The life of instinct, when it is unchecked by mind or spirit,

consists of instinctive cycles, which begin with impulses to more

or less definite acts, and pass on to satisfaction of needs through

the consequences of these impulsive acts. Impulse and desire are not

directed towards the whole cycle, but only towards its initiation:

the rest is left to natural causes. We desire to eat, but we do not

desire to be nourished unless we are valetudinarians. Yet without

the nourishment eating is a mere momentary pleasure, not part of the

general impulse to life. Men desire sexual intercourse, but they

do not as a rule desire children strongly or often. Yet without the

hope of children and its occasional realization, sexual intercourse

remains for most people an isolated and separate pleasure, not uniting

their personal life with the life of mankind, not continuous with the

central purposes by which they live, and not capable of bringing that

profound sense of fulfilment which comes from completion by children.

Most men, unless the impulse is atrophied through disuse, feel a desire

to create something, great or small according to their capacities.

Some few are able to satisfy this desire: some happy men can create an

Empire, a science, a poem, or a picture. The men of science, who have

less difficulty than any others in finding an outlet for creativeness,

are the happiest of intelligent men in the modern world, since their

creative activity affords full satisfaction to mind and spirit as well

as to the instinct of creation.[21] In them a beginning is to be seen

of the new way of life which is to be sought; in their happiness we

may perhaps find the germ of a future happiness for all mankind. The

rest, with few exceptions, are thwarted in their creative impulses.

They cannot build their own house or make their own garden, or direct

their own labor to producing what their free choice would lead them to

produce. In this way the instinct of creation, which should lead on to

the life of mind and spirit, is checked and turned aside. Too often it

is turned to destruction, as the only effective action which remains

possible. Out of its defeat grows envy, and out of envy grows the

impulse to destroy the creativeness of more fortunate men. This is one

of the greatest sources of corruption in the life of instinct.

The life of instinct is important, not only on its own account, or

because of the direct usefulness of the actions which it inspires, but

also because, if it is unsatisfactory, the individual life becomes

detached and separated from the general life of man. All really

profound sense of unity with others depends upon instinct, upon

coöperation or agreement in some instinctive purpose. This is most

obvious in the relations of men and women and parents and children.

But it is true also in wider relations. It is true of large assemblies

swayed by a strong common emotion, and even of a whole nation in

times of stress. It is part of what makes the value of religion as a

social institution. Where this feeling is wholly absent, other human

beings seem distant and aloof. Where it is actively thwarted, other

human beings become objects of instinctive hostility. The aloofness

or the instinctive hostility may be masked by religious love, which

can be given to all men regardless of their relation to ourselves. But

religious love does not bridge the gulf that parts man from man: it

looks across the gulf, it views others with compassion or impersonal

sympathy, but it does not live with the same life with which they live.

Instinct alone can do this, but only when it is fruitful and sane and

direct. To this end it is necessary that instinctive cycles should be

fairly often completed, not interrupted in the middle of their course.

At present they are constantly interrupted, partly by purposes which

conflict with them for economic or other reasons, partly by the pursuit

of pleasure, which picks out the most agreeable part of the cycle and

avoids the rest. In this way instinct is robbed of its importance and

seriousness; it becomes incapable of bringing any real fulfilment, its

demands grow more and more excessive, and life becomes no longer a

whole with a single movement, but a series of detached moments, some of

them pleasurable, most of them full of weariness and discouragement.

The life of the mind, although supremely excellent in itself, cannot

bring health into the life of instinct, except when it results in a not

too difficult outlet for the instinct of creation. In other cases it

is, as a rule, too widely separated from instinct, too detached, too

destitute of inward growth, to afford either a vehicle for instinct

or a means of subtilizing and refining it. Thought is in its essence

impersonal and detached, instinct is in its essence personal and tied

to particular circumstances: between the two, unless both reach a

high level, there is a war which is not easily appeased. This is the

fundamental reason for vitalism, futurism, pragmatism, and the various

other philosophies which advertise themselves as vigorous and virile.

All these represent the attempt to find a mode of thought which shall

not be hostile to instinct. The attempt, in itself, is deserving of

praise, but the solution offered is far too facile. What is proposed

amounts to a subordination of thought to instinct, a refusal to allow

thought to achieve its own ideal. Thought which does not rise above

what is personal is not thought in any true sense: it is merely a more

or less intelligent use of instinct. It is thought and spirit that

raise man above the level of the brutes. By discarding them we may lose

the proper excellence of men, but cannot acquire the excellence of

animals. Thought must achieve its full growth before a reconciliation

with instinct is attempted.

When refined thought and unrefined instinct coexist, as they do in many

intellectual men, the result is a complete disbelief in any important

good to be achieved by the help of instinct. According to their

disposition, some such men will as far as possible discard instinct and

become ascetic, while others will accept it as a necessity, leaving

it degraded and separated from all that is really important in their

lives. Either of these courses prevents instinct from remaining vital,

or from being a bond with others; either produces a sense of physical

solitude, a gulf across which the minds and spirits of others may

speak, but not their instincts. To very many men, the instinct of

patriotism, when the war broke out, was the first instinct that had

bridged the gulf, the first that had made them feel a really profound

unity with others. This instinct, just because, in its intense form,

it was new and unfamiliar, had remained uninfected by thought, not

paralyzed or devitalized by doubt and cold detachment. The sense of

unity which it brought is capable of being brought by the instinctive

life of more normal times, if thought and spirit are not hostile to

it. And so long as this sense of unity is absent, instinct and spirit

cannot be in harmony, nor can the life of the community have vigor and

the seeds of new growth.

The life of the mind, because of its detachment, tends to separate a

man inwardly from other men, so long as it is not balanced by the life

of the spirit. For this reason, mind without spirit can render instinct

corrupt or atrophied, but cannot add any excellence to the life of

instinct. On this ground, some men are hostile to thought. But no good

purpose is served by trying to prevent the growth of thought, which has

its own insistence, and if checked in the directions in which it tends

naturally, will turn into other directions where it is more harmful.

And thought is in itself god-like: if the opposition between thought

and instinct were irreconcilable, it would be thought that ought to

conquer. But the opposition is not irreconciliable: all that is

necessary is that both thought and instinct should be informed by the

life of the spirit.

In order that human life should have vigor, it is necessary for the

instinctive impulses to be strong and direct; but in order that human

life should be good, these impulses must be dominated and controlled

by desires less personal and ruthless, less liable to lead to conflict

than those that are inspired by instinct alone. Something impersonal

and universal is needed over and above what springs out of the

principle of individual growth. It is this that is given by the life of

the spirit.

Patriotism affords an example of the kind of control which is needed.

Patriotism is compounded out of a number of instinctive feelings and

impulses: love of home, love of those whose ways and outlook resemble

our own, the impulse to coöperation in a group, the sense of pride

in the achievements of one’s group. All these impulses and desires,

like everything belonging to the life of instinct, are personal, in

the sense that the feelings and actions which they inspire towards

others are determined by the relation of those others to ourselves,

not by what those others are intrinsically. All these impulses and

desires unite to produce a love of man’s own country which is more

deeply implanted in the fiber of his being, and more closely united to

his vital force, than any love not rooted in instinct. But if spirit

does not enter in to generalize love of country, the exclusiveness of

instinctive love makes it a source of hatred of other countries. What

spirit can effect is to make us realize that other countries equally

are worthy of love, that the vital warmth which makes us love our own

country reveals to us that it deserves to be loved, and that only the

poverty of our nature prevents us from loving all countries as we love

our own. In this way instinctive love can be extended in imagination,

and a sense of the value of all mankind can grow up, which is more

living and intense than any that is possible to those whose instinctive

love is weak. Mind can only show us that it is irrational to love our

own country best; it can weaken patriotism, but cannot strengthen

the love of all mankind. Spirit alone can do this, by extending and

universalizing the love that is born of instinct. And in doing this it

checks and purifies whatever is insistent or ruthless or oppressively

personal in the life of instinct.

The same extension through spirit is necessary with other instinctive

loves, if they are not to be enfeebled or corrupted by thought. The

love of husband and wife is capable of being a very good thing, and

when men and women are sufficiently primitive nothing but instinct

and good fortune is needed to make it reach a certain limited

perfection. But as thought begins to assert its right to criticize

instinct the old simplicity becomes impossible. The love of husband

and wife, as unchecked instinct leaves it, is too narrow and personal

to stand against the shafts of satire, until it is enriched by the

life of the spirit. The romantic view of marriage, which our fathers

and mothers professed to believe, will not survive an imaginative

peregrination down a street of suburban villas, each containing its

couple, each couple having congratulated themselves as they first

crossed the threshold, that here they could love in peace, without

interruption from others, without contact with the cold outside world.

The separateness and stuffiness, the fine names for cowardices and

timid vanities, that are shut within the four walls of thousands upon

thousands of little villas, present themselves coldly and mercilessly

to those in whom mind is dominant at the expense of spirit.

Nothing is good in the life of a human being except the very best that

his nature can achieve. As men advance, things which have been good

cease to be good, merely because something better is possible. So it is

with the life of instinct: for those whose mental life is strong, much

that was really good while mind remained less developed has now become

bad merely through the greater degree of truth in their outlook on the

world. The instinctive man in love feels that his emotion is unique,

that the lady of his heart has perfections such as no other woman ever

equaled. The man who has acquired the power of impersonal thought

realizes, when he is in love, that he is one of so many millions of

men who are in love at this moment, that not more than one of all the

millions can be right in thinking his love supreme, and that it is not

likely that that one is oneself. He perceives that the state of being

in love in those whose instinct is unaffected by thought or spirit,

is a state of illusion, serving the ends of Nature and making a man

a slave to the life of the species, not a willing minister to the

impersonal ends which he sees to be good. Thought rejects this slavery;

for no end that Nature may have in view will thought abdicate, or forgo

its right to think truly. “Better the world should perish than that

I or any other human being should believe a lie”—this is the religion

of thought, in whose scorching flames the dross of the world is being

burnt away. It is a good religion, and its work of destruction must be

completed. But it is not all that man has need of. New growth must come

after the destruction, and new growth can come only through the spirit.

Both patriotism and the love of man and woman, when they are merely

instinctive, have the same defects: their exclusions, their enclosing

walls, their indifference or hostility to the outside world. It is

through this that thought is led to satire, that comedy has infected

what men used to consider their holiest feelings. The satire and the

comedy are justified, but not the death of instinct which they may

produce if they remain in supreme command. They are justified, not as

the last word of wisdom but as the gateway of pain through which men

pass to a new life, where instinct is purified and yet nourished by the

deeper desires and insight of spirit.

The man who has the life of the spirit within him views the love of man

and woman, both in himself and in others, quite differently from the

man who is exclusively dominated by mind. He sees, in his moments of

insight, that in all human beings there is something deserving of love,

something mysterious, something appealing, a cry out of the night, a

groping journey, and a possible victory. When his instinct loves, he

welcomes its help in seeing and feeling the value of the human being

whom he loves. Instinct becomes a reinforcement to spiritual insight.

What instinct tells him spiritual insight confirms, however much the

mind may be aware of littlenesses, limitations, and enclosing walls

that prevent the spirit from shining forth. His spirit divines in all

men what his instinct shows him in the object of his love.

The love of parents for children has need of the same transformation.

The purely instinctive love, unchecked by thought, uninformed by

spirit, is exclusive, ruthless, and unjust. No benefit to others is

felt, by the purely instinctive parent, to be worth an injury to one’s

own children. Honor and conventional morality place certain important

practical limitations on the vicarious selfishness of parents, since

a civilized community exacts a certain minimum before it will give

respect. But within the limits allowed by public opinion, parental

affection, when it is merely instinctive, will seek the advantage

of children without regard to others. Mind can weaken the impulse to

injustice, and diminish the force of instinctive love, but it cannot

keep the whole force of instinctive love and turn it to more universal

ends. Spirit can do this. It can leave the instinctive love of children

undimmed, and extend the poignant devotion of a parent, in imagination,

to the whole world. And parental love itself will prompt the parent

who has the life of the spirit to give to his children the sense of

justice, the readiness for service, the reverence, the will that

controls self-seeking, which he feels to be a greater good than any

personal success.

The life of the spirit has suffered in recent times by its association

with traditional religion, by its apparent hostility to the life of the

mind, and by the fact that it has seemed to center in renunciation.

The life of the spirit demands readiness for renunciation when the

occasion arises, but is in its essence as positive and as capable of

enriching individual existence as mind and instinct are. It brings with

it the joy of vision, of the mystery and profundity of the world, of

the contemplation of life, and above all the joy of universal love.

It liberates those who have it from the prison-house of insistent

personal passion and mundane cares. It gives freedom and breadth and

beauty to men’s thoughts and feelings, and to all their relations with

others. It brings the solution of doubts, the end of the feeling that

all is vanity. It restores harmony between mind and instinct, and leads

the separated unit back into his place in the life of mankind. For

those who have once entered the world of thought, it is only through

spirit that happiness and peace can return.

VIII

WHAT WE CAN DO

What can we do for the world while we live?

Many men and women would wish to serve mankind, but they are perplexed

and their power seems infinitesimal. Despair seizes them; those who

have the strongest passion suffer most from the sense of impotence, and

are most liable to spiritual ruin through lack of hope.

So long as we think only of the immediate future, it seems that what

we can do is not much. It is probably impossible for us to bring the

war to an end. We cannot destroy the excessive power of the State or

of private property. We cannot, here and now, bring new life into

education. In such matters, though we may see the evil, we cannot

quickly cure it by any of the ordinary methods of politics. We must

recognize that the world is ruled in a wrong spirit, and that a change

of spirit will not come from one day to the next. Our expectations

must not be for to-morrow, but for the time when what is thought now by

a few shall have become the common thought of many. If we have courage

and patience, we can think the thoughts and feel the hopes by which,

sooner or later, men will be inspired, and weariness and discouragement

will be turned into energy and ardor. For this reason, the first thing

we have to do is to be clear in our own minds as to the kind of life we

think good and the kind of change that we desire in the world.

The ultimate power of those whose thought is vital is far greater than

it seems to men who suffer from the irrationality of contemporary

politics. Religious toleration was once the solitary speculation of a

few bold philosophers. Democracy, as a theory, arose among a handful of

men in Cromwell’s army; by them, after the Restoration, it was carried

to America, where it came to fruition in the War of Independence. From

America, Lafayette and the other Frenchmen who fought by the side of

Washington brought the theory of democracy to France, where it united

itself with the teaching of Rousseau and inspired the Revolution.

Socialism, whatever we may think of its merits, is a great and growing

power, which is transforming economic and political life; and socialism

owes its origin to a very small number of isolated theorists. The

movement against the subjection of women, which has become irresistible

and is not far from complete triumph, began in the same way with a few

impracticable idealists—Mary Wollstonecraft, Shelley, John Stuart Mill.

The power of thought, in the long run, is greater than any other human

power. Those who have the ability to think and the imagination to think

in accordance with men’s needs, are likely to achieve the good they aim

at sooner or later, though probably not while they are still alive.

But those who wish to gain the world by thought must be content to

lose it as a support in the present. Most men go through life without

much questioning, accepting the beliefs and practices which they find

current, feeling that the world will be their ally if they do not

put themselves in opposition to it. New thought about the world is

incompatible with this comfortable acquiescence; it requires a certain

intellectual detachment, a certain solitary energy, a power of inwardly

dominating the world and the outlook that the world engenders. Without

some willingness to be lonely new thought cannot be achieved. And it

will not be achieved to any purpose if the loneliness is accompanied

by aloofness, so that the wish for union with others dies, or if

intellectual detachment leads to contempt. It is because the state

of mind required is subtle and difficult, because it is hard to be

intellectually detached yet not aloof, that fruitful thought on human

affairs is not common, and that most theorists are either conventional

or sterile. The right kind of thought is rare and difficult, but it is

not impotent. It is not the fear of impotence that need turn us aside

from thought if we have the wish to bring new hope into the world.

In seeking a political theory which is to be useful at any given

moment, what is wanted is not the invention of a Utopia, but the

discovery of the best direction of movement. The direction which is

good at one time may be superficially very different from that which

is good at another time. Useful thought is that which indicates the

right direction for the present time. But in judging what is the right

direction there are two general principles which are always applicable.

1. The growth and vitality of individuals and communities is to be

promoted as far as possible.

2. The growth of one individual or one community is to be as little as

possible at the expense of another.

The second of these principles, as applied by an individual in his

dealings with others, is the principle of _reverence_, that the life

of another has the same importance which we feel in our own life. As

applied impersonally in politics, it is the principle of _liberty_,

or rather it includes the principle of liberty as a part. Liberty in

itself is a negative principle; it tells us not to interfere, but does

not give any basis for construction. It shows that many political and

social institutions are bad and ought to be swept away, but it does not

show what ought to be put in their place. For this reason a further

principle is required, if our political theory is not to be purely

destructive.

The combination of our two principles is not in practice an easy

matter. Much of the vital energy of the world runs into channels which

are oppressive. The Germans have shown themselves extraordinarily full

of vital energy, but unfortunately in a form which seems incompatible

with the vitality of their neighbors. Europe in general has more vital

energy than Africa, but it has used its energy to drain Africa, through

industrialism, of even such life as the negroes possessed. The vitality

of southeastern Europe is being drained to supply cheap labor for the

enterprise of American millionaires. The vitality of men has been in

the past a hindrance to the development of women, and it is possible

that in the near future women may become a similar hindrance to men.

For such reasons the principle of reverence, though not in itself

sufficient, is of very great importance, and is able to indicate many

of the political changes that the world requires.

In order that both principles may be capable of being satisfied, what

is needed is a unifying or integration, first of our individual lives,

then of the life of the community and of the world, without sacrifice

of individuality. The life of an individual, the life of a community,

and even the life of mankind, ought to be, not a number of separate

fragments but in some sense a whole. When this is the case, the growth

of the individual is fostered, and is not incompatible with the growth

of other individuals. In this way the two principles are brought into

harmony.

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