If we compute the number and duration of the reigns, it will be

found, that a period of six hundred years is filled by sixty emperors,

including in the Augustan list some female sovereigns; and deducting

some usurpers who were never acknowledged in the capital, and some

princes who did not live to possess their inheritance. The average

proportion will allow ten years for each emperor, far below the

chronological rule of Sir Isaac Newton, who, from the experience of

more recent and regular monarchies, has defined about eighteen or twenty

years as the term of an ordinary reign. The Byzantine empire was

most tranquil and prosperous when it could acquiesce in hereditary

succession; five dynasties, the Heraclian, Isaurian, Amorian, Basilian,

and Comnenian families, enjoyed and transmitted the royal patrimony

during their respective series of five, four, three, six, and four

generations; several princes number the years of their reign with those

of their infancy; and Constantine the Seventh and his two grandsons

occupy the space of an entire century. But in the intervals of the

Byzantine dynasties, the succession is rapid and broken, and the name

of a successful candidate is speedily erased by a more fortunate

competitor. Many were the paths that led to the summit of royalty:

the fabric of rebellion was overthrown by the stroke of conspiracy, or

undermined by the silent arts of intrigue: the favorites of the soldiers

or people, of the senate or clergy, of the women and eunuchs, were

alternately clothed with the purple: the means of their elevation were

base, and their end was often contemptible or tragic. A being of the

nature of man, endowed with the same faculties, but with a longer

measure of existence, would cast down a smile of pity and contempt on

the crimes and follies of human ambition, so eager, in a narrow span,

to grasp at a precarious and short-lived enjoyment. It is thus that

the experience of history exalts and enlarges the horizon of our

intellectual view. In a composition of some days, in a perusal of some

hours, six hundred years have rolled away, and the duration of a life or

reign is contracted to a fleeting moment: the grave is ever beside the

throne: the success of a criminal is almost instantly followed by the

loss of his prize and our immortal reason survives and disdains the

sixty phantoms of kings who have passed before our eyes, and faintly

dwell on our remembrance. The observation that, in every age and

climate, ambition has prevailed with the same commanding energy, may

abate the surprise of a philosopher: but while he condemns the vanity,

he may search the motive, of this universal desire to obtain and hold

the sceptre of dominion. To the greater part of the Byzantine series,

we cannot reasonably ascribe the love of fame and of mankind. The virtue

alone of John Comnenus was beneficent and pure: the most illustrious of

the princes, who precede or follow that respectable name, have trod

with some dexterity and vigor the crooked and bloody paths of a selfish

policy: in scrutinizing the imperfect characters of Leo the Isaurian,

Basil the First, and Alexius Comnenus, of Theophilus, the second Basil,

and Manuel Comnenus, our esteem and censure are almost equally balanced;

and the remainder of the Imperial crowd could only desire and expect to

be forgotten by posterity. Was personal happiness the aim and object of

their ambition? I shall not descant on the vulgar topics of the misery

of kings; but I may surely observe, that their condition, of all others,

is the most pregnant with fear, and the least susceptible of hope. For

these opposite passions, a larger scope was allowed in the revolutions

of antiquity, than in the smooth and solid temper of the modern world,

which cannot easily repeat either the triumph of Alexander or the fall

of Darius. But the peculiar infelicity of the Byzantine princes exposed

them to domestic perils, without affording any lively promise of foreign

conquest. From the pinnacle of greatness, Andronicus was precipitated

by a death more cruel and shameful than that of the malefactor; but

the most glorious of his predecessors had much more to dread from

their subjects than to hope from their enemies. The army was licentious

without spirit, the nation turbulent without freedom: the Barbarians of

the East and West pressed on the monarchy, and the loss of the provinces

was terminated by the final servitude of the capital.

The entire series of Roman emperors, from the first of the CÊsars to the

last of the Constantines, extends above fifteen hundred years: and the

term of dominion, unbroken by foreign conquest, surpasses the measure of

the ancient monarchies; the Assyrians or Medes, the successors of Cyrus,

or those of Alexander.

End Of Vol. IV.

History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire — Volume 4(#893) · 第 49 / 49 段