peace; go back to your point of
error, and resume your places as American citizens, with all
their proud heritages. Whether I shall live to see this period
is problematical, but you may, and may tell your mother and
sisters that I never forgot one kind look or greeting, or ever
wished to efface its remembrance; but in putting on the armor of
war I did it that our common country should not perish in infamy
and dishonor. I am married, have a wife and six children living
in Lancaster, Ohio. My course has been an eventful one, but I
hope when the clouds of anger and passion are dispersed, and
truth emerges bright and clear, you and all who knew me in early
years will not blush that we were once dear friends. Tell Eliza
for me that I hope she may live to realize that the doctrine of
‘secession’ is as monstrous in our civil code as disobedience
was in the Divine law. And should the fortunes of war ever bring
you or your sisters, or any of our old clique under the shelter
of my authority, I do not believe they will have cause to regret
it. Give my love to your children, and the assurance of my
respects to your honored husband.
“Truly, W. T. SHERMAN.”
Wrote a loyal pen in that grand cavalcade of freedom from the heights on
the banks of the Chattahoochie: “The view is exceedingly interesting.
Away off to the southeast, ten miles distant, can be distinctly seen the
farm-houses that nestle in the forests around Atlanta—the tall spires
of the churches and public buildings, and the fortifications that guard
the approaches to the ‘Gate City.’ Stretching away to the south, the eye
beholds a vast forest, dotted by innumerable plantations and villages.
Nearer, almost at the base of the mountain, the Serpentine River can be
seen through the thick growth of trees that line its banks, while the
military, State, and private roads to the east and south, remind the
beholder of a huge spider’s web, so numerous are they, and forming so
many angles.
“On the 4th the curiosity of the troops to see Atlanta was so strong,
that stragglers left their regiments and climbed the side from which
they viewed the promised land to which they are ‘pilgrimaging.’ Many of
the poor fellows, I fear, will never live to obtain a nearer view, as a
desperate defence will be made ere Johnston evacuates it for another
position, and by surrendering it open the doors for greater Federal
success beyond and on either side.”
July 10th found General Sherman in possession of the country north and
west of the river, with only the smoking ruins of the enemy’s bridges
left to tell of his hurried retreat toward Atlanta, for whose gates the
race was renewed. Manœuvring, marching, and skirmishing again, marked
the movements of the contending armies.
I shall let you read further the great commander’s own story of the
chase after leaving the banks of the river, in which he pays a passing
tribute to the gallant McPherson:
“On the 21st of July we felt the enemy in his intrenched position, which
was found to crown the heights overlooking the comparatively open ground
of the valley of Peach-tree Creek, his right beyond the Augusta road to
the east, and his left well toward Turner’s Ferry, on the Chattahoochie,
at a general distance from Atlanta of about four miles.
“On the morning of the 22d, somewhat to my surprise, this whole line was
found abandoned, and I confess I thought the enemy had resolved to give
us Atlanta without further contest; but General Johnston had been
relieved of his command, and General Hood substituted. A new policy
seemed resolved on, of which the bold attack on our right was the index.
Our advancing ranks swept across the strong and well-finished parapet of
the enemy, and closed in upon Atlanta, until we occupied a line in the
form of a general circle of about two miles radius, when we again found
him occupying in force a line of finished redoubts, which had been
prepared for more than a year, covering all the roads leading into
Atlanta; and we found him also busy in connecting these redoubts with
curtains strengthened by rifle trenches, abatis, and chevaux-de-frise.
[Illustration: MAP OF GEORGIA]
“General McPherson, who had advanced from Decatur, continued to follow
substantially the railroad, with the Fifteenth Corps, General Logan; the
Seventeenth, General Blair, on its left; and the Sixteenth, General
Dodge, on its right; but as the general advance of all the armies
contracted the circle, the Sixteenth Corps, General Dodge, was thrown
out of line by the Fifteenth connecting on the right with General
Schofield near the Howard House. General McPherson, the night before,
had gained a high hill to the south and east of the railroad, where the
Seventeenth Corps had, after a severe fight, driven the enemy, and it
gave him a most commanding position, within easy view of the very heart
of the city. He had thrown out working-parties to it, and was making
preparations to occupy it in strength with batteries. The Sixteenth
Corps, General Dodge, was ordered from right to left to occupy this
position and make it a strong general, left flank. General Dodge was
moving by a diagonal path, or wagon track, leading from the Decatur road
in the direction of General Blair’s left flank. General McPherson
remained with me until near noon, when some reports reaching us that
indicated a movement of the enemy on that flank, he mounted and rode
away with his staff. I must here also state that the day before I had
detached General Garrard’s cavalry to go to Covington, on the Augusta
road, forty-two miles east of Atlanta, and from that point to send
detachments to break the two important bridges across the Yellow and
Ulcofauhatchee Rivers, tributaries of Ocmulgee, and General McPherson
had also left his wagon-train at Decatur under a guard of three
regiments, commanded by Colonel, now General Sprague. Soon after General
McPherson left me at the Howard House, as before described, I heard the
sounds of musketry to our left rear—at first mere pattering shots, but
soon they grew in volume, accompanied with artillery, and about the same
time the sound of guns was heard in the direction of Decatur. No doubt
could longer be entertained of the enemy’s plan of action, which was to
throw a superior force on our left flank, while he held us with his
forts in front, the only question being as to the amount of force he
could employ at that point. I hastily transmitted orders to all points
of our centre and right to press forward, and to give full employment to
all the enemy in his lines, and for General Schofield to hold as large a
force in reserve as possible, awaiting developments. Not more than half
an hour after General McPherson had left me, viz., about 12½ P. M. of
the 22d, his adjutant-general, Lieutenant-Colonel Clark, rode up and
reported that General McPherson was either dead or a prisoner; that he
had ridden from me to General Dodge’s column, moving as heretofore
described, and had sent off nearly all his staff and orderlies on
various errands, and himself had passed into a narrow path or road that
led to the left and rear of General Giles A. Smith’s division, which was
General Blair’s extreme left; that a few minutes after he had entered
the woods a sharp volley was heard in that direction, and his horse had
come out riderless, having two wounds. The suddenness of this terrible
calamity would have overwhelmed me with grief, but the living demanded
my whole thoughts. I instantly despatched a staff officer to General
John A. Logan, commanding the Fifteenth Corps, to tell him what had
happened; that he must assume command of the Army of the Tennessee, and
hold stubbornly the ground already chosen.
“But among the dead was Major-General McPherson, whose body was
recovered and brought to me in the heat of battle, and I had it sent, in
charge of his personal staff, back to Marietta, on its way to his
northern home. He was a noble youth, of striking personal appearance, of
the highest professional capacity, and with a heart abounding in
kindness, that drew to him the affections of all men. His sudden death
devolved the command of the Army of the Tennessee on the no less brave
and gallant General Logan, who nobly sustained his reputation and that
of his veteran army, and avenged the death of his comrade and
commander.”
What high appreciation of a gifted and gallant officer, tender regard,
and sublime self-control, are displayed in those words from the field of
carnage! Lieutenant-General Grant was not ashamed to weep in his tent
over McPherson’s death; in the closing circle of conflict around
Atlanta, General Sherman could only feel the pang of poignant regret,
and marshal the unfallen for further and bloodier strife.
At this crisis, Congress having passed a law authorizing the
organization of colored troops, a Massachusetts State Agent applied to
him to know where, in the rebel States penetrated by our troops, would
be the best points for recruiting stations. His letter in reply will
possess interest, because while it furnishes the desired information, it
contains the writer’s views of the subject. The best treasure, and the
best blood of the nation, has been his estimate of the great and
glorious sacrifice demanded in our struggle for national existence. He
scorns all evasions of duty, and resorts to doubtful expedients, for
relief from any of the burdens of such a war.
“HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, }
IN THE FIELD, NEAR ATLANTA, GA., _July 30, 1864_. }
“SIR: Yours from Chattanooga, July 28th, is received, notifying
me of your appointment by your State as lieutenant-colonel and
provost-marshal of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, under the
act of Congress approved July 4, 1864, to recruit volunteers to
be credited to the States respectively. On applying to General
Webster, at Nashville, he will grant you a pass through our
lines to those States, and, as I have had considerable
experience in those States, would suggest recruiting depots to
be established at Macon and Columbus, Miss., Selma, Montgomery,
and Mobile, Alabama, and Columbus, Milledgeville, and Savannah,
Georgia. I do not see that the law restricts you to black
recruits, but you are at liberty to collect white recruits also.
It is [a] waste of time and money to open rendezvous in
Northwest Georgia, for I assure you I have not seen an
able-bodied man, black or white, there, fit for a soldier who
was not in this army or the one opposed to it.
“You speak of the impression going abroad that I am opposed to
the organization of colored regiments. My opinions are usually
very positive, and there is no reason why you should not know
them. Though entertaining profound reverence for our Congress, I
do doubt their wisdom in the passage of this law:
“1st. Because civilian agents about an army are a nuisance.
“2d. The duty of citizens to fight for their country is too
sacred a one to be peddled off by buying up the refuse of other
States.
“3d. It is unjust to the brave soldiers and volunteers who are
fighting, as those who compose this army do, to place them on a
par with the class of recruits you are after.
“4th. The negro is in a transition state, and is not the equal
of the white man.
“5th. He is liberated from his bondage by the act of war; and
the armies in the field are entitled to all his assistance and
labor and fighting _in addition_ to the proper quotas of the
States.
“6th. This bidding and bantering for recruits, white and black,
has delayed the reënforcement of our armies at the times when
such reënforcements would have enabled us to make our successes
permanent.
“7th. The law is an experiment which, pending war, is unwise and
unsafe, and has delayed the universal draft which I firmly
believe will become necessary to overcome the wide-spread
resistance offered us; and I also believe the universal draft
will be wise and beneficial; for under the Providence of God it
will separate the sheep from the goats, and demonstrate what
citizens will fight for their country, and what will only talk.
“No one will infer from this that I am not a friend to the negro
as well as the white race. I contend that the treason and
rebellion of the master freed the slave, and the armies I have
commanded have conducted to safe points more negroes than those
of any general officer in the army; but I prefer negroes for
pioneers, teamsters, cooks, and servants, others gradually to
experiment in the art of the soldier, beginning with the duties
of local garrisons, such as we had at Memphis, Vicksburg,
Natchez, Nashville, and Chattanooga; but I would not draw on the
poor race for too large a proportion of its active, athletic
young men, for some must remain to seek new homes and provide
for the old and young, the feeble and helpless. These are some
of my peculiar notions, but I assure you they are shared by a
large proportion of our fighting men.”
The honesty, directness, and philanthropy of these views, will command
respect from those who opposed them, and would raise an army of
emancipated slaves. With him it was not contempt of the negro, but the
scorn of a timid, easy policy by the North, while exactly the opposite
course was taken by the South.
General Sherman now ordered from Chattanooga four rifled cannon, whose
calibre was four and a half inches, and whose signals of his arrival
were to be dropped into streets of Atlanta. August 10th, these
messengers of _peace with victory_, arrived and began their
negotiations. Night and day they sent their globes of fire into the
city, kindling conflagrations and spreading confusion and terror on
every hand. But the enemy had come to the strongest position along the
entire war-path between Chattanooga and the ocean; and although the
“Gate City” was made a heap of ruins, he was resolved to hold the forts,
which would guard the way, even over the smoking embers of destruction.
The fine cavalry officer, General Stoneman, was sent on a raid to the
Macon Railroad, in which he was taken prisoner. This had so elated the
rebels they began to think of “turning the tables” on General Sherman.
Suddenly Major-General Wheeler appeared before Dalton, which you
recollect was the first important position taken after leaving
Chattanooga, with a force of infantry and cavalry variously reported at
from seventeen hundred to five thousand men. It was defended by a
garrison of four hundred men under Colonel Seibold. Approaching the town
in line of battle, General Wheeler demanded the surrender of the place
in the following terms: “To prevent the effusion of blood, I have the
honor to demand the immediate and unconditional surrender of the forces
under your command at this garrison.” To which Colonel Seibold replied:
“I have been placed here to defend the post, but not to surrender it. B.
Seibold, commanding U. S. forces.”
On the receipt of this reply, an attack was made on the garrison, who
retired into their defences, where they succeeded in holding their
position until the arrival of General Steedman with reënforcements from
Chattanooga, when the rebels were forced to retreat after inflicting
some slight damage to the railroad track near Dalton.
A few days later General Sherman issued orders for a general advance of
the army by the right flank. All the sick, with surplus wagons and
encumbrances of every kind, were sent back to the intrenched position
near the river bridge, reducing the number of wagons to three thousand
and of ambulances to one thousand; and on the night of August 25th the
canvas city gave place to the marshalled host, moving forward in the
darkness to gather more closely the fatal cordon around Atlanta. The
following night flung its shadows upon the still marching thousands,
getting nearer and nearer the throat of the foe. The Army of the
Tennessee moved to the West Point Railroad, when General Sherman ordered
“a day’s work to be expended in destroying the road, and it was done
with a will,” to use his own words. Having surveyed in person the ruins,
and satisfied with the thoroughness of the devastation, he led the whole
army forward.
General Howard moved on the right toward Jonesboro’, General Thomas had
the centre, whose goal was Conch’s, on the Decatur and Fayetteville
road, and General Schofield the extreme left. To get a clear impression
of the army operations here, you will need the help of a large map, on
which the railroads and towns about Atlanta can be seen in their
relation to it. Meanwhile General Hood was growing merry over a fancied
retreat by the manœuvring and confident Sherman. The long trains moving
to the rear, and the course of the battalions backward toward Sandtown
on the Chattahochie, _looked_ like it. But the commander knew his enemy
and the way to trap him.
August 28th, the grand army was keeping cheerful step to the music of
the march to conflict and victory; the long columns of warriors proudly
gazing after their chief, who with equal pride cared for and led them to
the fields of conquest.
Atlanta was now the object of enthusiastic interest. It was profound
strategy which divided the rebel forces at Jonesboro’ and Atlanta,
throwing the Union army like a wedge between them, thus making the fall
of Atlanta certain: “During the night of the 28th, the rest of the army
being well under way, the Twenty-third Corps withdrew and followed the
general movement toward the Macon Road, General Schofield timing his
movements with the corps further on the left, which had the longer arc
of the circle to traverse. The general line of march for the
Twenty-third Corps was toward the junction of the two railroads at East
Point, the Third division, under General Cox, holding the advance, and
with the Second Division, under General Hascall, occasionally erecting
temporary works to guard against threatened attacks from the enemy, who
were on the alert against this demonstration. On the 31st these two
divisions effected a junction with General Stanley, of the Fourth Corps.
General Hascall’s division went into position to guard the left toward
East Point, and General Cox pushed forward toward the Macon road, which
was reached by two or three o’clock P. M., General Stanley, of the
Fourth Corps, striking it about the same time. The troops of these two
corps at once set to work fortifying, while details were sent out, which
destroyed the track for miles. No opposition was encountered, and by
dark strong works had been thrown up, facing east and south, the work of
destruction on the railroad being continued through the night. On the
morning of the 1st of September, Newton’s and Kimball’s divisions were
marched along the line of the railroad the length of a brigade front,
and at a given signal the ties and rails were lifted from their bed,
piled up and burnt. Thus a mile and a half was turned up and destroyed
in half an hour. An advance of another mile and a half was then made
down the road, and the operation repeated. Thus alternately marching and
destroying the road, the two divisions marched a distance of ten miles,
to within two miles of Jonesboro’, where they formed a junction with the
Fourteenth Corps. Soon after the Twenty-third Corps, which followed the
Fourth, came into position on its left. Further to the left was the Army
of Tennessee.
“Previous to this the enemy had discovered the direction of General
Sherman’s march, and two corps under Hardee had been sent to confront
him at Jonesboro’, Hood meanwhile remaining for the defence of Atlanta.
Daring the night of August 30th the march of a rebel column was heard on
our left and centre, and in the morning two corps were found massed on
our right. At daybreak, the Second brigade of Hazen’s division of the
Fifteenth Corps advanced and drove the enemy from a hill, which gave,
our artillery command at Jonesboro’, and the railroad less than one half
mile distant. This success was immediately followed up by the
reënforcement of the brigade holding the hill, by a brigade from
Osterhaus’ division. Toward three P. M. the enemy appeared in front of
Hazen’s position, Lee’s corps advancing to the assault through a field
of corn, while Hardee’s Corps attempted a flanking movement on the
right, which was checked by Harrow’s division. Both divisions were soon
engaged in checking the desperate and determined assault with which the
enemy sought to overwhelm them. The rebels were driven back, only to
rally again and again for the assault, until after two hours of
desperate fighting they were finally repulsed. They had fortunately
struck a position which we held too strongly to be easily dislodged. A
reënforcement of two regiments were sent during the attack, by General
Howard to General Wood, and a brigade of the Seventeenth Corps, Colonel
Bryant’s, to General Hazen. Failing in this assault, Cleburne’s rebel
division marched to our extreme right, and assaulted Kilpatrick, who
held the bridge on Flint River. General Kilpatrick succeeded, however,
in holding his position until relieved by General Giles B. Smith’s
division.
“During the night Hardee despatched Lee’s corps to look after the safety
of Atlanta, so that but a single rebel corps was found opposed to our
army on the morning of September 1st. This corps lay in position in
front of Jonesboro’, with their right resting on the railroad. Having
failed in the assault with which they hoped to drive back our army, they
were prepared to resist its further advance in the best position they
could secure. They had a large number of guns in position, which did
effective service during the day. Late in the afternoon General Davis
formed his troops for a charge upon the enemy’s position;
Brigadier-General Carlin’s division on the left, and Brigadier-General
Morgan, joining the Fifteenth Corps on the right, General Baird being in
reserve. The line was formed in the arc of a circle on the edge of the
woods, the two flanks thrown forward overlapping the enemy, who held a
position on some commanding ridges in front, covering Jonesboro’. In the
face of a deadly fire of musketry, shell, and canister, the gallant
Fourteenth Corps charged upon the rebel position, driving them from
their breastworks and capturing many prisoners, including
Brigadier-General Govan, several colonels and other commissioned
officers. Eight guns were also taken, among them part of Loomis’s
battery captured at Chickamauga. The troops captured belonged to the
fighting division of Cleburne. The approach of night prevented pursuit
of the broken columns of the rebels, who escaped under cover of the
darkness.
“At daybreak on the 2d, the Fourth and Twenty-third Corps advanced in
pursuit of the retreating rebels, who came to bay near Lovejoy’s
Station, six miles beyond Jonesboro’, toward Macon, taking position on a
wooded ridge behind a swamp bordering a creek. Some skirmishing was had
with the enemy’s first line until night, which was spent by our troops
in intrenching. The enemy being found in strong position, and his
retreat being assured, no further advance was attempted.
“Meantime Atlanta was alive with excitement. Despair had succeeded
confidence as it became known that Hardee had been driven from
Jonesboro’ south, while Hood was left in Atlanta with his communications
severed, and our army threatening both from the north and the south.
Early on Thursday, September 1st, the removal of supplies and ammunition
commenced, and was continued through the day. Large quantities of
provisions that could not be removed were distributed to the citizens,
the storehouses at the same time being thrown open to the troops as they
passed through the city. The rolling stock of the railroad, consisting
of about one hundred cars and six engines, was gathered together and
destroyed. The cars were laden with the surplus ammunition taken out on
the Augusta Railroad, and set on fire and blown up, making the earth
tremble with the explosion. Over one thousand bales of cotton were also
given to the torch. The scene of confusion and excitement among the
town’s people when it became evident that the city was to be evacuated,
is beyond description. Every possible and impossible vehicle was brought
into requisition to carry away the effects of the inhabitants, who, in
sorrowful procession, took up their line of march toward the South. For
the third time the peripatetic Memphis _Appeal_ was on the wing, its
editor reporting himself at this time ‘thoroughly demoralized.’ From the
shanties and cellars of the city swarmed out the lower classes of the
population to seize what they could from the general wreck. The
explosion of ammunition was heard by General Slocum, of the Twentieth
Corps, seven miles distant. Suspecting the cause, he sent out a heavy
column to reconnoitre at daybreak on the morning of the 2d instant. They
met with no opposition, and pushed forward on the roads leading into
Atlanta from the north and northwest. Arriving near the city, they were
met by the mayor, Mr. Calhoun, who formally surrendered the city. The
formalities disposed of, our troops entered Atlanta with banners flying
and music playing, the inhabitants looking on in silence. General Slocum
established his headquarters at the Trout House, the principal hotel of
the city. Eleven heavy guns, mostly sixty-six pounders, were found in
the forts of the city, and others were subsequently discovered buried in
fictitious graves. About three thousand muskets, in good order, and
three locomotives were also secured, besides large quantities of
manufactured tobacco. About two hundred rebel stragglers were gathered
up by the Second Massachusetts, which was detailed for provost duty, its
colonel, Cogswell, being appointed provost-marshal. But a small
proportion of the inhabitants remained in the city, and these
principally of the lower classes, and tradesmen who proposed to make an
honest penny out of the army. Their hopes were speedily cut short by a
peremptory order from General Sherman ordering all civilians from the
city.”
In looking back upon this campaign, a very remarkable feature of it was
the protection of his line of communication: “It was not a little
precarious, and more than once aroused the anxiety of the nation. It
might well occasion solicitude. His base was, in one sense, not at
Chattanooga, but at Nashville; with the former point as a secondary
base. Accordingly, the enemy bent his efforts not only to breaking the
railroad between Atlanta and Ringgold, striking it at Dalton and
Calhoun, but also to raiding on the road from Chattanooga back to
Nashville. From Atlanta to Chattanooga the railroad is one hundred and
thirty-five miles long; from Chattanooga to Nashville, only a little
less. With this line of two hundred and fifty miles, stretched clear
across the great Alleghany chain from flank to flank, in a disputed
country, filled with guerrillas and hostile inhabitants, with myriads of
nooks and eyries in the mountainous region, apt for the assemblage and
protection of marauding bands, with that attenuated line infested by
many squadrons of the best cavalry in the Confederacy, long accustomed
to be victorious everywhere—cavalry who had devastated almost with
impunity the broad States of Kentucky and Tennessee again and again,
under such bold and skilful leaders as John Morgan, Forrest, Wheeler,
Stephen Lee, Rhoddy, and Chalmers—in spite of all, for four eventful
months, through victory and repulse, in action and repose alike, Sherman
has been able to keep his lines strong and clear.
“While all the Southern newspapers and many Southern generals, and while
even English journals of great ability were proving by all the laws of
logic and strategy that Sherman _must_ now retreat, Sherman did not
retreat. At the very moment, indeed, when the exultation of the
Confederates was the highest at the absolute certainty of his downfall,
Sherman pushed on and took Atlanta, ending logic and campaign both at
once.”
It was one of the grandest, most decisive and exciting scenes of the
civil war, when the great leader of the Union battalions in Georgia
enjoyed the pause in marches and battles afforded by the occupation of
Atlanta. The sound of booming cannon, the crack of musketry, all the
Babel discord of war, was comparatively hushed. In the distance the foe
was reluctantly, slowly retreating; and along the track of both armies
the new-made graves and the wounded were lying, the waymarks of a
gigantic struggle for
“The land of the brave, and the home of the free.”