Burnside's Peace Mission.--Sent in by Bismarck.--Interview with
Trochu.--The Sympathetic Tear.--Question of Revictualment.--Failure
of Negotiations.--Point of Vanity.--Flags of Truce.--French
accused of Violation of Parole.--Question of the Francs-Tireurs.
--Foreigners refused Permission to leave Paris.--Washburne
insists.--Permission granted.--Departure of Americans.--Scenes
at Créteil.
Early in the month of October we were surprised by a visit from
General Burnside. He happened to be at Versailles, more from
curiosity than any other motive, where, through General Sheridan,
he became quite intimate with Count Bismarck. Bismarck asked him
one day if he would like to go into Paris on a peace mission. Lord
Granville had been very urgent with the King to grant the French
an armistice, and had induced him to offer it, with a view to an
election. There would be no difficulty, Bismarck said, on any point
except that of revictualment. This General Moltke would not hear of.
Not an ounce of food should enter Paris. "Now," said Bismarck, "that
Government of the National Defense is not the wisest in the world,
but they are not such d--d fools as to stand out on a point like
that. There will be an armistice, and an armistice means peace. If
there is peace, England will get the credit of it; and as the United
States represents us, I would rather that you had the credit of it."
Burnside came in accordingly, accompanied by Mr. Paul Forbes, who
was promoted to the rank of aid-de-camp for the occasion, and dubbed
a colonel. The Prussians could not realize the idea of a general
traveling without his aid. A meeting was appointed with Trochu, and
I went as interpreter. His headquarters were at the Louvre, in a
large and convenient apartment, occupied, under the Empire, by M.
Rouher. Before Burnside had stated the object of his visit, Trochu
made us a speech. He spoke well for nearly half an hour. He told us
that France had been very wicked; that she had fallen away from the
true Catholic faith; that infidelity and skepticism were rampant in
the land; that the misfortunes which had come upon her were deserved;
that they were visitations for the sins of the people; but that,
when they had repented and humbled themselves, he had faith that the
punishment would pass from them. He continued in this strain for
full twenty minutes, speaking very eloquently; then pulled out his
handkerchief, and saying, "Excuse my emotion," he wept. After this he
came to business. Burnside confined himself most conscientiously to
the exact tenor of his message. Trochu made repeated suggestions of
such and such possibilities, but Burnside refused to follow him. He
knew nothing but his instructions. As I had feared, Trochu bristled
up at the no-revictualment clause. "Such a condition had never been
heard of. From the most remote antiquity, there had always been
revictualment allowed in case of armistice, so much per head per
diem." He gave us at that time no positive answer, but said he would
discuss the matter with his colleagues. Negotiations failed upon
this very point. The French Government called it a point of honor.
It was rather a point of vanity. We did not need the provisions,
as the result showed we had food enough for three months. Yet, for
that barren privilege of bringing in food which was not needed, the
Government of the National Defense rejected the armistice. They
could then have made peace, with the loss of one province and two
milliards. They continued the war, and lost two provinces and five
milliards (one thousand millions of dollars).
It must be remembered that the members of the Government of the
National Defense were self-appointed. They were always preaching
of their earnest desire to appeal to the people. Here was the
opportunity, and they rejected it. It is a pleasant thing to appoint
yourself and your particular friends rulers of a great country like
France, and one does not readily resign the position. The people
might not re-appoint you.
As we left the Louvre, I said to Burnside, "If France is to be saved,
it will not be by that man." "I don't know that--I don't know that,"
he replied. He was evidently impressed by Trochu's eloquence and
emotion, and ready tear.
It has been stated that Bismarck refused to enter into negotiations
with the Government of the National Defense; that he would not
recognize its self-assumed authority, and considered that there was
no evidence that it was recognized by the majority of the French
people; for there were riots in the great cities of the South, and
disturbances in Brittany. Bismarck recognized it or not, as suited
his policy, and that policy was exclusively the interests of Germany.
Had Trochu waived the food question, Bismarck would have promptly
recognized him and his colleagues, so far, at least, as to make an
armistice with them, as he afterward did.
Burnside returned that afternoon to Versailles. I accompanied him
as far as Sèvres. Trochu sent a carriage for us. It was odd to find
one's self in one of the old imperial barouches, drawn by the famous
post-horses of the Emperor. We drove through the Bois by Rothschild's
house, and so to the broken bridge at Sèvres. In the Bois desolation
reigned. The trees were cut down within three hundred yards of the
ramparts, the roads torn up and torpedoes planted in them. The swans
had gone to feed the hungry soldiers, and the ducks, to avoid the
same fate, kept wisely out in the middle of the lake. When we had
reached the bridge, a bugle sounded on the French side, and a white
flag was displayed. It was soon answered from the German side, and a
similar flag was raised. At once the French troops lounged from under
cover, their hands in their pockets, and down to the water's edge.
The Prussians were kept concealed. They saw us, no doubt, but not one
of them was to be seen. Presently, a Prussian officer descended the
street, followed by a flag-bearer. He stalks across the bridge to
the broken arch, turns, takes the flag from the bearer, and plants
the staff in the bridge, with an air as if to say "Touch that, if
you dare." The French soldiers are evidently impressed. They mutter,
"_Voici des militaires_." The officer asks in French, "Are those
the American generals?" "They are." "Then let them pass." Burnside
requests permission to take Antoine with him, the messenger of the
Legation. "Is he an American?" "Yes." "Then he can come, of course."
The steam-launch puffs up, and the party cross. I cross with them,
but return at once to the French side. The soldiers disappear, the
flag is lowered, and the firing recommences. I have been rather
minute in this description, as the same ceremonies were observed
twice a week, when we sent and received our dispatch-bags.
The German Government complained on several occasions of the
violation of flags of truce. These complaints were addressed to
the French authorities through us. Indeed, every communication
addressed to the French Government and its replies were sent
through the Legation. This kept us busy even during the quiet days
of the siege. The violation of parole was another fruitful source
of correspondence. The Germans sent us a list of over twenty-five
officers, whom they alleged had broken their paroles. In some
cases--that of General Ducrot, for instance--there are two sides to
the question. He claimed that it was a legitimate escape, and the
French press was unanimously of his opinion. There was another branch
of correspondence that occupied a good deal of our time. The two
governments, to their credit be it spoken, did not allow the war to
interfere with the administration of justice. Under their treaties
each Government was bound to serve upon its own subjects all legal
documents in civil suits emanating from the courts of the other. This
was done throughout the war, and they all passed through our hands.
There was, too, correspondence between the two hostile governments
upon other subjects. Among them I recollect one in relation to the
Francs-Tireurs. The Germans treated these irregulars as guerrillas.
The French remonstrated. The Germans answered that they had no
uniform; that they wore the blue blouse, which is the national dress
of the French peasant; and that they ought to wear something which
could be distinguished at rifle range. I do not remember how the
matter was settled, but I believe that the Francs-Tireurs gradually
disappeared, absorbed in the Mobiles.
Not long after Burnside's mission I paid a second visit to Trochu.
Mr. Washburne had applied to the Germans for permission for Americans
and other foreigners to leave Paris. The King accorded it at once.
Any American could leave on Mr. Washburne's pass, any other foreigner
on the same pass, provided that his name had first been submitted
to and accepted by the German authorities. Having obtained this
concession, Mr. Washburne next applied to the French Government
for its permission. To his surprise, it was refused. He could not
understand it. That the Germans should wish to keep in the city
a number of "useless mouths" to help consume the provision, was
natural, but that the French, who, for the same reason, ought to
have wished to get rid of them, should refuse to let them go, was
inconceivable. But Washburne was not the man to sit down quietly
under a refusal in a matter like this. He insisted that they must go,
and should go. Favre was evidently on his side, and we had reason
to believe that he was backed by some, at least, of his colleagues.
Trochu opposed the departure for fear of the effect upon Belleville.
If I had not heard him say so, I could not have believed it.
As Washburne insisted, and Favre was in favor of the permission
being given, an interview was arranged with Trochu. The "Governor
of Paris," as he loved to call himself, made us another oration.
It was very much a rehash of the first. He then stated that he had
been unwilling that the "strangers" should leave Paris; it looked
like "rats deserting the sinking ship;" he feared the effect upon
Belleville. But out of regard for Mr. Washburne, and in deference to
the opinion of some of his colleagues, he would now consent. He added
that he would send an aid-de-camp to Belleville, to spread the report
that it was the diplomatic corps leaving the capital. I looked at him
with astonishment. That he should tell a lie was bad enough, but that
he should tell it out of fear of that wretched mob was a degree of
weakness I was not prepared for.
Permission having been given, no time was lost in the preparations
for departure. On the 24th of October, forty-eight Americans and
several Russians went out by Créteil. A number of English started,
but were turned back. Their names had not been sent to Versailles
in season. Permission was subsequently received, and they left
Paris a few days later. We drove to the French outposts, and thence
sent forward the flag with an officer of Trochu's staff, and Mr.
Washburne's private secretary, Mr. Albert Ward, who was charged
with the necessary arrangements on our side. While we waited, a
German picket of six men advanced toward us, dodging behind the
trees, muskets cocked, and fingers on trigger. I confess I was not
much impressed with this specimen of German scouting. It looked too
much like playing at North American Indian. There were some twenty
traveling-carriages, open and closed, filled with ladies, and piled
up with baggage. The party had as little of a military look as can
well be imagined, and yet the picket advanced as if they feared an
ambush.
The necessary arrangements having been made, we proceeded to the
German outposts. Here the Prussian officers verified the list,
calling the roll name by name, and taking every precaution to
identify the individuals. I heard afterward, however, that a
Frenchman of some prominence had escaped disguised as a coachman.
I met here a young American, who was living not far from Versailles,
and who was known to Count Bismarck. I gave him a couple of morning
papers. That evening he dined with Bismarck, and offered to sell him
the papers for a quart bottle of Champagne for the big one, and a
pint bottle for the little one. Bismarck offered a quart bottle for
both; but my American indignantly rejected the terms: so Bismarck
accepted his, and paid the bottle and a half. I record this as
perhaps the only diplomatic triumph ever scored against Count de
Bismarck.