Constans had left in the Byzantine palace three sons, the eldest of

whom had been clothed in his infancy with the purple. When the father

summoned them to attend his person in Sicily, these precious hostages

were detained by the Greeks, and a firm refusal informed him that they

were the children of the state. The news of his murder was conveyed

with almost supernatural speed from Syracuse to Constantinople; and

Constantine, the eldest of his sons, inherited his throne without being

the heir of the public hatred. His subjects contributed, with zeal and

alacrity, to chastise the guilt and presumption of a province which had

usurped the rights of the senate and people; the young emperor sailed

from the Hellespont with a powerful fleet; and the legions of Rome and

Carthage were assembled under his standard in the harbor of Syracuse.

The defeat of the Sicilian tyrant was easy, his punishment just, and his

beauteous head was exposed in the hippodrome: but I cannot applaud the

clemency of a prince, who, among a crowd of victims, condemned the son

of a patrician, for deploring with some bitterness the execution of a

virtuous father. The youth was castrated: he survived the operation,

and the memory of this indecent cruelty is preserved by the elevation of

Germanus to the rank of a patriarch and saint. After pouring this bloody

libation on his father's tomb, Constantine returned to his capital; and

the growth of his young beard during the Sicilian voyage was announced,

by the familiar surname of Pogonatus, to the Grecian world. But his

reign, like that of his predecessor, was stained with fraternal discord.

On his two brothers, Heraclius and Tiberius, he had bestowed the title

of Augustus; an empty title, for they continued to languish, without

trust or power, in the solitude of the palace. At their secret

instigation, the troops of the Anatolian _theme_ or province approached

the city on the Asiatic side, demanded for the royal brothers the

partition or exercise of sovereignty, and supported their seditious

claim by a theological argument. They were Christians, (they cried,)

and orthodox Catholics; the sincere votaries of the holy and undivided

Trinity. Since there are three equal persons in heaven, it is reasonable

there should be three equal persons upon earth. The emperor invited

these learned divines to a friendly conference, in which they might

propose their arguments to the senate: they obeyed the summons, but the

prospect of their bodies hanging on the gibbet in the suburb of Galata

reconciled their companions to the unity of the reign of Constantine.

He pardoned his brothers, and their names were still pronounced in the

public acclamations: but on the repetition or suspicion of a similar

offence, the obnoxious princes were deprived of their titles and

noses, in the presence of the Catholic bishops who were assembled at

Constantinople in the sixth general synod. In the close of his life,

Pogonatus was anxious only to establish the right of primogeniture: the

heir of his two sons, Justinian and Heraclius, was offered on the shrine

of St. Peter, as a symbol of their spiritual adoption by the pope; but

the elder was alone exalted to the rank of Augustus, and the assurance

of the empire.

After the decease of his father, the inheritance of the Roman world

devolved to Justinian II.; and the name of a triumphant lawgiver was

dishonored by the vices of a boy, who imitated his namesake only in

the expensive luxury of building. His passions were strong; his

understanding was feeble; and he was intoxicated with a foolish pride,

that his birth had given him the command of millions, of whom the

smallest community would not have chosen him for their local magistrate.

His favorite ministers were two beings the least susceptible of human

sympathy, a eunuch and a monk: to the one he abandoned the palace, to

the other the finances; the former corrected the emperor's mother with

a scourge, the latter suspended the insolvent tributaries, with their

heads downwards, over a slow and smoky fire. Since the days of Commodus

and Caracalla, the cruelty of the Roman princes had most commonly been

the effect of their fear; but Justinian, who possessed some vigor

of character, enjoyed the sufferings, and braved the revenge, of his

subjects, about ten years, till the measure was full, of his crimes and

of their patience. In a dark dungeon, Leontius, a general of reputation,

had groaned above three years, with some of the noblest and most

deserving of the patricians: he was suddenly drawn forth to assume the

government of Greece; and this promotion of an injured man was a mark

of the contempt rather than of the confidence of his prince. As he

was followed to the port by the kind offices of his friends, Leontius

observed, with a sigh, that he was a victim adorned for sacrifice,

and that inevitable death would pursue his footsteps. They ventured

to reply, that glory and empire might be the recompense of a generous

resolution; that every order of men abhorred the reign of a monster; and

that the hands of two hundred thousand patriots expected only the voice

of a leader. The night was chosen for their deliverance; and in the

first effort of the conspirators, the prÊfect was slain, and the prisons

were forced open: the emissaries of Leontius proclaimed in every street,

"Christians, to St. Sophia!" and the seasonable text of the patriarch,

"This is the day of the Lord!" was the prelude of an inflammatory

sermon. From the church the people adjourned to the hippodrome:

Justinian, in whose cause not a sword had been drawn, was dragged before

these tumultuary judges, and their clamors demanded the instant death of

the tyrant. But Leontius, who was already clothed with the purple, cast

an eye of pity on the prostrate son of his own benefactor and of so many

emperors. The life of Justinian was spared; the amputation of his nose,

perhaps of his tongue, was imperfectly performed: the happy flexibility

of the Greek language could impose the name of Rhinotmetus; and the

mutilated tyrant was banished to ChersonÊ in Crim-Tartary, a lonely

settlement, where corn, wine, and oil, were imported as foreign

luxuries.

On the edge of the Scythian wilderness, Justinian still cherished the

pride of his birth, and the hope of his restoration. After three years'

exile, he received the pleasing intelligence that his injury was avenged

by a second revolution, and that Leontius in his turn had been dethroned

and mutilated by the rebel Apsimar, who assumed the more respectable

name of Tiberius. But the claim of lineal succession was still

formidable to a plebeian usurper; and his jealousy was stimulated by the

complaints and charges of the Chersonites, who beheld the vices of the

tyrant in the spirit of the exile. With a band of followers, attached

to his person by common hope or common despair, Justinian fled from the

inhospitable shore to the horde of the Chozars, who pitched their tents

between the Tanais and Borysthenes. The khan entertained with pity and

respect the royal suppliant: Phanagoria, once an opulent city, on the

Asiatic side of the lake Motis, was assigned for his residence; and

every Roman prejudice was stifled in his marriage with the sister of

the Barbarian, who seems, however, from the name of Theodora, to have

received the sacrament of baptism. But the faithless Chozar was soon

tempted by the gold of Constantinople: and had not the design been

revealed by the conjugal love of Theodora, her husband must have

been assassinated or betrayed into the power of his enemies. After

strangling, with his own hands, the two emissaries of the khan,

Justinian sent back his wife to her brother, and embarked on the Euxine

in search of new and more faithful allies. His vessel was assaulted by a

violent tempest; and one of his pious companions advised him to deserve

the mercy of God by a vow of general forgiveness, if he should be

restored to the throne. "Of forgiveness?" replied the intrepid tyrant:

"may I perish this instant--may the Almighty whelm me in the waves--if I

consent to spare a single head of my enemies!" He survived this impious

menace, sailed into the mouth of the Danube, trusted his person in the

royal village of the Bulgarians, and purchased the aid of Terbelis, a

pagan conqueror, by the promise of his daughter and a fair partition

of the treasures of the empire. The Bulgarian kingdom extended to the

confines of Thrace; and the two princes besieged Constantinople at the

head of fifteen thousand horse. Apsimar was dismayed by the sudden and

hostile apparition of his rival whose head had been promised by the

Chozar, and of whose evasion he was yet ignorant. After an absence of

ten years, the crimes of Justinian were faintly remembered, and the

birth and misfortunes of their hereditary sovereign excited the pity

of the multitude, ever discontented with the ruling powers; and by the

active diligence of his adherents, he was introduced into the city and

palace of Constantine.

Chapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.--Part II.

In rewarding his allies, and recalling his wife, Justinian displayed

some sense of honor and gratitude; and Terbelis retired, after

sweeping away a heap of gold coin, which he measured with his Scythian

whip. But never was vow more religiously performed than the sacred oath

of revenge which he had sworn amidst the storms of the Euxine. The two

usurpers (for I must reserve the name of tyrant for the conqueror) were

dragged into the hippodrome, the one from his prison, the other from his

palace. Before their execution, Leontius and Apsimar were cast prostrate

in chains beneath the throne of the emperor; and Justinian, planting

a foot on each of their necks, contemplated above an hour the

chariot-race, while the inconstant people shouted, in the words of the

Psalmist, "Thou shalt trample on the asp and basilisk, and on the lion

and dragon shalt thou set thy foot!" The universal defection which he

had once experienced might provoke him to repeat the wish of Caligula,

that the Roman people had but one head. Yet I shall presume to observe,

that such a wish is unworthy of an ingenious tyrant, since his revenge

and cruelty would have been extinguished by a single blow, instead of

the slow variety of tortures which Justinian inflicted on the victims of

his anger. His pleasures were inexhaustible: neither private virtue

nor public service could expiate the guilt of active, or even passive,

obedience to an established government; and, during the six years of his

new reign, he considered the axe, the cord, and the rack, as the only

instruments of royalty. But his most implacable hatred was pointed

against the Chersonites, who had insulted his exile and violated the

laws of hospitality. Their remote situation afforded some means of

defence, or at least of escape; and a grievous tax was imposed on

Constantinople, to supply the preparations of a fleet and army. "All

are guilty, and all must perish," was the mandate of Justinian; and

the bloody execution was intrusted to his favorite Stephen, who was

recommended by the epithet of the savage. Yet even the savage Stephen

imperfectly accomplished the intentions of his sovereign. The slowness

of his attack allowed the greater part of the inhabitants to withdraw

into the country; and the minister of vengeance contented himself with

reducing the youth of both sexes to a state of servitude, with roasting

alive seven of the principal citizens, with drowning twenty in the sea,

and with reserving forty-two in chains to receive their doom from the

mouth of the emperor. In their return, the fleet was driven on the rocky

shores of Anatolia; and Justinian applauded the obedience of the Euxine,

which had involved so many thousands of his subjects and enemies in a

common shipwreck: but the tyrant was still insatiate of blood; and

a second expedition was commanded to extirpate the remains of the

proscribed colony. In the short interval, the Chersonites had returned

to their city, and were prepared to die in arms; the khan of the Chozars

had renounced the cause of his odious brother; the exiles of every

province were assembled in Tauris; and Bardanes, under the name

of Philippicus, was invested with the purple. The Imperial troops,

unwilling and unable to perpetrate the revenge of Justinian, escaped

his displeasure by abjuring his allegiance: the fleet, under their

new sovereign, steered back a more auspicious course to the harbors of

Sinope and Constantinople; and every tongue was prompt to pronounce,

every hand to execute, the death of the tyrant. Destitute of friends, he

was deserted by his Barbarian guards; and the stroke of the assassin was

praised as an act of patriotism and Roman virtue. His son Tiberius had

taken refuge in a church; his aged grandmother guarded the door; and the

innocent youth, suspending round his neck the most formidable relics,

embraced with one hand the altar, with the other the wood of the true

cross. But the popular fury that dares to trample on superstition,

is deaf to the cries of humanity; and the race of Heraclius was

extinguished after a reign of one hundred years.

Between the fall of the Heraclian and the rise of the Isaurian dynasty,

a short interval of six years is divided into three reigns. Bardanes,

or Philippicus, was hailed at Constantinople as a hero who had delivered

his country from a tyrant; and he might taste some moments of happiness

in the first transports of sincere and universal joy. Justinian had left

behind him an ample treasure, the fruit of cruelty and rapine: but

this useful fund was soon and idly dissipated by his successor. On the

festival of his birthday, Philippicus entertained the multitude with the

games of the hippodrome; from thence he paraded through the streets with

a thousand banners and a thousand trumpets; refreshed himself in the

baths of Zeuxippus, and returning to the palace, entertained his nobles

with a sumptuous banquet. At the meridian hour he withdrew to his

chamber, intoxicated with flattery and wine, and forgetful that his

example had made every subject ambitious, and that every ambitious

subject was his secret enemy. Some bold conspirators introduced

themselves in the disorder of the feast; and the slumbering monarch was

surprised, bound, blinded, and deposed, before he was sensible of his

danger. Yet the traitors were deprived of their reward; and the free

voice of the senate and people promoted Artemius from the office of

secretary to that of emperor: he assumed the title of Anastasius the

Second, and displayed in a short and troubled reign the virtues both of

peace and war. But after the extinction of the Imperial line, the rule

of obedience was violated, and every change diffused the seeds of new

revolutions. In a mutiny of the fleet, an obscure and reluctant officer

of the revenue was forcibly invested with the purple: after some months

of a naval war, Anastasius resigned the sceptre; and the conqueror,

Theodosius the Third, submitted in his turn to the superior ascendant

of Leo, the general and emperor of the Oriental troops. His two

predecessors were permitted to embrace the ecclesiastical profession:

the restless impatience of Anastasius tempted him to risk and to lose

his life in a treasonable enterprise; but the last days of Theodosius

were honorable and secure. The single sublime word, "health," which

he inscribed on his tomb, expresses the confidence of philosophy or

religion; and the fame of his miracles was long preserved among the

people of Ephesus. This convenient shelter of the church might sometimes

impose a lesson of clemency; but it may be questioned whether it is for

the public interest to diminish the perils of unsuccessful ambition.

I have dwelt on the fall of a tyrant; I shall briefly represent the

founder of a new dynasty, who is known to posterity by the invectives

of his enemies, and whose public and private life is involved in the

ecclesiastical story of the Iconoclasts. Yet in spite of the clamors

of superstition, a favorable prejudice for the character of Leo the

Isaurian may be reasonably drawn from the obscurity of his birth, and

the duration of his reign.--I. In an age of manly spirit, the prospect

of an Imperial reward would have kindled every energy of the mind, and

produced a crowd of competitors as deserving as they were desirous to

reign. Even in the corruption and debility of the modern Greeks, the

elevation of a plebeian from the last to the first rank of society,

supposes some qualifications above the level of the multitude. He would

probably be ignorant and disdainful of speculative science; and, in the

pursuit of fortune, he might absolve himself from the obligations of

benevolence and justice; but to his character we may ascribe the useful

virtues of prudence and fortitude, the knowledge of mankind, and the

important art of gaining their confidence and directing their passions.

It is agreed that Leo was a native of Isauria, and that Conon was his

primitive name. The writers, whose awkward satire is praise, describe

him as an itinerant pedler, who drove an ass with some paltry

merchandise to the country fairs; and foolishly relate that he met on

the road some Jewish fortune-tellers, who promised him the Roman

empire, on condition that he should abolish the worship of idols. A more

probable account relates the migration of his father from Asia Minor to

Thrace, where he exercised the lucrative trade of a grazier; and he must

have acquired considerable wealth, since the first introduction of his

son was procured by a supply of five hundred sheep to the Imperial

camp. His first service was in the guards of Justinian, where he soon

attracted the notice, and by degrees the jealousy, of the tyrant.

His valor and dexterity were conspicuous in the Colchian war: from

Anastasius he received the command of the Anatolian legions, and by the

suffrage of the soldiers he was raised to the empire with the general

applause of the Roman world.--II. In this dangerous elevation, Leo the

Third supported himself against the envy of his equals, the discontent

of a powerful faction, and the assaults of his foreign and domestic

enemies. The Catholics, who accuse his religious innovations, are

obliged to confess that they were undertaken with temper and conducted

with firmness. Their silence respects the wisdom of his administration

and the purity of his manners. After a reign of twenty-four years, he

peaceably expired in the palace of Constantinople; and the purple which

he had acquired was transmitted by the right of inheritance to the third

generation.

In a long reign of thirty-four years, the son and successor of Leo,

Constantine the Fifth, surnamed Copronymus, attacked with less temperate

zeal the images or idols of the church. Their votaries have exhausted

the bitterness of religious gall, in their portrait of this spotted

panther, this antichrist, this flying dragon of the serpent's seed,

who surpassed the vices of Elagabalus and Nero. His reign was a long

butchery of whatever was most noble, or holy, or innocent, in his

empire. In person, the emperor assisted at the execution of his victims,

surveyed their agonies, listened to their groans, and indulged, without

satiating, his appetite for blood: a plate of noses was accepted as a

grateful offering, and his domestics were often scourged or mutilated

by the royal hand. His surname was derived from his pollution of his

baptismal font. The infant might be excused; but the manly pleasures of

Copronymus degraded him below the level of a brute; his lust confounded

the eternal distinctions of sex and species, and he seemed to extract

some unnatural delight from the objects most offensive to human sense.

In his religion the Iconoclast was a Heretic, a Jew, a Mahometan, a

Pagan, and an Atheist; and his belief of an invisible power could

be discovered only in his magic rites, human victims, and nocturnal

sacrifices to Venus and the dÊmons of antiquity. His life was stained

with the most opposite vices, and the ulcers which covered his body,

anticipated before his death the sentiment of hell-tortures. Of these

accusations, which I have so patiently copied, a part is refuted by its

own absurdity; and in the private anecdotes of the life of the princes,

the lie is more easy as the detection is more difficult. Without

adopting the pernicious maxim, that where much is alleged, something

must be true, I can however discern, that Constantine the Fifth was

dissolute and cruel. Calumny is more prone to exaggerate than to invent;

and her licentious tongue is checked in some measure by the experience

of the age and country to which she appeals. Of the bishops and monks,

the generals and magistrates, who are said to have suffered under

his reign, the numbers are recorded, the names were conspicuous, the

execution was public, the mutilation visible and permanent. The

Catholics hated the person and government of Copronymus; but even their

hatred is a proof of their oppression. They dissembled the provocations

which might excuse or justify his rigor, but even these provocations

must gradually inflame his resentment and harden his temper in the use

or the abuse of despotism. Yet the character of the fifth Constantine

was not devoid of merit, nor did his government always deserve the

curses or the contempt of the Greeks. From the confession of his

enemies, I am informed of the restoration of an ancient aqueduct, of the

redemption of two thousand five hundred captives, of the uncommon

plenty of the times, and of the new colonies with which he repeopled

Constantinople and the Thracian cities. They reluctantly praise his

activity and courage; he was on horseback in the field at the head

of his legions; and, although the fortune of his arms was various, he

triumphed by sea and land, on the Euphrates and the Danube, in civil

and Barbarian war. Heretical praise must be cast into the scale to

counterbalance the weight of orthodox invective. The Iconoclasts revered

the virtues of the prince: forty years after his death they still prayed

before the tomb of the saint. A miraculous vision was propagated by

fanaticism or fraud: and the Christian hero appeared on a milk-white

steed, brandishing his lance against the Pagans of Bulgaria: "An absurd

fable," says the Catholic historian, "since Copronymus is chained with

the dÊmons in the abyss of hell."

Leo the Fourth, the son of the fifth and the father of the sixth

Constantine, was of a feeble constitution both of mind and body, and

the principal care of his reign was the settlement of the succession.

The association of the young Constantine was urged by the officious

zeal of his subjects; and the emperor, conscious of his decay, complied,

after a prudent hesitation, with their unanimous wishes. The royal

infant, at the age of five years, was crowned with his mother Irene;

and the national consent was ratified by every circumstance of pomp

and solemnity, that could dazzle the eyes or bind the conscience of the

Greeks. An oath of fidelity was administered in the palace, the church,

and the hippodrome, to the several orders of the state, who adjured the

holy names of the Son, and mother of God. "Be witness, O Christ! that

we will watch over the safety of Constantine the son of Leo, expose

our lives in his service, and bear true allegiance to his person and

posterity." They pledged their faith on the wood of the true cross, and

the act of their engagement was deposited on the altar of St. Sophia.

The first to swear, and the first to violate their oath, were the five

sons of Copronymus by a second marriage; and the story of these princes

is singular and tragic. The right of primogeniture excluded them from

the throne; the injustice of their elder brother defrauded them of a

legacy of about two millions sterling; some vain titles were not deemed

a sufficient compensation for wealth and power; and they repeatedly

conspired against their nephew, before and after the death of his

father. Their first attempt was pardoned; for the second offence they

were condemned to the ecclesiastical state; and for the third treason,

Nicephorus, the eldest and most guilty, was deprived of his eyes, and

his four brothers, Christopher, Nicetas, Anthemeus, and Eudoxas, were

punished, as a milder sentence, by the amputation of their tongues.

After five years' confinement, they escaped to the church of St. Sophia,

and displayed a pathetic spectacle to the people. "Countrymen and

Christians," cried Nicephorus for himself and his mute brethren, "behold

the sons of your emperor, if you can still recognize our features in

this miserable state. A life, an imperfect life, is all that the malice

of our enemies has spared. It is now threatened, and we now throw

ourselves on your compassion." The rising murmur might have produced a

revolution, had it not been checked by the presence of a minister, who

soothed the unhappy princes with flattery and hope, and gently drew

them from the sanctuary to the palace. They were speedily embarked for

Greece, and Athens was allotted for the place of their exile. In this

calm retreat, and in their helpless condition, Nicephorus and his

brothers were tormented by the thirst of power, and tempted by a

Sclavonian chief, who offered to break their prison, and to lead them

in arms, and in the purple, to the gates of Constantinople. But the

Athenian people, ever zealous in the cause of Irene, prevented her

justice or cruelty; and the five sons of Copronymus were plunged in

eternal darkness and oblivion.

History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire — Volume 4(#893) · 第 43 / 49 段