If Constantine the Eleventh were indeed the subject most worthy of

empire, we must pity the debasement of the age and nation in which he

was chosen. In the labor of puerile declamations he sought, without

obtaining, the crown of eloquence, more precious, in his opinion, than

that of Rome; and in the subordinate functions of a judge, he forgot the

duties of a sovereign and a warrior. Far from imitating the patriotic

indifference of the authors of his greatness, Ducas was anxious only to

secure, at the expense of the republic, the power and prosperity of his

children. His three sons, Michael the Seventh, Andronicus the First, and

Constantine the Twelfth, were invested, in a tender age, with the equal

title of Augustus; and the succession was speedily opened by

their father's death. His widow, Eudocia, was intrusted with the

administration; but experience had taught the jealousy of the dying

monarch to protect his sons from the danger of her second nuptials; and

her solemn engagement, attested by the principal senators, was deposited

in the hands of the patriarch. Before the end of seven months, the wants

of Eudocia, or those of the state, called aloud for the male virtues of

a soldier; and her heart had already chosen Romanus Diogenes, whom she

raised from the scaffold to the throne. The discovery of a treasonable

attempt had exposed him to the severity of the laws: his beauty and

valor absolved him in the eyes of the empress; and Romanus, from a mild

exile, was recalled on the second day to the command of the Oriental

armies. Her royal choice was yet unknown to the public; and the promise

which would have betrayed her falsehood and levity, was stolen by a

dexterous emissary from the ambition of the patriarch. Xiphilin at first

alleged the sanctity of oaths, and the sacred nature of a trust; but a

whisper, that his brother was the future emperor, relaxed his scruples,

and forced him to confess that the public safety was the supreme law. He

resigned the important paper; and when his hopes were confounded by the

nomination of Romanus, he could no longer regain his security, retract

his declarations, nor oppose the second nuptials of the empress. Yet

a murmur was heard in the palace; and the Barbarian guards had raised

their battle-axes in the cause of the house of Lucas, till the young

princes were soothed by the tears of their mother and the solemn

assurances of the fidelity of their guardian, who filled the Imperial

station with dignity and honor. Hereafter I shall relate his valiant,

but unsuccessful, efforts to resist the progress of the Turks. His

defeat and captivity inflicted a deadly wound on the Byzantine monarchy

of the East; and after he was released from the chains of the sultan, he

vainly sought his wife and his subjects. His wife had been thrust into

a monastery, and the subjects of Romanus had embraced the rigid maxim of

the civil law, that a prisoner in the hands of the enemy is deprived,

as by the stroke of death, of all the public and private rights of

a citizen. In the general consternation, the CÊsar John asserted the

indefeasible right of his three nephews: Constantinople listened to

his voice: and the Turkish captive was proclaimed in the capital, and

received on the frontier, as an enemy of the republic. Romanus was not

more fortunate in domestic than in foreign war: the loss of two

battles compelled him to yield, on the assurance of fair and honorable

treatment; but his enemies were devoid of faith or humanity; and, after

the cruel extinction of his sight, his wounds were left to bleed and

corrupt, till in a few days he was relieved from a state of misery.

Under the triple reign of the house of Ducas, the two younger brothers

were reduced to the vain honors of the purple; but the eldest, the

pusillanimous Michael, was incapable of sustaining the Roman sceptre;

and his surname of _Parapinaces_ denotes the reproach which he shared

with an avaricious favorite, who enhanced the price, and diminished the

measure, of wheat. In the school of Psellus, and after the example of

his mother, the son of Eudocia made some proficiency in philosophy and

rhetoric; but his character was degraded, rather than ennobled, by the

virtues of a monk and the learning of a sophist. Strong in the contempt

of their sovereign and their own esteem, two generals, at the head of

the European and Asiatic legions, assumed the purple at Adrianople and

Nice. Their revolt was in the same months; they bore the same name of

Nicephorus; but the two candidates were distinguished by the surnames

of Bryennius and Botaniates; the former in the maturity of wisdom and

courage, the latter conspicuous only by the memory of his past exploits.

While Botaniates advanced with cautious and dilatory steps, his active

competitor stood in arms before the gates of Constantinople. The name

of Bryennius was illustrious; his cause was popular; but his licentious

troops could not be restrained from burning and pillaging a suburb; and

the people, who would have hailed the rebel, rejected and repulsed

the incendiary of his country. This change of the public opinion

was favorable to Botaniates, who at length, with an army of Turks,

approached the shores of Chalcedon. A formal invitation, in the name

of the patriarch, the synod, and the senate, was circulated through the

streets of Constantinople; and the general assembly, in the dome of

St. Sophia, debated, with order and calmness, on the choice of their

sovereign. The guards of Michael would have dispersed this unarmed

multitude; but the feeble emperor, applauding his own moderation and

clemency, resigned the ensigns of royalty, and was rewarded with the

monastic habit, and the title of Archbishop of Ephesus. He left a son,

a Constantine, born and educated in the purple; and a daughter of the

house of Ducas illustrated the blood, and confirmed the succession, of

the Comnenian dynasty.

John Comnenus, the brother of the emperor Isaac, survived in peace and

dignity his generous refusal of the sceptre. By his wife Anne, a woman

of masculine spirit and a policy, he left eight children: the three

daughters multiplied the Comnenian alliance with the noblest of the

Greeks: of the five sons, Manuel was stopped by a premature death; Isaac

and Alexius restored the Imperial greatness of their house, which was

enjoyed without toil or danger by the two younger brethren, Adrian and

Nicephorus. Alexius, the third and most illustrious of the brothers was

endowed by nature with the choicest gifts both of mind and body: they

were cultivated by a liberal education, and exercised in the school of

obedience and adversity. The youth was dismissed from the perils of the

Turkish war, by the paternal care of the emperor Romanus: but the mother

of the Comneni, with her aspiring face, was accused of treason, and

banished, by the sons of Ducas, to an island in the Propontis. The two

brothers soon emerged into favor and action, fought by each other's side

against the rebels and Barbarians, and adhered to the emperor Michael,

till he was deserted by the world and by himself. In his first interview

with Botaniates, "Prince," said Alexius with a noble frankness, "my duty

rendered me your enemy; the decrees of God and of the people have made

me your subject. Judge of my future loyalty by my past opposition." The

successor of Michael entertained him with esteem and confidence: his

valor was employed against three rebels, who disturbed the peace of the

empire, or at least of the emperors. Ursel, Bryennius, and Basilacius,

were formidable by their numerous forces and military fame: they were

successively vanquished in the field, and led in chains to the foot of

the throne; and whatever treatment they might receive from a timid and

cruel court, they applauded the clemency, as well as the courage, of

their conqueror. But the loyalty of the Comneni was soon tainted by fear

and suspicion; nor is it easy to settle between a subject and a despot,

the debt of gratitude, which the former is tempted to claim by a revolt,

and the latter to discharge by an executioner. The refusal of Alexius to

march against a fourth rebel, the husband of his sister, destroyed

the merit or memory of his past services: the favorites of Botaniates

provoked the ambition which they apprehended and accused; and the

retreat of the two brothers might be justified by the defence of their

life and liberty. The women of the family were deposited in a sanctuary,

respected by tyrants: the men, mounted on horseback, sallied from the

city, and erected the standard of civil war. The soldiers who had been

gradually assembled in the capital and the neighborhood, were devoted

to the cause of a victorious and injured leader: the ties of common

interest and domestic alliance secured the attachment of the house of

Ducas; and the generous dispute of the Comneni was terminated by the

decisive resolution of Isaac, who was the first to invest his younger

brother with the name and ensigns of royalty. They returned to

Constantinople, to threaten rather than besiege that impregnable

fortress; but the fidelity of the guards was corrupted; a gate was

surprised, and the fleet was occupied by the active courage of George

PalÊologus, who fought against his father, without foreseeing that he

labored for his posterity. Alexius ascended the throne; and his aged

competitor disappeared in a monastery. An army of various nations was

gratified with the pillage of the city; but the public disorders were

expiated by the tears and fasts of the Comneni, who submitted to every

penance compatible with the possession of the empire.

The life of the emperor Alexius has been delineated by a favorite

daughter, who was inspired by a tender regard for his person and

a laudable zeal to perpetuate his virtues. Conscious of the just

suspicions of her readers, the princess Anna Comnena repeatedly

protests, that, besides her personal knowledge, she had searched the

discourses and writings of the most respectable veterans: and after an

interval of thirty years, forgotten by, and forgetful of, the world, her

mournful solitude was inaccessible to hope and fear; and that truth,

the naked perfect truth, was more dear and sacred than the memory of her

parent. Yet, instead of the simplicity of style and narrative which wins

our belief, an elaborate affectation of rhetoric and science betrays

in every page the vanity of a female author. The genuine character of

Alexius is lost in a vague constellation of virtues; and the perpetual

strain of panegyric and apology awakens our jealousy, to question the

veracity of the historian and the merit of the hero. We cannot, however,

refuse her judicious and important remark, that the disorders of the

times were the misfortune and the glory of Alexius; and that every

calamity which can afflict a declining empire was accumulated on his

reign by the justice of Heaven and the vices of his predecessors. In the

East, the victorious Turks had spread, from Persia to the Hellespont,

the reign of the Koran and the Crescent: the West was invaded by the

adventurous valor of the Normans; and, in the moments of peace, the

Danube poured forth new swarms, who had gained, in the science of war,

what they had lost in the ferociousness of manners. The sea was not less

hostile than the land; and while the frontiers were assaulted by an open

enemy, the palace was distracted with secret treason and conspiracy. On

a sudden, the banner of the Cross was displayed by the Latins; Europe

was precipitated on Asia; and Constantinople had almost been swept away

by this impetuous deluge. In the tempest, Alexius steered the Imperial

vessel with dexterity and courage. At the head of his armies, he was

bold in action, skilful in stratagem, patient of fatigue, ready to

improve his advantages, and rising from his defeats with inexhaustible

vigor. The discipline of the camp was revived, and a new generation

of men and soldiers was created by the example and precepts of their

leader. In his intercourse with the Latins, Alexius was patient and

artful: his discerning eye pervaded the new system of an unknown

world and I shall hereafter describe the superior policy with which

he balanced the interests and passions of the champions of the first

crusade. In a long reign of thirty-seven years, he subdued and pardoned

the envy of his equals: the laws of public and private order were

restored: the arts of wealth and science were cultivated: the limits of

the empire were enlarged in Europe and Asia; and the Comnenian sceptre

was transmitted to his children of the third and fourth generation. Yet

the difficulties of the times betrayed some defects in his character;

and have exposed his memory to some just or ungenerous reproach. The

reader may possibly smile at the lavish praise which his daughter

so often bestows on a flying hero: the weakness or prudence of his

situation might be mistaken for a want of personal courage; and his

political arts are branded by the Latins with the names of deceit and

dissimulation. The increase of the male and female branches of his

family adorned the throne, and secured the succession; but their

princely luxury and pride offended the patricians, exhausted the

revenue, and insulted the misery of the people. Anna is a faithful

witness that his happiness was destroyed, and his health was broken, by

the cares of a public life; the patience of Constantinople was fatigued

by the length and severity of his reign; and before Alexius expired, he

had lost the love and reverence of his subjects. The clergy could not

forgive his application of the sacred riches to the defence of the

state; but they applauded his theological learning and ardent zeal for

the orthodox faith, which he defended with his tongue, his pen, and his

sword. His character was degraded by the superstition of the Greeks; and

the same inconsistent principle of human nature enjoined the emperor to

found a hospital for the poor and infirm, and to direct the execution

of a heretic, who was burned alive in the square of St. Sophia. Even

the sincerity of his moral and religious virtues was suspected by the

persons who had passed their lives in his familiar confidence. In

his last hours, when he was pressed by his wife Irene to alter the

succession, he raised his head, and breathed a pious ejaculation on

the vanity of this world. The indignant reply of the empress may be

inscribed as an epitaph on his tomb, "You die, as you have lived--a

Hypocrite!"

It was the wish of Irene to supplant the eldest of her surviving sons,

in favor of her daughter the princess Anne whose philosophy would not

have refused the weight of a diadem. But the order of male succession

was asserted by the friends of their country; the lawful heir drew the

royal signet from the finger of his insensible or conscious father and

the empire obeyed the master of the palace. Anna Comnena was stimulated

by ambition and revenge to conspire against the life of her brother, and

when the design was prevented by the fears or scruples of her husband,

she passionately exclaimed that nature had mistaken the two sexes, and

had endowed Bryennius with the soul of a woman. The two sons of Alexius,

John and Isaac, maintained the fraternal concord, the hereditary virtue

of their race, and the younger brother was content with the title of

_Sebastocrator_, which approached the dignity, without sharing the

power, of the emperor. In the same person the claims of primogeniture

and merit were fortunately united; his swarthy complexion, harsh

features, and diminutive stature, had suggested the ironical surname of

Calo-Johannes, or John the Handsome, which his grateful subjects more

seriously applied to the beauties of his mind. After the discovery of

her treason, the life and fortune of Anne were justly forfeited to the

laws. Her life was spared by the clemency of the emperor; but he visited

the pomp and treasures of her palace, and bestowed the rich confiscation

on the most deserving of his friends. That respectable friend Axuch,

a slave of Turkish extraction, presumed to decline the gift, and to

intercede for the criminal: his generous master applauded and imitated

the virtue of his favorite, and the reproach or complaint of an injured

brother was the only chastisement of the guilty princess. After this

example of clemency, the remainder of his reign was never disturbed by

conspiracy or rebellion: feared by his nobles, beloved by his people,

John was never reduced to the painful necessity of punishing, or even

of pardoning, his personal enemies. During his government of twenty-five

years, the penalty of death was abolished in the Roman empire, a law of

mercy most delightful to the humane theorist, but of which the practice,

in a large and vicious community, is seldom consistent with the

public safety. Severe to himself, indulgent to others, chaste, frugal,

abstemious, the philosophic Marcus would not have disdained the artless

virtues of his successor, derived from his heart, and not borrowed from

the schools. He despised and moderated the stately magnificence of the

Byzantine court, so oppressive to the people, so contemptible to the eye

of reason. Under such a prince, innocence had nothing to fear, and merit

had every thing to hope; and, without assuming the tyrannic office of a

censor, he introduced a gradual though visible reformation in the

public and private manners of Constantinople. The only defect of this

accomplished character was the frailty of noble minds, the love of arms

and military glory. Yet the frequent expeditions of John the Handsome

may be justified, at least in their principle, by the necessity of

repelling the Turks from the Hellespont and the Bosphorus. The sultan of

Iconium was confined to his capital, the Barbarians were driven to the

mountains, and the maritime provinces of Asia enjoyed the transient

blessings of their deliverance. From Constantinople to Antioch and

Aleppo, he repeatedly marched at the head of a victorious army, and

in the sieges and battles of this holy war, his Latin allies were

astonished by the superior spirit and prowess of a Greek. As he began

to indulge the ambitious hope of restoring the ancient limits of the

empire, as he revolved in his mind, the Euphrates and Tigris, the

dominion of Syria, and the conquest of Jerusalem, the thread of his life

and of the public felicity was broken by a singular accident. He hunted

the wild boar in the valley of Anazarbus, and had fixed his javelin in

the body of the furious animal; but in the struggle a poisoned arrow

dropped from his quiver, and a slight wound in his hand, which produced

a mortification, was fatal to the best and greatest of the Comnenian

princes.

Chapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.--Part VI.

A premature death had swept away the two eldest sons of John the

Handsome; of the two survivors, Isaac and Manuel, his judgment or

affection preferred the younger; and the choice of their dying prince

was ratified by the soldiers, who had applauded the valor of his

favorite in the Turkish war The faithful Axuch hastened to the capital,

secured the person of Isaac in honorable confinement, and purchased,

with a gift of two hundred pounds of silver, the leading ecclesiastics

of St. Sophia, who possessed a decisive voice in the consecration of an

emperor. With his veteran and affectionate troops, Manuel soon visited

Constantinople; his brother acquiesced in the title of Sebastocrator;

his subjects admired the lofty stature and martial graces of their new

sovereign, and listened with credulity to the flattering promise, that

he blended the wisdom of age with the activity and vigor of youth. By

the experience of his government, they were taught, that he emulated the

spirit, and shared the talents, of his father whose social virtues

were buried in the grave. A reign of thirty seven years is filled by a

perpetual though various warfare against the Turks, the Christians, and

the hordes of the wilderness beyond the Danube. The arms of Manuel were

exercised on Mount Taurus, in the plains of Hungary, on the coast of

Italy and Egypt, and on the seas of Sicily and Greece: the influence

of his negotiations extended from Jerusalem to Rome and Russia; and the

Byzantine monarchy, for a while, became an object of respect or terror

to the powers of Asia and Europe. Educated in the silk and purple of the

East, Manuel possessed the iron temper of a soldier, which cannot easily

be paralleled, except in the lives of Richard the First of England, and

of Charles the Twelfth of Sweden. Such was his strength and exercise in

arms, that Raymond, surnamed the Hercules of Antioch, was incapable

of wielding the lance and buckler of the Greek emperor. In a famous

tournament, he entered the lists on a fiery courser, and overturned in

his first career two of the stoutest of the Italian knights. The first

in the charge, the last in the retreat, his friends and his enemies

alike trembled, the former for his safety, and the latter for their own.

After posting an ambuscade in a wood, he rode forwards in search of some

perilous adventure, accompanied only by his brother and the faithful

Axuch, who refused to desert their sovereign. Eighteen horsemen, after a

short combat, fled before them: but the numbers of the enemy increased;

the march of the reÎnforcement was tardy and fearful, and Manuel,

without receiving a wound, cut his way through a squadron of five

hundred Turks. In a battle against the Hungarians, impatient of the

slowness of his troops, he snatched a standard from the head of the

column, and was the first, almost alone, who passed a bridge that

separated him from the enemy. In the same country, after transporting

his army beyond the Save, he sent back the boats, with an order under

pain of death, to their commander, that he should leave him to conquer

or die on that hostile land. In the siege of Corfu, towing after him a

captive galley, the emperor stood aloft on the poop, opposing against

the volleys of darts and stones, a large buckler and a flowing sail;

nor could he have escaped inevitable death, had not the Sicilian admiral

enjoined his archers to respect the person of a hero. In one day, he is

said to have slain above forty of the Barbarians with his own hand; he

returned to the camp, dragging along four Turkish prisoners, whom he had

tied to the rings of his saddle: he was ever the foremost to provoke or

to accept a single combat; and the _gigantic_ champions, who encountered

his arm, were transpierced by the lance, or cut asunder by the sword,

of the invincible Manuel. The story of his exploits, which appear as

a model or a copy of the romances of chivalry, may induce a reasonable

suspicion of the veracity of the Greeks: I will not, to vindicate their

credit, endanger my own: yet I may observe, that, in the long series

of their annals, Manuel is the only prince who has been the subject of

similar exaggeration. With the valor of a soldier, he did no unite the

skill or prudence of a general; his victories were not productive of any

permanent or useful conquest; and his Turkish laurels were blasted

in his last unfortunate campaign, in which he lost his army in the

mountains of Pisidia, and owed his deliverance to the generosity of the

sultan. But the most singular feature in the character of Manuel, is

the contrast and vicissitude of labor and sloth, of hardiness and

effeminacy. In war he seemed ignorant of peace, in peace he appeared

incapable of war. In the field he slept in the sun or in the snow, tired

in the longest marches the strength of his men and horses, and shared

with a smile the abstinence or diet of the camp. No sooner did he return

to Constantinople, than he resigned himself to the arts and pleasures of

a life of luxury: the expense of his dress, his table, and his palace,

surpassed the measure of his predecessors, and whole summer days were

idly wasted in the delicious isles of the Propontis, in the incestuous

love of his niece Theodora. The double cost of a warlike and dissolute

prince exhausted the revenue, and multiplied the taxes; and Manuel, in

the distress of his last Turkish campaign, endured a bitter reproach

from the mouth of a desperate soldier. As he quenched his thirst, he

complained that the water of a fountain was mingled with Christian

blood. "It is not the first time," exclaimed a voice from the crowd,

"that you have drank, O emperor, the blood of your Christian subjects."

Manuel Comnenus was twice married, to the virtuous Bertha or Irene

of Germany, and to the beauteous Maria, a French or Latin princess of

Antioch. The only daughter of his first wife was destined for Bela, a

Hungarian prince, who was educated at Constantinople under the name of

Alexius; and the consummation of their nuptials might have transferred

the Roman sceptre to a race of free and warlike Barbarians. But as

soon as Maria of Antioch had given a son and heir to the empire, the

presumptive rights of Bela were abolished, and he was deprived of

his promised bride; but the Hungarian prince resumed his name and the

kingdom of his fathers, and displayed such virtues as might excite the

regret and envy of the Greeks. The son of Maria was named Alexius; and

at the age of ten years he ascended the Byzantine throne, after his

father's decease had closed the glories of the Comnenian line.

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