HISTORY

_Introduction._--Arabia is a land of Semites, and is supposed by some

scholars to have been the original home of the Semitic peoples. Although

this cannot be said to be proved, the studies, linguistic and

archaeological, of Semitic scholars have shown it to be probable. The

dispersion from Arabia is easy to imagine. The migration into Babylonia

was simple, as there are no natural boundaries to separate it from

north-east Arabia, and similar migrations have taken place in historic

times. That of the Aramaeans at an early period is likewise free from

any natural hindrance. The connexion with Palestine has always been

close; and the Abyssinian settlement is probably as late as the

beginning of the Christian era. Of these migrations, however, history

knows nothing, nor are they expressed in literature. Arabian literature

has its own version of prehistoric times, but it is entirely legendary

and apocryphal. It was, and still is, the custom of Arabian historians

to begin with the creation of the world and tell the history from then

to the time of which they are writing. Consequently even the more sober

histories contain a mass of fables about early days. Many of these,

taken in part from Jewish and Christian sources, find a place in the

Koran. Of all these stories current at the time of Mahomet, the only

ones of any value are the accounts of the "days of the Arabs," i.e.

accounts of some famous inter-tribal battles in Arabia.

_Authorities._--Until recently the Arab traditions were practically the

only source for the pre-Islamic history of Arabia. The Old Testament

references to Arabs were obscure. The classical accounts of the invasion

of Aelius Callus in 26 B.C. threw little light on the state of Arabia at

the time, still less on its past history. The Greek writers from

Theophrastus in the 4th century B.C. to Ptolemy in the 2nd century A.D.

mention many names of Arabian peoples and describe the situation of

their cities, but contribute little to their history, and that little

could not be controlled. The same applies to the information of Pliny in

his _Natural History_. In the 19th century the discovery and

decipherment of the Assyrian inscriptions gave a slight glance into the

relations between Arabs and Assyrians from the 8th century B.C. But the

great contribution of the century to the early history of Arabia was the

collecting and translating of numerous early Arabian inscriptions (cf.

section _Antiquities_ above), which have done service both by their own

indication of a great civilization in Arabia for nearly (or more than) a

thousand years before the Christian era, and by the new stimulus which

they gave to the study and appreciation of the materials in the Assyrian

inscriptions, the Old Testament, and the Greek and Roman writers. At the

same time the facts that the inscriptions are undated until a late

period, that few are historical in their contents, and for the most part

yield only names of gods and rulers and domestic and religious details,

and that our collection is still very incomplete, have led to much

serious disagreement among scholars as to the reconstruction of the

history of Arabia in the pre-Christian centuries.

All scholars, however, are agreed that the inscriptions reach as far

back as the 9th century B.C. (some say to the 16th) and prove the

existence of at least four civilized kingdoms during these centuries.

These are the kingdoms of Ma'in (Minaean), of Saba (Sabaean), of

Hadramaut (Hadramut) and of Katabania (Katabanu). Of the two latter

little is known. That of Hadramut had kings from the time of the

Minaeans to about A.D. 300, when it was conquered by Ethiopia. The

limits of the kingdom of Katabania are not known, but it has its own

inscriptions.

As to the Sabaean kingdom there is fair agreement among scholars. The

inscriptions go back to 800 B.C. or earlier, and the same applies to the

kingdom. A queen of this people (the "Queen of Sheba") is said (1 Kings

x.) to have visited Solomon about 950 B.C. There is, however, no mention

of such a queen in the inscriptions. An Assyrian inscription mentions

Ith'amara the Sabaean who paid tribute to Sargon in 715 B.C. At this

time the Sabaeans must have been in north Arabia unless the inscription

refers to a northern colony of the southern Sabaeans. The former opinion

is held by E. Glaser, who thinks that in the 9th and 8th centuries they

moved down along the west coast to the south, where they conquered the

Minaeans (see below). The Sabaean rule is generally divided into periods

indicated by the titles given to their rulers. In the first of these

ruled the Makarib, who seem to have been priest-kings. Their first

capital was at Sirwah. Ten such rulers are mentioned in the

inscriptions. Their rule extended from the 9th to the 6th century. The

second period begins about 550 B.C. The rulers are known as "kings of

Saba." Their capital was Ma'rib. The names of seventeen of these kings

are known from the inscriptions. Their sway lasted until about 115 B.C.,

when they were succeeded by the Himyarites. During this period they were

engaged in constant strife with the neighbouring kingdoms of Hadramut

and Katabania. The great prosperity of south-west Arabia at this time

was due in large measure to the fact that the trade from India with

Egypt came there by sea and then went by land up the west coast. This

trade, however, was lost during this period, as the Ptolemies

established an overland route from India to Alexandria. The connexion of

Saba with the north, where the Nabataeans (q.v.) had existed from about

200 B.C., was now broken. The decay that followed caused a number of

Sabaeans to migrate to other parts of Arabia.

The Minaean kingdom extended over the south Arabian Jauf, its chief

cities being Karnau, Ma'in and Yathil. Some twenty-five kings are known

from the inscriptions; of these twenty are known to be related to one

another. Their history must thus cover several centuries. As

inscriptions in the Minaean language are found in al-'Ula in north

Arabia, it is probable that they had colonies in that district. With

regard to their date opinion is very much divided; some, with E. Glaser

and F. Hommel, maintaining that their kingdom existed prior to that of

Saba, probably from about 1500 B.C. or earlier until the Sabaeans came

from their home in the north and conquered them in the 9th century.

Other scholars think, with D.H. Muller, partly on palaeographical

grounds (cf. M. Lidzbarski's _Ephemeris_, vol. i. pp. 109 seq., Giessen,

1902), that none of the inscriptions are earlier than about 800 B.C. and

that the Minaean kingdom existed side by side with the Sabaean. It is

curious that the Sabaean inscriptions contain no mention of the

Minaeans, though this may be due to the fact that very few of the

inscriptions are historical in content.

About 115 B.C. the power over south Arabia passed from the Sabaeans to

the Himyarites, a people from the extreme south-west of Arabia; and

about this time the kingdom of Katabania came to an end. The title taken

by the new rulers was "king of Saba and Raidan." Twenty-six kings of

this period are known from the inscriptions, some of which are dated. In

this period the Romans made their one attempt at direct interference in

the affairs of Arabia. The invasion under Aelius Gallus was an absolute

failure, the expedition being betrayed by the guides and lost in the

sands of the desert. During the latter part of this time the

Abyssinians, who had earlier migrated from Arabia to the opposite coast

of Africa, began to flow back to the south of Arabia, where they seem to

have settled gradually and increased in importance until about A.D. 300,

when they became strong enough to overturn the Himyarite kings and

establish a dynasty of their own. The title assumed by them was "king of

Saba, Raidan, Hadramut and Yemen." The Himyarites were, however, still

active, and after a struggle succeeded in establishing a Jewish Sabaean

kingdom, having previously accepted Judaism as their religion. Their

best-known king was Dhu Nuwas. The struggle between them and the

Abyssinians now became one of Judaism against Christianity. The

persecution of the Christians was very severe (see E. Glaser's _Die

Abyssinier in Arabien und Afrika_, Munich, 1895, and F.M.E. Pereira's

_Historia dos Martyres de Nagran_, Lisbon, 1899). Apparently for this

reason Christian Abyssinia was supported from Byzantium in its attempts

to regain power. These attempts were crowned with success in 525. Of the

Christian Abyssinian kings in Arabia tradition tells of four, one only

of whom is mentioned in inscriptions. The famous expedition of Abraha,

the Abyssinian viceroy, against Mecca, took place in 570. Five years

later the Persians, who had been called in by the opponents of

Christianity, succeeded in taking over the rule and in appointing

governors over Yemen. (See further ETHIOPIA: _The Axumite Kingdom_.)

_Hira, Ghassan and Kinda._--Before passing to the time of Mahomet it is

necessary to take account of three other Arabian powers, those of Hira,

Ghassan and Kinda.

Hira.

The kingdom of Hira (Hira) was established in the boundary land between

the Euphrates and the Arabian desert, a district renowned for its good

air and extraordinary fertility. The chief town was Hira, a few miles

south of the site of the later town of Kufa. The inhabitants of this

land are said in Tabari's history to have been of three classes:--(1)

The Tanukh (Tnuhs), who lived in tents and were made up of Arabs from

the Tehama and Nejd, who had united in Bahrein to form a new tribe, and

who migrated from there to Hira, probably at the beginning or middle of

the 3rd century A.D., when the Arsacid power was growing weak. The

Arabian historians relate their conflict with Zenobia. (2) The 'Ibad or

'Ibadites, who dwelt in the town of Hira in houses and so led a settled

life. These were Christians, whose ecclesiastical language was Syriac,

though the language of intercourse was Arabic. A Christian bishop of

Hira is known to have attended a synod in 410. In the 5th century they

became Nestorians. (3) Refugees of various tribes, who came into the

land but did not belong to the Tanukh or the 'Ibad. There is no

trustworthy information as to the earlier chiefs of this people. The

dynasty of the Lakhmids, famed in Arabian history and literature, arose

towards the end of the 3rd century and lasted until about 602. The names

of twenty kings are given by Hisham al-Kalbi in Tabari's history.

Although so many of their subjects were Christian, the Lakhmids remained

heathen until Nu'man, the last of the dynasty. The kingdom of Hira was

never really independent, but always stood in a relation of dependence

on Persia, probably receiving pay from it and employing Persian

soldiers. At the height of its power it was able to render valuable aid

to its suzerain. Much of its time was spent in wars with Rome and

Ghassan. Its revenues were derived from the Bedouins of the surrounding

lands as well as from its own subjects at home. About 602 the Lakhmid

dynasty fell, and the Persian Chosroes (Khosrau) II. appointed as

governor an Arab of the tribe of Tai. Shortly after it came into

relation with Islam.

See G. Rothstein's _Die Dynastie der Lakhmiden in al-Hira_ (Berlin,

1899); Th. Noldeke's _Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der

Sassaniden_ (Leiden, 1879).

[Illustration: ARABIA]

Ghassan.

In the beginning of the 6th century A.D. a dynasty known as the Jafnids,

enter into the history alike of the Roman and Persian empires. They

ruled over the tribe of Ghassan in the extreme north-west of Arabia,

east of the Jordan, from near Petra in the south to the neighbourhood of

Rosafa in the north-east. Of their origin little is known except that

they came from the south. A part of the same tribe inhabited Yathrib

(Medina) at the time of Mahomet. The first certain prince of the Jafnid

house was Harith ibn Jabala, who, according to the chronicle of John

Malalas, conquered Mondhir (Mundhir) of Hira in 528. In the following

year, according to Procopius, Justinian perceived the value of the

Ghassanids as an outpost of the Roman empire, and as opponents of the

Persian dependants of Hira, and recognized Harith as king of the Arabs

and patrician of the Roman empire. He was thus constantly engaged in

battles against Hira. In 541 he fought under Belisarius in Mesopotamia.

After his death about 569 or 570 the friendly relations with the West

continued, but about 583 there was a breach. The Ghassanid kingdom split

into sections each with its own prince. Some passed under the sway of

Persia, others preserved their freedom at the expense of their

neighbours. At this point their history ceases to be mentioned in the

Western chronicles. There are references to the Ghassanid Nu'man in the

poems of Nabigha. Arabian tradition tells of their prince Jabala ibn

Aiham who accepted Islam, after fighting against it, but finding it too

democratic, returned to Christianity and exile in the Roman empire. As

Islam advanced, some of the Ghassanids retreated to Cappadocia, others

accepted the new faith.

See Th. Noldeke, _Die ghassanischen Fursten aus dent Hause Gafna's_

(Berlin, 1887).

Kinda.

In the last decade of the 5th century a new power arose in central

Arabia. This was the tribe of Kinda under the sway of the family of Aqil

ul Murar, who came from the south. They seem to have stood in much the

same relation to the rulers of Yemen, as the people of Hira to the

Persians and the Ghassanids to Rome. Abraha in his invasion of the Hejaz

was accompanied by chiefs of Kinda. Details of their history are not

known, but they seem to have gained power at one time even over the

Lakhmids of Hira; and to have ruled over Bahrein as well as Yemama until

the battle of Shi'b ul Jabala, when they lost this province to Hira. The

poet Amru'ul Qais was a member of the princely family of Kinda.

Other parts of Arabia.

Outside the territory of the powers mentioned above, Arabia in the 6th

century was in a state of political chaos. Bahrein, inhabited chiefly by

the Bani'Abd Qais and the Bani Bakr, was largely subject to Persian

influence near its coast, and a Persian governor, Sebocht, resided in

Hajar, its chief town. In Oman the Arabs, who were chiefly engaged in

fishing and seafaring, were Azdites mixed with Persians. The ruling

dynasty of Julanda in their capital Suhar lasted on till the Abbasid

period. No Persian officials are mentioned in this country; whether

Persians exercised authority over it is doubtful. On the west coast of

Arabia the influence of the kingdom of Yemen was felt in varying degree

according to the strength of the rulers of that land. Apart from this

influence the Hejaz was simply a collection of cities each with its own

government, while outside the cities the various tribes governed

themselves and fought continual battles with one another.

_Time of Mahomet._--Thus at the time of Mahomet's advent the country was

peopled by various tribes, some more or less settled under the

governments of south Arabia, Kinda, Hira and Ghassan, these in turn

depending on Abyssinia, Persia and Rome (i.e. Byzantium); others as in

the Hejaz were ruled in smaller communities by members of leading

families, while in various parts of the peninsula were wandering Arabs

still maintaining the traditions of old family and tribal rule, forming

no state, sometimes passing, as suited them, under the influence and

protection of one or another of the greater powers. To these may be

added a certain number of Jewish tribes and families deriving their

origin partly from migrations from Palestine, partly from converts among

the Arabs themselves. Mahomet appealed at once to religion and

patriotism, or rather created a feeling for both. For Mahomet as a

religious teacher and for the details of his career see MAHOMET. It is

enough here to outline his actions in so far as he attempted to create a

united, and then a conquering, Arabia. Though the external conquests of

the Arabs belong more properly to the period of the caliphate, yet they

were the natural outcome of the prophet's ideas. His idea of Arabia for

the Arabians could only be realized by summoning the great kings of the

surrounding nations to recognize Islam; otherwise Abyssinia, Persia and

Rome (Byzantium) would continue their former endeavours to influence and

control the affairs of the peninsula. Tradition tells that a few years

before his death he did actually send letters to the emperor Heraclius,

to the negus of Abyssinia, the king of Persia, and Cyrus, patriarch of

Alexandria, the "Mukaukis" of Egypt, summoning them to accept Islam and

threatening them with punishment in case of refusal. But the task of

carrying out these threats fell to the lot of his successors; the work

of the prophet was to be the subjugating and uniting of Arabia. This

work, scarcely begun in Mecca, was really started after the migration to

Medina by the formation of a party of men--the _Muhajirun_ (Refugees or

Emigrants) and the _Ansar_ (Helpers or Defenders)--who accepted Mahomet

as their religious leader. As the necessity of overcoming his enemies

became urgent, this party became military. A few successes in battle

attracted to him men who were interested in fighting and who were

willing to accept his religion as a condition of membership of his

party, which soon began to assume a national form. Mahomet early found

an excuse for attacking the Jews, who were naturally in the way of his

schemes. The Bani Nadir were expelled, the Bani Quraiza slaughtered. By

the time he had successfully stormed the rich Jewish town of Khaibar, he

had found that it was better to allow industrious Jews to remain in

Arabia as payers of tribute than to expel or kill them: this policy he

followed afterwards. The capture of Mecca (630) was not only an evidence

of his growing power, which induced Arabs throughout the peninsula to

join him, but gave him a valuable centre of pilgrimage, in which he was

able by a politic adoption of some of the heathen Arabian ceremonies

into his own rites to win men over the more easily to his own cause. At

his death in 623 Mahomet left Arabia practically unified. It is true

that rival prophets were leading rebellions in various parts of Arabia,

that the tax-collectors were not always paid, and that the warriors of

the land were much distressed for want of work owing to the brotherhood

of Arabs proclaimed by Mahomet. The tribes were a seething mass of

restlessness, their old feuds ready to break out again. But they had

realized that they had common interests. The power of the foreigner in

Arabia was broken. Islam promised rich booty for those who fought and

won, paradise for those who fell.

_Early Caliphs_.[1] 1. _Conquest._--One task of the early caliphs was to

find an outlet for the restless fighting spirit. Abu Bekr (632-634), the

first of these caliphs, was a man of simple life and profound faith. He

understood the intention of Mahomet as to foreign nations, and set

himself resolutely to carry it out in the face of much difficulty. Hence

as soon as he assumed office he sent out the army already chosen to

advance against the Romans in the north. The successful reduction of the

rebels in Arabia enabled him in his first year to send his great general

Khalid with his Arab warriors first against Persians, then against

Romans. His early death prevented him from seeing the fruits of his

policy. Under the second caliph Omar (634-644) the Persians were

defeated at Kadesiya (Kadessia), and Irak was completely subdued and the

new cities of Kufa and Basra were founded (635). In the same year

Damascus fell into the hands of the Arabs under Abu 'Ubaida. In 636

Jerusalem fell and received a visit from the caliph. Three years later

the fateful step was taken of appointing Moawiya (Mu'awiyya) governor of

Syria. In 640 'Amr-ibn-el-Ass (Amr ibn al-'As) invaded Egypt and the

following year took Alexandria and founded Fostat (which later became

Cairo). The victory at Nehavend in 641 over the Persians, the flight of

the last Sassanid king and the capture of Rei or Rai (class. Rhagae) in

643 meant the entire subjugation of Persia and crowned the conquests of

Omar's caliphate. The reign of the third caliph Othman (644-656) was

marked by the beginning of that internal strife which was to ruin

Arabia; but the foreign conquests continued. In the north the Moslem

arms reached Armenia and Asia Minor; on the west they were successful as

far as Carthage on the north coast of Africa. After the murder of

Othman, 'Ali (656-661) became caliph, but Moawiya, governor of Syria,

soon rebelled on the pretext of avenging the death of Othman. After the

battle of Siffin (657) arbitration was resorted to for the settlement of

the rival claims. By a trick 'Ali was deposed (658), and the Omayyad

dynasty was established with its capital at Damascus.

Institution of navy.

During these early years the Arabs had not only made conquests by land,

but had found an outlet for their energy at sea. In 640 Omar sent a

fleet of boats across the Red Sea to protect the Moslems on the

Abyssinian coast. The boats were wrecked. Omar was so terrified by this

that when Moawiya applied to him for permission to use ships for an

attack on the islands of the Levant, he resolutely refused. Othman was

less careful, and allowed a fleet from Africa to help in the conquests

of the Levant and Asia Minor. In 649 he sanctioned the establishment of

a maritime service, on condition that it should be voluntary. Abu Qais,

appointed admiral, showed its usefulness by the capture of Cyprus. In

652 Abu Sarh with a fleet from Egypt won a naval battle over the

Byzantine fleet near Alexandria.

2. _Internal Affairs._--In the meantime what had become of Arabia and

its unification? The first task of Abu Bekr had been to reduce those

rebels who threatened to destroy that unity even before it was fully

established. This he did by the aid of the great general Khalid. First

he swept down on the Bani Hanifa in Yemama, who with their rival prophet

Mosailama (Mosailima) and 40,000 men were in arms. The battle of Yemama

(633) was fierce and decisive. Mosailama was slain. The Bani Hanifa

returned to Islam. Bahrein was influenced by this battle, and the

rebellion there, which was threatening, was crushed. Oman was

reconquered by Huddhaifa, who became its governor. Ikrima settled Mahra.

Muhajir, with the help of Ikrima, succeeded with difficulty, but

thoroughly, in defeating Amr ibn Ma'dikarib and Qais ibn 'Abd Yaghuth in

Yemen and Ashath ibn Qais in Hadramut. The Hejaz and Tehama were cleared

of the plundering nomads by 'Attab and Tahir. At the end of the first

year of his caliphate Abu Bekr saw Arabia united under Islam. The new

national feeling demanded that all Arabs should be free men, so the

caliph ordained that all Arab slaves should be freed on easy terms. The

solidarity of Arabia survived the first foreign conquests. It was not

intended that Arabs should settle in the conquered lands except as

armies of occupation. Thus it was at first forbidden that Arabs should

buy or possess land in these countries. Kufa was to be only a military

camp, as was Fostat in Egypt. The taxes with the booty from conquests

were to be sent to Arabia for distribution among the Moslems. Omar tried

to prevent the advance of conquests lest Arabia should suffer. "I would

rather the safety of my people than thousands of spoil and further

conquest." But men could not be prevented from pouring out from their

homes in search of new conquests and more booty. Many of those who went

forth did not return. They acquired property and rank in the new lands.

Kufa attracted chiefly men of south Arabia, Basra those of the north.

Both became great cities, each with a population of 150,000 to 200,000

Arabians. Yet so long as the caliphs lived in Medina, the capital of

Arabia was the capital of the expanding Arabian empire. To it was

brought a large share of the booty. The caliphs were chosen there, and

there the rules for the administration were framed. Thence went out the

governors to their provinces. Omar was the great organizer of Arabian

affairs. He compiled the Koran, instituted the civil list, regulated the

military organization. He, too, desired that Mahomet's wish should be

carried out and that Arabia should be purely Moslem. To this end he

expelled the Christians from Nejran and gave them lands in Syria and

Irak, where they were allowed to live in peace on payment of tribute.

The Jews, too, were shortly after expelled from Khaibar. The secondary

position that Arabia was beginning to assume in the Arabian empire is

clearly marked in the progress of events during the caliphate of Othman.

In his appointments to governorships and other offices, as well as in

his distribution of spoil, Othman showed a marked preference for the

members of his own tribe the Koreish (Quraish) and the members of his

own family the Bani Omayya (Umayya). The other Arab tribes became

increasingly jealous of the Koreish, while among the Koreish themselves

the Hashimite family came to hate the Omayyad, which now had much power,

although it had been among the last to accept Islam and never was very

strict in its religious duties. But the quarrels which led to the murder

of Othman were fomented not so much in Arabia as in Kufa and Basra and

Fostat. In these cities the rival parties were composed of the most

energetic fighting men, who were brought into the most intimate contact

with one another, and who kept up their quarrels from the home land. In

Kufa a number of the Koreish had settled, and their arrogance became

insupportable. The governors of all these towns were of Othman's own

family. After some years of growing dissatisfaction deputies from these

places came to Medina, and the result was the murder of the caliph.

Syria alone remained loyal to the house of Omayya, and Othman had been

advised to take refuge there, but had refused. Arabia itself counted for

little in the strife. Yet its prestige was not altogether lost. After

the murder the rebels were unwilling to return home until a new caliph

had been chosen in the capital. The Egyptian rebels managed to gain most

influence, and, in accordance with their desire, 'Ali was appointed

caliph by the citizens of Medina. But Medina itself was being corrupted

by the constant influx of captives, who, employed at first as servants,

soon became powerful enough to dictate to their masters. In the struggle

that ensued upon the election of 'Ali, Arabia was involved. Ayesha,

Talha and Zobair, who were strong in Mecca, succeeded in obtaining

possession of Basra, but were defeated in 656 at the battle of the Camel

(see ALI). In the south of Arabia 'Ali succeeded in establishing his own

governor in Yemen, though the government treasure was carried off to

Mecca. But the centre of strife was not to be Arabia. When 'Ali left

Medina to secure Basra, he abandoned it as the capital of the Arabian

empire. With the success of Moawiya Damascus became the capital of the

caliphate (658) and Arabia became a mere province, though always of

importance because of its possession of the two sacred cities Mecca and

Medina. Both these cities were secured by Moawiya in 660, and at the

same time Yemen was punished for its adherence to 'Ali. The final blow

to any political pretensions of Medina was dealt by the caliph when he

had his son Yazid declared as his successor, thus taking away any claim

on the part of the citizens of Medina to elect to the caliphate.

_The Omayyads._--The early years of the Omayyads were years of constant

strife in Arabia. The Kharijites who had opposed 'Ali on the ground that

he had no right to allow the appeal to arbitration, were defeated at

Nahrawan or Nahrwan (658), but those who escaped became fierce

propagandists against the Koreish, some claiming that the caliph should

be chosen by the Faithful from any tribe of the Arabs, some that there

should be no caliph at all, that God alone was their ruler and that the

government should be carried on by a council. They broke up into many

sects, and were long a disturbing political force in Arabia as

elsewhere. On the death of 'Ali his house was represented by his two

sons Hasan and Hosain (Husain). Hasan soon made peace with Moawiya. On

the accession of Yazid, Hosain refused homage and raised an army, but

was slain at Kerbela (680). 'Abdallah ibn Zobair (of the house of

Hashim) immediately stepped forward in Mecca as the avenger of 'Ali's

family and the champion of religion. The two sacred cities supported

him. Medina was besieged and sacked by the troops of Yazid (682) and

Mecca was besieged the following year. The siege was raised in the third

month on the news of the death of Yazid, but not before the Ka'ba had

been destroyed. 'Abdallah remained in Mecca recognized as caliph in

Arabia, and soon after in Egypt and even a part of Syria. He defeated

the troops of Merwan I., but could not win the support of the

Kharijites. In 691 Abdalmalik ('Abdul-Malik) determined to crush his

rival and sent his general Hajjaj against Mecca. The siege was begun in

March 692, and in October the city was taken and 'Abdallah slain.

Abdalmalik was now supreme in Arabia and throughout the Moslem world.

During the remaining years of the Omayyad dynasty (i.e. until 750)

little is heard of Arabia in history. The conquests of Islam in Spain on

the one side and India on the other had little or no effect on it. It

was merely a province.

_The 'Abbasids._--The accession of Abul 'Abbas (of the house of Hashim)

and the transference of the capital of the caliphate from Damascus to

Kufa, then Anbar and soon after (in 760) to Bagdad meant still further

degradation to Arabia and Arabs. From the beginning the 'Abbasids

depended for help on Persians and Turks, and the chief offices of state

were frequently filled with foreigners. In one thing only the Arabs

conquered to the end; that was in their language. The study of Arabic

was taken up by lexicographers, grammarians and poets (mostly of foreign

origin) with a zeal rarely shown elsewhere. The old Arabian war spirit

was dying. Although the Arabians, as a rule, were in favour of the

Omayyad family, they could not affect the succession of the 'Abbasids.

They returned more and more to their old inter-tribal disputes. They

formed now not only a mere branch of the empire of the caliphate, but a

branch deriving little life from and giving less to the main stock. In

762 there was a rebellion in favour of a descendant of 'Ali, but it was

put down with great severity by the army of the caliph Mansur. A more

local 'Alyite revolt in Mecca and Medina was crushed in 785. In the

contest between the two sons of Harun al Rashid all Arabia sided with

Mamun (812). In 845-846 the lawless raids of Bedouin tribes compelled

the caliph Wathiq to send his Turkish general Bogha, who was more

successful in the north than in the centre and south of Arabia in

restoring peace.

_The Carmathians._--Towards the close of the 9th century Arabia was

disturbed by the rise of a new movement which during the next hundred

years dominated the peninsula, and at its close left it shattered never

to be united again. In the year 880 Yemen was listening to the

propaganda of the new sect of the Carmathians (q.v.) or followers of

Hamdan Qarmat. Four years later these had become a public force. In 900

'Abu Sa'id al-Jannabi, who had been sent to Bahrein by Hamdan, had

secured a large part of this province and had won the city of Katif

(Ketif) which contained many Jews and Persians. The Arabs who lived more

inland were mostly Bedouin who found the obligations of Islam irksome,

and do not seem to have made a very vigorous opposition to the

Carmathians who took Hajar the capital of Bahrein in 903. From this they

made successful attacks on Yemama (Yamama), and attempts only partially

successful at first at Oman. In 906 the court at Bagdad learned that

these sectaries had gained almost all Yemen and were threatening Mecca

and Medina. Abu Sa'id was assassinated (913) in his palace at Lahsa

(which in 926 was fortified and became the Carmathian capital of

Bahrein). His son Sa'id succeeded him, but proved too weak and was

deposed and succeeded by his brother Abu Tahir. His success was constant

and the caliphate was brought very low by him. In Arabia he subjugated

Oman, and swooping down on the west in 929 he horrified the Moslem world

by capturing Mecca and carrying off the sacred black stone to Bahrein.

The Fatimite caliph 'Obaidallah (see FATIMITES), to whom Abu Tahir

professed allegiance, publicly wrote to him to restore the stone, but

there is some reason to believe that he secretly encouraged him to

retain it. In 939, however, the stone was restored and pilgrimages to

the holy cities were allowed to pass unmolested on payment of a tax. So

long as Abu Tahir lived the Carmathians controlled Arabia. After his

death, however, they quarrelled with the Fatimite rulers of Egypt (969)

and began to lose their influence. In 985 they were completely defeated

in Irak, and soon after lost control of the pilgrimages. Oman recovered

its independence. Three years later Katif, at that time their chief

city, was besieged and taken by a Bedouin sheik, and subsequently their

political power in Arabia came to an end. It was significant that their

power fell into the hands of Bedouins. Arabia was now completely

disorganized, and was only nominally subject to the caliphate. The

attempt of Mahomet to unify Arabia had failed. The country was once more

split up into small governments, more or less independent, and groups of

wandering tribes carrying on their petty feuds. Of the history of these

during the next few centuries little is known, except in the case of the

Hejaz. Here the presence of the sacred cities led writers to record

their annals (cf. F. Wustenfeld's _Die Chroniken der Stadt Mekka_, 4

vols., Leipzig, 1857-1861). The two cities were governed by Arabian

nobles (_sherifs_), often at feud with one another, recognizing formally

the overlordship of the caliph at Bagdad or the caliph of Egypt. Thus in

966 the name of the caliph Moti was banished from the prayers at Mecca,

and an 'Alyite took possession of the government of the city and

recognized the Egyptian caliph as his master. About a century later

(1075-1094) the 'Abbasid caliph was again recognized as spiritual head

owing to the success in arms of his protector, the Seljuk Malik-Shah.

With the fall of the Bagdad caliphate all attempts at control from that

quarter came to an end. After the visit of the Sultaft Bibars (1269)

Mecca was governed by an amir dependent on Egypt. Outside the two cities

anarchy prevailed, and the pilgrimage was frequently unsafe owing to

marauding Bedouins. In 1517 the Osmanli Turkish sultan Selim conquered

Egypt, and having received the right of succession to the caliphate was

solemnly presented by the sherif of Mecca with the keys of the city, and

recognized as the spiritual head of Islam and ruler of the Hejaz. At the

same time Yemen, which since the 9th century had been in the power of a

number of small dynasties ruling in Zubed, San'a, Sa'da and Aden, passed

into the hands of the Turk.

For the history of Yemen during this period cf. H.C. Kay, _Omarah's

History of Yaman_ (London, 1892), and S. Lane-Poole, _The Mahommedan

Dynasties_, pp. 87-103 (Westminster, 1894). Little more than a century

later (1630), a Yemen noble Khasim succeeded in expelling the Turk and

establishing a native imamate, which lasted until 1871. For

descriptions of it in the 18th century cf. C. Niebuhr's accounts of

his travels in Arabia in 1761.

_Oman._--Since the separation from the caliphate (before 1000 A.D.) Oman

had remained independent. For more than a century it was governed by

five elected imams, who were chosen from the tribe of al-Azd and

generally lived at Nizwa. After them the Bani Nebhan gained the upper

hand and established a succession of kings (_maliks_) who governed from

1154 to 1406. During this time the country was twice invaded by

Persians. The "kings of Hormuz" claimed authority over the coast land

until the beginning of the 16th century. In 1435 the people rose against

the tyranny of the Bani Nebhan and restored the imamate of the tribe

al-Azd. In 1508 the Portuguese under Albuquerque seized most of the east

coast of Oman. In 1624 a new dynasty arose in the interior, when Nasir

ibn Murshid of the Yariba (Ya'aruba) tribe (originally from Yemen) was

elected imam and established his capital at Rustak. He was able to

subdue the petty princes of the country, and the Portuguese were

compelled to give up several towns and pay tribute for their residence

at Muscat. About 1651 the Portuguese were finally expelled from this

city, and about 1698 from the Omanite settlements on the east coast of

Africa.

For the history of Oman from 661 to 1856 cf. G.P. Badger, _History of

the Imams and Seyyids of Oman by Salil-ibn-Razik_ (London, Hakluyt

Society, 1871). (G. W. T.)

_Wahhabi Movement._--Modern Arabian history begins with that of the

Wahhabi movement in the middle of the 18th century. Its originator,

Mahommed Ibn Abdul Wahhab, was born (1691) at Ayana in Nejd, and after

studying in Basra and Damascus, and making the pilgrimage to Mecca

returned to his native country and settled down at Huremala near

Deraiya. The abuses and corruptions which had overgrown the practice of

orthodox Islam had deeply impressed him, and he set to work to combat

them, and to inculcate on all good Moslems a return to the pure

simplicity of their original faith. In 1742 Mahommed Ibn Saud, sheik of

Deraiya, accepted his doctrines, and enforced them by his sword with

such effect that before his death in 1765 the whole of eastern Nejd and

El Hasa was converted to the faith of Abdul Wahhab, and accepted the

political supremacy of Ibn Saud. His son and successor, Abdul Aziz, in a

rapid series of successful campaigns, extended his dominion and that of

the reformed faith far beyond the limits of Nejd. His attacks on the

pilgrim caravans, begun in 1783 and constantly repeated, startled the

Mahommedan world,[2] and compelled the attention of the sultan, as the

nominal protector of the faithful. In 1798 a Turkish force was sent from

Bagdad into El Hasa, but was compelled to retreat without accomplishing

anything, and its discomfiture added much to the renown of the Wahhabi

power. In 1801 Saud, son of the amir Abdul Aziz, led an expedition to

the Euphrates, and on the festival of Bairam, the 20th of April, stormed

Kerbela, put the defenders to the sword, destroyed the sacred tomb,

scattered the sacred relics and returned laden with the treasures,

accumulated during centuries in the sanctuary of the Shia faith. Mecca

itself was taken; plundering was forbidden, but the tombs of the saints

and all objects of veneration were ruthlessly destroyed, and all

ceremonies which seemed in the eye of the stern puritan conqueror to

suggest the taint of idolatry were forbidden.

On the 14th of October 1802 the amir Abdul Aziz, at the age of

eighty-two years, was murdered by a Shia fanatic when at prayers in the

mosque of Deraiya, and Saud, who had for many years led the Wahhabi

armies, became the reigning amir. In 1804 Medina was taken and with its

fall all resistance ceased. The Wahhabi empire had now attained its

zenith, a settled government was established able to enforce law and

order in the desert and in the towns, and a spirit of Arabian

nationality had grown up which bade fair to extend the Wahhabi dominion

over all the Arab race. It already, however, bore within it the germ of

decay; the accumulation of treasure in the capital had led to a

corruption of the simple manners of the earlier times; the exhaustion of

the tribes through the heavy blood tax had roused discontent among them;

the plundering of the holy places, the attacks on the pilgrim caravans

under the escort of Turkish soldiers, and finally, in 1810, the

desecration of the tomb of Mahomet and the removal of its costly

treasures, raised a cry of dismay throughout the Mahommedan world, and

made it clear even to the Turkish sultan that unless the Wahhabi power

were crushed his claims to the caliphate were at an end.

But Turkey was herself fully occupied by affairs in Europe, and to

Mehemet Ali, then pasha of Egypt, was deputed the task of bringing the

Wahhabis into subjection. In October 1811 an expedition consisting of

10,000 men under Tusun Pasha, the pasha's son, a youth of sixteen,

landed in Hejaz without opposition. Saud with his main forces had

started northwards to attack Bagdad, but returning at once he met and

defeated Tusun with great loss and compelled him to retire. Medina and

subsequently Mecca were eventually taken by the Egyptians, but in spite

of continual reinforcements they could do little more than hold their

own in Hejaz. In 1813 Mehemet Ali was compelled to take the field

himself with fresh troops, but was unable to achieve any decisive

success, and in 1814 Tusun was again defeated beyond Taif. In May 1814

Saud died, and his son, Abdallah, attempted to negotiate, but Mehemet

Ali refused all overtures, and in January 1815 advanced into Nejd,

defeated the Wahhabi army and occupied Ras, then the chief town in

Kasim. Terms of peace were made, but on the retirement of the Egyptians

Abdallah refused to carry out the conditions agreed on, which included

the return of the jewels plundered by his father, and another campaign

had to be fought before his submission was obtained. Ibrahim Pasha

replaced Tusun in command, and on reaching Arabia in September 1816 his

first aim was to gain over the great Bedouin tribes holding the roads

between Hejaz and his objective in Nejd; having thus secured his line of

advance he pushed on boldly and defeated Abdallah at Wiya, where he put

to death all prisoners taken; thence rapidly advancing, with contingents

of the friendly Harb and Muter tribes in support of his regular troops,

he laid siege to Ras; this place, however, held out and after a four

months' siege he was compelled to give up the attack. Leaving it on one

side he pushed on eastwards, took Aneza after six days' bombardment and

occupied Bureda. Here he waited two months for reinforcements, and with

his Bedouin contingent, strengthened by the adhesion of the Ateba and

Bani Khalid tribes, advanced on Shakra in Wushm, which fell in January

1818 after a regular siege. After destroying Huremala and massacring its

inhabitants, he arrived before Deraiya on the 14th of April 1818. For

six months the siege went on with varying fortune, but at last the

courage and determination of Ibrahim triumphed, and on the 9th of

September, after a heroic resistance, Abdallah, with a remnant of four

hundred men, was compelled to surrender. The Wahhabi leader was soon

after sent to Constantinople, where, in spite of Mehemet Ali's

intercession, he and the companions who had followed him in his

captivity were condemned to death, and after being paraded through the

city with ignominy for three days were finally beheaded.

Deraiya was razed to the ground and the principal towns of Nejd were

compelled to admit Egyptian garrisons; but though the Arabs saw

themselves powerless to stand before disciplined troops, the Egyptians,

on the other hand, had to confess that without useless sacrifices they

could not retain their hold on the interior.

In 1824 Turki, son of the unfortunate Abdallah, headed a rising which

resulted in the re-establishment of the Wahhabi state with Riad as its

new capital; and during the next ten years he consolidated his power,

paying tribute to and under the nominal suzerainty of Egypt till his

murder in 1834. His son, Fesal, succeeded him, but in 1836 on his

refusal to pay tribute an Egyptian force was sent to depose him and he

was taken prisoner and sent to Cairo, while a rival claimant, Khalid,

was established as amir in Riad. Mehemet Ali and his son Ibrahim Pasha

were, however, now committed to their conflict with Turkey for Syria and

Asia Minor, and had no troops to spare for the thankless task of holding

the Arabian deserts; the garrisons were gradually withdrawn, and in 1842

Fesal, who had escaped from his prison at Cairo reappeared and was

everywhere recognized as amir. The few remaining Egyptian troops were

ejected from Riad, and with them all semblance of Egyptian or Turkish

rule disappeared from central Arabia.

For a time it looked as if the supremacy of the Wahhabi empire was to be

renewed; El Hasa, Harik, Kasim and Asir returned to their allegiance,

but over Oman and Yemen Fesal never re-established his dominion, and the

Bahrein sheiks with British support kept their independence.

Ibn Rashid.

A rival state had, however, arisen, under Abdallah Ibn Rashid in Jebel

Shammar. Driven into exile owing to a feud between his family and the

Ibn Ali, the leading family of the Shammar, Abdallah came to Riad in

1830, and was favourably received by the amir Turki. In 1834 he was with

Fesal on an expedition against El Hasa when news came of the amir's

murder by his cousin Masharah. By Abdallah's advice the expedition was

abandoned; Fesal hastened back with all his forces to Riad, and invested

the citadel where Masharah had taken refuge, but failed to gain

possession of it, until Abdallah with two companions found his way into

the palace, killed Masharah, and placed Fesal on the throne of his

father. As a reward for his services Abdallah was appointed governor of

Jebel Shammar, and had already established himself in Hail when the

Egyptian expedition of 1836 removed Fesal temporarily from Nejd. During

the exile of the latter he steadily consolidated his power, extending

his influence more especially over the desert tribes, till on Fesal's

return in 1842 he had created a state subject only in name to that of

which Riad was the capital.

On the death of Abdallah in 1843, his son Talal succeeded. He set

himself to work to establish law and order throughout the state, to

arrange its finances, and to encourage the settlement in Hail of

artificers and merchants from abroad; the building of the citadel and

palace commenced by Mehemet Ali, and continued by Abdallah Ibn Rashid,

was completed by Talal. The town walls were strengthened, new wells dug,

gardens planted, mosques and schools built. His uncle Obed, to whom

equally with Abdallah is due the foundation of the Ibn Rashid dynasty,

laboured to extend the Shammar boundaries. Khaibar, Tema and Jauf became

tributary to Hail.

Though tolerant in religion Talal was careful to avoid the suspicion of

lukewarmness towards the Wahhabi formulas. Luxury in clothing and the

use of tobacco were prohibited; attendance at the mosque was enforced:

any doubt as to his orthodoxy was silenced by the amount and regularity

of the tribute sent by him to Riad. Equally guarded was his attitude to

the Turkish authorities; it is not improbable that Talal had also

entered into relations with the viceroy of Egypt to ensure his position

in case of a collision with the Porte. During his twenty years' reign

Jebel Shammar became a model state, where justice and security ruled in

a manner before unheard of. Fesal may well have watched with jealous

anxiety the growing strength of his neighbour's state as compared with

his own, where all progress was arrested by the deadening tyranny of

religious fanaticism.

The amir Mahommed.

On the 11th of March 1868 Talal, smitten with an incurable malady, fell

by his own hand and was succeeded by his brother Matab; after a brief

reign he was murdered by his nephews, the elder of whom, Bandar, became

amir. Mahommed, the third son of the amir Abdallah, was at the time

absent; with a view of getting his uncle into his power, Bandar invited

him to return to Hail, and on his arrival went out to meet him

accompanied by Hamud, son of Obed, and a small following. Warned by a

hurried sign by Hamud that his life was in danger, Mahommed at once

attacked Bandar, stabbed him and took possession of the citadel; a

general massacre of all members of the house of Ibn Rashid followed, and

next day Mahommed appeared with his cousin Hamud in the market-place of

Hail, and announced his assumption of the amirship. A strong and capable

ruler, he soon established his authority over all northern and western

Nejd, and in 1872 the opportunity arrived for his intervention in the

east. In that year Abdallah, who had succeeded Fesal in Riad in 1867,

was deposed, but with the assistance of Mahommed was reinstated; two

years later, however, he was again deposed and forced to seek refuge at

Hail, from which place he appealed for assistance to the Turkish

authorities at Bagdad. Midhat Pasha, then governor-general, seized the

occasion of asserting Turkish dominion on the Persian Gulf coast, and in

1875, in spite of British protests, occupied El Hasa and established a

new province under the title of Nejd, with its headquarters at Hofuf, of

which Abdallah was appointed governor. This was an event of some

importance, as it constituted the first Turkish claim to the sovereignty

over Nejd abandoned by Egypt thirty-three years earlier. The Turks did

not support their client by advancing into Nejd itself, and he and his

rivals were left to fight out their battles among themselves. Turkey was

indeed too much occupied by the war with Russia to pay much attention to

Arab affairs, though a few years later she attempted to occupy Bahrein

by a _coup de main_, which was only frustrated by the action of a

British gunboat.

Owing to the dissensions among the ruling family of Riad, the towns of

eastern Nejd gradually reverted to their former condition of

independence, but menaced in turn by the growing power of Hail, they

formed a coalition under the leadership of Zamil, sheik of Aneza, and in

the spring of 1891, Aneza, Bureda, Shakra, Ras and Riad assembled their

contingents to contest with Ibn Rashid the supremacy in Nejd. The latter

had besides 20,000 of his own south Shammar tribesmen, the whole

strength of the Harb Bedouins, some 10,000 men, and an additional

support of 1000 mounted men from his kinsmen, the northern Shammar from

the Euphrates, while the Muter and Ateba tribes took part with the

allies. The total strength of each side amounted to about 30,000 men.

Zamil's forces held a strong position between Aneza and Bureda, and for

over a month desultory fighting went on; finally an attack was made

against the defenders' centre, covered by 20,000 camel riders; the men

of Aneza broke and the whole allied forces fled in disorder; Zamil and

his eldest son were killed, as were also two of the Ibn Saud family,

while the remainder were taken prisoners. Aneza and Bureda surrendered

the same day, and shortly after Ras, Shakra and Riad tendered their

submission.

This victory placed the whole of northern and central Arabia under the

supremacy of Mahommed Ibn Rashid, which he held undisputed during the

rest of his life.

Recent history.

On his death in 1897 his nephew Abdul-Aziz, son of the murdered amir

Matab, succeeded; during his reign a new element has been introduced

into Nejd politics by the rising importance of Kuwet (Koweit) and the

attempts of Turkey to obtain possession of its important harbour. In

1901 a quarrel arose between Sheik Mubarak of Kuwet and the amir of Hail

whose cause was supported by Turkey. A force was equipped at Basra under

Ahmad Feizi Pasha with the intention of occupying Kuwet; Mubarak

thereupon appealed to Great Britain and action was taken which prevented

the Turkish designs from being carried out. Kuwet was not formally

placed under British protection, but it was officially announced by the

government on the 5th of May 1903 "that the establishment of a naval

base or fortified port in the Persian Gulf by any other power would be

regarded as a very grave menace to British interests which would

certainly be resisted with all the means at its disposal."

In the meantime Sheik Mubarak had found useful allies in the Muntafik

Arabs from the lower Euphrates, and the Wahhabis of Riad; the latter

under the amir Ibn Saud marched against Ibn Rashid, who at the

instigation of the Porte had again threatened Kuwet (Koweit), compelled

him to retire to his own territory and took possession of the towns of

Bureda and Aneza. Sheik Mubarak and his allies continued their advance,

defeated Ibn Rashid in two engagements on the 22nd of July and the 26th

of September 1904, and drove him back on his capital, Hail. The Porte

now made another effort to assist its protege; two columns were

despatched from Medina and Basra respectively, to relieve Hail, and

drive out the Wahhabis. Ahmad Feizi Pasha, in command of the Basra

column, 4200 strong, crossed the desert and reached the wells of Lina,

200 m. from Hail, on the 5th of March 1905; here, however, he received

orders to halt and negotiate before proceeding farther. The Turkish

government realized by this time the strength of the hostile

combination, and in view of the serious state of affairs in Yemen,

hesitated to undertake another campaign in the deserts of Nejd.

Arrangements were accordingly made with the Wahhabis, and on the 10th of

April Ahmad Feizi Pasha left Lina, ostensibly with the object of

protecting the pilgrim road, and joined the Medina column by the end of

the month. Bureda and Aneza were occupied without opposition, the

rebellious sheiks amnestied by the sultan and loaded with gifts, and

formal peace was made between the rival factions.

History of European influence.

British intervention in Oman.

European influence was not felt in Arabia until the arrival of the

Portuguese in the eastern seas, following on the discovery of the Cape

route. In 1506 Hormuz was taken by Albuquerque, and Muscat and the coast

of Oman (q.v.) were occupied by the Portuguese till 1650. In 1516 their

fleets appeared in the Red Sea and an unsuccessful attempt was made

against Jidda; but the effective occupation of Yemen by the Turks in the

next few years frustrated any designs the Portuguese may have had in

S.W. Arabia. Even in Oman their hold on the country was limited to

Muscat and the adjacent ports, while the interior was ruled by the old

Yariba (Ya-'aruba) dynasty from their capital at Rustak. The Persian

occupation, which followed that of the Portuguese, came to an end in the

middle of the 18th century, when Ahmad Ibn Said expelled the invaders

and in 1759 established the Ghafari dynasty which still reigns in Oman.

He was succeeded by his son, who in 1798 made a treaty with the East

India Company with the object of excluding the French from Oman, and the

connexion with Great Britain was further strengthened during the long

reign of his grandson Sultan Said, 1804-1856. During the earlier years

of his reign he was constantly at war with the Wahhabi empire, to which

Oman became for a time tributary. The piracies committed by the Jawasimi

Arabs in the gulf compelled the intervention of England, and in 1810

their strongholds were destroyed by a British-Indian expedition. The

overthrow of the Wahhabis in 1817 restored Sultan Said to independence;

he equipped and armed on Western models a fleet built in Indian ports,

and took possession of Sokotra and Zanzibar, as well as the Persian

coast north of the straits of Hormuz as far east as Gwadur, while by his

liberal policy at home Sohar, Barka and Muscat became prosperous

commercial ports.

On his death in 1856 the kingdom was divided, Majid, a younger son,

taking Zanzibar, while the two elder sons contested the succession to

Oman. The eldest, Thuweni, with British support, finally obtained the

throne, and in 1862 an engagement was entered into by the French and

English governments respecting the independence of the sultans of Oman.

He was assassinated in 1866, and his successor, Seyyid Turki, reigned

till 1888. On his death several claimants disputed the succession;

ultimately his son Fesal was recognized by the British government, and

was granted a subsidy from British-Indian revenues, in consideration of

which he engaged not to cede any of his territory without the consent of

the British government; similar engagements have been entered into by

the tribes who occupy the south coast from the borders of Oman westward

to the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb.

British sphere of influence.

The opening of the overland route to India again brought the west coast

of Arabia into importance. Aden was occupied by the British in 1839. The

Hejaz coast and some of the Yemen ports were still held by Mehemet Ali,

as viceroy of Egypt, but on his final withdrawal from Arabia in 1845,

Hejaz came under direct Turkish rule, and the conquest of Yemen in 1872

placed the whole Red Sea littoral (with the exception of the Midian

coast, ceded by Egypt on the accession of Abbas Hilmi Pasha) under

Ottoman administration. The island of Perim at the southern entrance of

the Red Sea has been a British possession since 1857, while the

promontory of Shekh Said on the Arabian side of the strait is in Turkish

occupation. In order to define the limits between Turkish territory and

that of the independent Arab tribes in political relations with Great

Britain, a joint commission of British and Turkish officers in 1902-1905

laid down a boundary line from Shekh Said to a point on the river Bana,

12 m. north-east of the small town of Kataba, from which it is continued

in a north-easterly direction up to the great desert. This delimitation

places the whole of southern Arabia, east of this line, within the

British sphere of influence, which thus includes the district

surrounding Aden (q.v.), the Hadramut and Oman with its dependencies.

Turkish rule.

The provinces of Hejaz and Yemen are each administered by a Turkish

governor-general, with headquarters at Taif and Sana respectively; the

country is nominally divided up into divisions and districts under minor

officials, but Turkish rule has never been acquiesced in by the

inhabitants, and beyond the larger towns, all of which are held by

strong garrisons, Turkish authority hardly exists. The powerful Bedouin

tribes of Hejaz have always asserted their independence, and are only

kept quiet by the large money payments made them by the sultan on the

occasion of the annual pilgrimage to the holy cities. A large part of

Asir and northern Yemen has never been visited by Turkish troops, and

such revenues as are collected, mainly from vexatious customs and

transit duties, are quite insufficient to meet the salaries of the

officials, while the troops, ill-fed and their pay indefinitely in

arrears, live on the country as best they can.

Yemen revolt.

A serious revolt broke out in Yemen in 1892. A Turkish detachment

collecting taxes in the Bani Merwan lands north of Hodeda was destroyed

by a body of Arabs. This reverse set all Yemen aflame; under the

leadership of the imam, who had, since the Turkish occupation, lived in

retirement at Sada, 120 m. north of the capital, the powerful tribes

between Asir and Sana advanced southwards, occupied the principal towns

and besieged the few Turkish fortified posts that still held out. In

many cases the garrisons, Arab troops from Syria, went over to the

insurgents. Meanwhile, reinforcements under General Ahmad Feizi Pasha

reached Hodeda, Manakha was retaken, Sana relieved, and by the end of

January 1893 the country with the exception of the northern mountainous

districts was reconquered.

A state of intermittent rebellion, however, continued, and in 1904 a

general revolt took place with which the normal garrison of Yemen, the

7th army corps, was quite unable to cope. The military posts were

everywhere besieged, and Sana, the capital, was cut off from all

communication with the coast. During February 1905 reinforcements were

sent up which raised the garrison of Sana to a strength of eight

battalions, and in March a further reinforcement of about the same

strength arrived, and fought its way into the capital with the loss of

almost all its guns and train. The position was then desperate,

wholesale desertion and starvation had decimated the garrison, and three

weeks later Ali Riza Pasha, the Turkish commander, was compelled to

surrender. The fall of Sana made a deep impression at Constantinople,

every effort was made to hasten out reinforcements, the veteran Ahmad

Feizi Pasha was nominated to the supreme command, and Anatolian troops

in place of the unreliable Syrian element were detailed. The scale of

the operations may be judged from the fact that the total number of

troops mobilized up to the beginning of July 1905 amounted to 126

battalions, 8 squadrons and 15 batteries; the rebel leader Mahommed

Yahiya had at this time a following of 50,000.

By the end of June, Ahmad Feizi Pasha was in a position to advance on

Manakha, where he organized an efficient transport, rallied the

scattered remnants of Ali Riza's army, and with the newly arrived troops

had by the middle of July a force of some 40 battalions available for

the advance on Sana. He left Manakha on the 17th of July, and after

almost daily fighting reached Sana on the 30th of August; on the 31st he

entered the city without serious opposition, the insurgents having

retreated northward.

AUTHORITIES.--D.G. Hogarth, _Penetration of Arabia_ (London, 1904); C.

Niebuhr, _Travels and Description of Arabia_ (Amsterdam, 1774); A.

Zehme, _Arabien und die Araber seit Hundert Jahren_ (Halle, 1875);

J.L. Burckhardt, _Travels in Arabia_ (London, 1829); R.F. Burton,

_Pilgrimage to El Medinah and Meccah_ (London, 1855), _Midian

revisited_ (1879); W.G. Palgrave, _Central and Eastern Arabia_

(London, 1865); C. Doughty, _Arabia Deserta_ (Cambridge, 1888), and an

abridgment, containing mainly the personal narrative, under the title

of _Wanderings in Arabia_ (London, 1908); L. van den Berg, _Le

Hadramut et les colonies arabes_, &c. (Batavia, 1885); C. Huber,

_Journal d'un voyage en Arabie_ (Paris, 1891); J. Euting, _Reise in

inner Arabien_ (Leiden, 1896); E. Nolde, _Reise nach inner Arabien_

(Brunswick, 1895); L. Hirsch, _Reise in Sud Arabien_ (Leiden, 1897);

J.T. Bent, _Southern Arabia_ (1895); R. Manzoni, _Il Yemen_ (Rome,

1884); A. Deflers, _Voyage en Yemen_ (Paris, 1889); J. Halevy,

_Journal Asiatique_ (1872); Lady Anne Blunt, _Pilgrimage to Nejd_

(London, 1881); E. Glaser, _Petermann's Mitt._ (1886, 1888 and 1889);

W.B. Harris, _Journey through Yemen_ (Edinburgh, 1893); J.R. Wellsted,

_Travels in Arabia_ (London, 1838); Capt. F.M. Hunter, _Aden_ (London,

1877). Consult also _Proc. R.G.S._ and _Geogr. Journal_. For geology

see H.J. Carter, "Memoir on the Geology of the South-East Coast of

Arabia," _Journ. Bombay Branch Roy. Asiat. Soc._ vol. iv. pp. 21-96

(1852); Doughty's _Arabia Deserta_; W.F. Hume, _The Rift Valleys and

Geology of Eastern Sinai_ (London, 1901). For ancient geography of

Arabia:--A. Sprenger, _Alte Geographie Arabiens_ (Berne, 1875); E.H.

Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_ (London, 1883); D.H. Muller,

_Hamdani's Geographie_ (Leiden, 1884); E. Glaser, _Geschichte und

Geographie Arabiens_ (Berlin, 1890). (R. A. W.)