worthy of consideration. If the Canadas are of that importance which I
think them, there are no means which we should not use to attach them to
the mother country--to make them partial to monarchical institutions--
and to _identify_ them with the British empire. We should make
sacrifices for them that we would not for other colonies; and therefore
it is that I venture my opinion, that it would not only be politic, but
just, to such an extensive territory--and what will eventually be, such
an extensive population--to permit each of the three provinces,
(provided they are ever divided into three,) to select one of their
senate to represent them in the British House of Commons. I consider it
but an act of justice as well as of policy. This step would, as I said
before, _identify_ these valuable provinces with ourselves. They then
would feel that they were not merely ruled by, but that they were part
and portion of, and assisted in, the government of the British empire.
And to draw the line as strictly as possible between them and their
democratic neighbours, and to attach them still closer to monarchical
institutions, it should be proposed to the Sovereign of these realms
that an Order of knighthood and an Order of merit expressly Canadian
should be instituted. These last may be considered by many to be, and
perhaps in themselves are, trifles; but they are no trifles when you
consider that they must militate against those democratic feelings of
equality which have been so industriously and so injuriously circulated
in the provinces by our transatlantic descendants. I cannot better
conclude these observations than by quoting the opinion of so
intelligent a nobleman as Lord Durham, who asserts most positively that,
"England, if she loses her North American colonies, must sink into a
second-rate power."
VOLUME THREE, CHAPTER SEVEN.
INDIANS.
There was no subject of higher interest to me during my travels in North
America, than the past and present condition of the Indian tribes. Were
I to enter into the history of the past, I could easily fill three or
four volumes with matter which I think would be found very well worth
perusing. It is to be lamented that there has been no correct history
of the Indian tribes yet published. There are many authors in America
well calculated to undertake the task; and the only reason which I can
give for its not having been already done, is that, probably, the
American Government are not very willing to open the archives of the
Indian department even to their own countrymen; and, at the same that
time, an American author, who would adhere to the truth, would not
become very popular by exposing the system of rapine and injustice which
was commenced by the English who first landed, and has been continued up
to the present day by the Federal Government of the United States.
Nevertheless, it is to be lamented, now that the race is so fast
disappearing, that a good historical account of them is not published.
There is no want of material for the purpose, even if the Government
refuse their aid; but at present, it is either scattered in various
works, or when attempted to be collected together, the author has not
been equal to the task.
There is a question which has been raised by almost every traveller in
America, and that is--from whom are the American Indians descended? and
I think, from the many works I have consulted, that the general opinion
is, that they are descended from the lost tribes of Israel. We have
never discovered any other nation of savages, if we may apply such a
term to the American Indians, who have not been idolators; the American
Indian is the only one who worships the one living God. In a discourse,
which was delivered by Mr Noah, one of the most intelligent of the
Jewish nation that I ever had the pleasure of being acquainted with,
there is much deep research, and a collection of the various opinions
upon this subject. To quote from it would not do it justice, and I have
therefore preferred, as it is not long, giving the whole of it in the
Appendix, as it is not (though should be more) generally known. In the
second volume I have given a map of North America, in which I have laid
down, as correctly as I can, and sufficiently so for the purpose, the
supposed locations of the various tribes, at the period that the white
man first put his foot on shore in America. I have said "as correctly
as I can," for it would be as difficult to trace the outer edges of a
shifting sand-bank under water, as to lay down the exact portion of
territory occupied by tribes who were continually at war, and who
advanced or retreated according as they were victorious or vanquished.
Indeed, many tribes were totally annihilated, or their remnants
incorporated into others, living far away from their original
territories: the Tuscororas, for instance, were driven out of Carolina
and admitted into the Mohawk confederacy, which originally came down
from the upper shores of the river St Lawrence. The Winnebagoes, also,
were driven from the south and settled on the river Wisconsin. The Sacs
and Foxes fought their way from the river St Lawrence to the Fox river,
in Wisconsin, and were driven from thence, by the Menomonies and
Chippewas, to the territory of Rock river, on the river Mississippi,
where they remained, until deprived of their territory by the Federal
Government, and sent away to the west of the river. I make these
observations that the map may not be cavilled at by some hyper critic,
who has thought that he has discovered a mare's nest; it is as accurate
as I can make it, and I profess to do no more.
Notwithstanding the vicissitudes which continually occurred, the tribes
of North American Indians may be classed as follows:--
The Algonquin stock of the North--under which are comprehended the
Chippewas, Ottawas, Menomonies, Hurons, etcetera.
The Southern tribes, who are also descended from one stock, and comprise
Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws, Catawbaws, Chickasaws, etcetera.
The _Horse_ Indians of the West, as the Pawnees, Osages, Sioux, Kansas,
Comanches, etcetera.
The Indians of the Rocky Mountains, as Crows, Snakes, and Blackfeet.
All the above races were composed of numerous tribes, who acknowledged
themselves as blood relations, but did not enter into any confederacy
for mutual support; on the contrary, often warred they with each other.
There were other powerful tribes, which resided between the lakes and
the Ohio, bordering on the hunting grounds of Kentucky and Tenessee,
which portion appeared to be set aside, by general consent, not only for
hunting but for war. There were Delawares, or Lenni-Lenape, the
Shawnees, Wyandots, Illinois, Peoria, and some others.
The _confederate_ tribes, and with which the early settlers had to
contend, were as follows:--
The Powhatan confederacy, comprising the Monacans, Monahoacs, and
Powhatans, occupying the present state of Virginia from the sea-coast to
the Alleghany mountains.
The New England confederacy, who resided in the present States of New
England, composed of the Pequots, Narangassets, Pawtuckets, Pokanokets,
and Massachusetts tribes.
And lastly, the confederacy of the five nations, or Mohawks, called
Mingos by the other Indians, and Iroquois by the French. This
confederacy was composed of the Mohawks, Oneidas, Caguyas, Onandagas,
and Senecas. The Tuscaroras were afterwards admitted as a sixth.
I will make a few brief observations upon the various tribes, in the
order I have set them down.
The Algonquin stock has suffered less than any other, simply because
they have been located so far north, and their lands have not been
required. The Chippewas are at present the most numerous tribe of
Indians. The most celebrated chief of this stock was Pontiac, an
Ottawa. After the Canadas were given up to the English, he proved a
most formidable enemy; he attempted and, to a certain degree, succeeded,
in uniting the tribes against us, and had not his plot been discovered,
would, in all probability, have wrested from us Detroit, and every other
post in our possession on the lakes. But Pontiac could not keep up a
standing army, which was so contrary to the habits of the Indians; one
by one the tribes deserted him, and sued for peace. Pontiac would not
listen to any negotiations: he retired to Illinois, and was murdered by
a Peoria Indian. The Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pottawatamies, who fought
under him, avenged his death by the extermination of nearly the whole
tribe of Peorias. Pontiac was one of the greatest Indians in history.
Of the Southern tribes there are not any records sufficiently prominent
for so short a notice.
The Horse Indians of the West and those of the Rocky Mountains are
scarcely known.
The Midland tribes produced some great men. The Delawares were at one
period the most celebrated. The Shawanees, or Shawnees, do not appear
to have been opposed to the Whites, until Boone and his adventurers
crossed the Alleghanies, and took possession of the valley of Kentucky.
But the Shawnees have to boast of Tecumseh, a chief, as great in renown
as Pontiac; he also attempted to confederate all the tribes and drive
away the Whites; his history is highly interesting. He fell in battle
fighting for the English, in the war of 1814.
The _confederate tribes_ on the eastern coast, were those with which the
first settlers were embroiled. The history of Virginia is remarkable
for one of the most singular romances in real life which ever occurred:
I allude to Pocahontas, the daughter of the king of the Powhatans, who
saved the life of the enterprising Captain Smith, at the imminent risk
of her own. The romance was not, however, wound up by their marriage,
Captain Smith not being a marrying man; but she afterwards married a
young Englishman, of the name of Randolph, was brought to England,
received at court, and paid much attention to by Queen Anne. Some of
the first families in Virginia proudly and justly claim their descent
from this noble girl.
The New England Confederacy was opposed to the pilgrim fathers and their
descendants. The chief tribe, the Wampanoags, have to boast of the
third great chief among the Indian tribes--King Philip. His history is
well known; I have already referred to it in my Diary.
If the reader will consult the histories of Philip, Pontiac and
Tecumseh, who may fairly be said to have been "great men," he will
perceive that in each case, these chiefs were the life and soul of
enterprise and action, and that it was by their talents, bravery, and
activity, that the tribes were confederated and led against the Whites.
As soon as they were gone, there were none who could succeed them or
fill up their places, and the confederacies were immediately broken up.
But this was not the case with the celebrated five nations, or Mohawks,
who, like the Romans of former days, spread their conquests until their
name was a terror wherever it was mentioned. Philip, Pontiac and
Tecumseh were great men, but the Mohawks' confederacy was a nation of
great men. When the French settled in Canada in 1603, the Mohawks, or
Iroquois as they called them, were living near to where Montreal now
stands. They were at war with the Adirondacks, a very numerous and
powerful nation, and were beaten down towards the Lakes; but they
recovered themselves, and their opponents were in their turn beaten down
to Quebec. The war between the Adirondacks and the Iroquois is full of
the most interesting details of courage on both sides. The Iroquois
having subdued, and, indeed, exterminated the Adirondacks, turned their
arms against several other tribes, whom they vanquished; they then
attacked the Ottawas and Hurons, and drove them to the other side of the
Mississippi. The Illinois were next subdued, then the Miamies and
Shawnees were driven back for the time. Finally, they conquered the
Virginian tribes, and warred against the Cherokees, Catawbas, and other
nations of the South. Although it was impossible for them to hold the
vast extent of country which they had overrun, still it is certain that
their very name was so terrible that, from New England to the
Mississippi, every town and village would be deserted at their approach.
The chief portion of the Mohawks, under their celebrated leader Brandt,
served on the British side in the war of Independence, and at the close
of the war, they settled in lands given them by the English, on the
banks of Grand river in Canada in the year 1783. At the time they took
possession of their land, their numbers amounted to nearly 8,000; but,
as is every where the case where the Indians are settled and confined on
reserved lands, they have now decreased to about 2,500. A portion of
the tribe of Senecas, one of the Mohawk confederacy, joined the
Americans; the remnants of them are still located a few miles from
Buffalo, in the State of New York. Their chief, Red-jacket, died
lately; he was a great warrior and still greater orator.
The most formidable opponents to the five nations were the Delawares, or
Lenni Lenape, who lived in Pennsylvania. The Delawares joined the
British in the war of Independence.
In the succeeding chapter, I shall give the reader a census of the
American Indian tribes which still remain. It will be perceived that
they are chiefly comprised of tribes which inhabited the Far-West, and
were until lately, almost unknown. Of the New England and Virginian
confederacies, once so powerful, not a vestige remains; of the
Delawares, 826 still exist west of the Mississippi; of the Shawanees, or
Shawnees, once so terrible on the banks of the Ohio, 1,272. In fact,
all those Indians whose territory bounded the coast first taken
possession of by the white men, have been annihilated. I have often
heard it argued, when I was in the United States, that the Indians could
not be considered as having any claim to the land, as they did not
settle or cultivate it, and it is a general opinion that they lived
almost entirely by the proceeds of the chase: but this is not a fact;
indeed it is disproved by the early settlers themselves, who acknowledge
that if they had not been supplied with corn by the Indians they must
have starved. That the Indians did not grow more than was sufficient
for their own consumption is very probable, but that they did cultivate
the land is most certain; indeed, when the country and soil were
favourable, they appear to have cultivated to a great extent. When
General Wayne destroyed the settlements of the Miamies and Wyandots, on
the Miami river, in 1794, he says in his despatch, "never have I beheld
such immense fields of corn in any part of America as possessed by these
Indians." The chase was considered by the Indians as a preparatory
school for warriors, and was followed accordingly; indeed, a hunting
party and a war party were often one and the same thing, as the hunting
grounds were common, and when tribes who were at variance fell in with
each other, a conflict invariably ensued. My limits will not permit me
to enter into the subject more fully; my object has been, in as few
pages as possible, to assist the map in giving the reader some idea of
the location of the Aborigines of America. If he would know more of
this interesting people, there are many very excellent works concerning
them written by Americans, which, were they collected together, would
form a most valuable and important history.
VOLUME THREE, CHAPTER EIGHT.
INDIANS.
I will now enter into a short examination of the present position of the
remaining Indian tribes. The plan of the American Government has been
to compel them to sell their lands and remove west of the Mississippi,
to lands of which I doubt that the Americans have any right to claim an
acre. That the removal of them is expedient I grant, and that is all
that can be said on the subject. That the Indians were fated to melt
away before the white men, like snow before the sun, is true; still, it
is painful to consider what has taken place from the period of our first
landing, when we were received hospitably--saved from starvation by the
generous sacrifice of their small stores of grain--permitted to settle
upon a small tract of land humbly solicited--and that from the time that
the white men once gained a footing on their shores, the Indians have
been hunted like wild beasts from hill to hill, from river to river, and
from country to country, until nearly the whole of the vast continent
may be said to have been wrested from them. This system is still
continued, one tribe being forced back westward upon another, till they
come into conflict with, and destroy, each other; but the buffalo and
other animals, upon which they depend for food, recede with them and
gradually disappear. As Christians, we must lament that the track for
the advance of Christianity is cleared away by a series of rapine,
cruelty, and injustice, at which every one must shudder.
The following is the Report to the American Government, of the various
tribes of Indians remaining in the year 1837. It is divided into three
parts.
Statement showing the number of Indians now east of the Mississippi; of
those that have emigrated from the east to the west of that river; and
those within striking distance of the Western frontier.
_1.--Name and number of the tribes now east of the Mississippi_.
1.--Under treaty stipulations to remove west of the Mississippi.
+==================================================+======+
ÝWinnehagoes Ý 4,500Ý
+--------------------------------------------------+------+
ÝOttawas of Ohio Ý 100Ý
+--------------------------------------------------+------+
ÝPottawatamies of Indiana Ý 2,950Ý
+--------------------------------------------------+------+
ÝChippewas, Ottawas, and Pottawatamies Ý 1,500Ý
+--------------------------------------------------+------+
ÝCherokees Ý14,000Ý
+--------------------------------------------------+------+
ÝCreeks Ý 1,000Ý
+--------------------------------------------------+------+
ÝChickasaws Ý 1,000Ý
+--------------------------------------------------+------+
ÝSeminoles Ý 5,000Ý
+--------------------------------------------------+------+
ÝAppalachicolas Ý 400Ý
+--------------------------------------------------+------+
ÝOttawas and Chippewas in the Peninsula of MichiganÝ 6,500Ý
+--------------------------------------------------+------+
Ý -Ý36,950Ý
+==================================================+======+
2.--_Not under treaty stipulations to remove_.
+==================================+======+
ÝNew York Indians Ý 4,176Ý
+----------------------------------+------+
ÝWyandots Ý 575Ý
+----------------------------------+------+
ÝMiamies Ý 1,100Ý
+----------------------------------+------+
ÝMenomonies Ý 4,000Ý
+----------------------------------+------+
ÝOttawas and Chippewas of the lakesÝ 2,564Ý
+----------------------------------+------+
Ý -Ý12,415Ý
+----------------------------------+------+
Ý -Ý49,365Ý
+==================================+======+
2.--_Number of Indians who have emigrated from the east to the west of
the Mississippi_.
+======================================+======+
ÝChickasaws Ý 549Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝChippewas, Ottawas, and Pottawatamies,Ý 2,191Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝChoctaws Ý15,000Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝQuapaws Ý 476Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝCreeks Ý20,437Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝSeminoles Ý 407Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝAppalachicolas Ý 265Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝCherokees Ý 7,911Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝKickapoos Ý 588Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝDelawares Ý 826Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝShawnees Ý 1,272Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝOttawas Ý 374Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝWeas Ý 222Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝPiankeshaws Ý 162Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝPeorias and Kaskaskias Ý 132Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝPottawatamies of Indians Ý 53Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝSenecas Ý 251Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝSenecas and Shawnees Ý 211Ý
+--------------------------------------+------+
ÝTotal Ý51,327Ý
+======================================+======+
_3.--Number of the Indigenous Tribes within striking distance of the
Western frontier_.
+=====================+=======+
ÝSioux Ý 21,600Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝIowas Ý 1,500Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝSacs Ý 4,800Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝFoxes Ý 1,600Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝSacs of the Missouri Ý 500Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝOsages Ý 5,120Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝKansas Ý 1,606Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝOmahas Ý 1,600Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝOttoes and MissouriasÝ 1,000Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝPawnees Ý 12,500Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝComanches Ý 19,200Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝKioways Ý 1,800Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝMandans Ý 3,200Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝQuapaws Ý 450Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝMinatarees Ý 2,000Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝPagans Ý 30,000Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝAssinaboins Ý 15,000Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝAppaches Ý 20,280Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝCrees Ý 3,000Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝArrepahas Ý 3,000Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝGros-Ventres Ý 16,800Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝEutaws Ý 19,200Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝCrows Ý 7,200Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝCaddoes Ý 2,000Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝPoncas Ý 900Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝArickarees Ý 2,750Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝCheyennes Ý 3,200Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝBlackfeet Ý 30,000Ý
+---------------------+-------+
ÝTotal Ý231,806Ý
+=====================+=======+
RECAPITULATION.
Number of Indians now east of the Mississippi 49,365
Number of Indians who have emigrated from east to west side 51,327
Number of indigenous tribes 231,806
Aggregate 332,498
_Estimated number of warriors_.
Whole number of Indians 332,498
Assuming that every fifth one may be considered a warrior (and this is
believed to be a reasonable supposition), the number of warriors will be
66,499
War Department, Office of Indian Affairs, November 22, 1837.
CA Harris, Commissioner.
This force of the Indians, if ever they combined, would be very
formidable, and they might certainly sweep away the whole white
population west of the Mississippi. That there will hereafter be an
attempt of that kind is very probable, as hunger must eventually drive
them to it; but any success in their attempt must depend very much upon
their leaders, and the possibility of combination. It certainly
_appears_ to have been an oversight on the part of the American
Government, to concentrate the whole of the Indians upon their frontiers
in the way which they have done; still they could not well have acted
otherwise. The removal of the Cherokees has been the most hazardous
part of their proceeding, as they are very superior people; and should
the other tribes put themselves under their directions, they would be
formidable enemies. There is another circumstance which may render the
Indians more serious enemies, which is, that they, having been located
on the prairie country, have become Horse Indians, instead of what is
termed Wood Indians, and they have a vast country behind them to retreat
to in case of necessity. I do not think, however, that there is, at
present, much fear to be felt relative to the Indians, although the
Cherokees, the Sioux, and some other powerful tribes openly declare
their hostile intentions as soon as an opportunity offers for carrying
them into execution. That opportunity will not offer unless America is
plunged into war with France or this country, and then I am pretty
confident that there will be a general rising of the Indians; when,
whether they act in concert or not, they will give the Americans more
occupation than will be agreeable. The American Government have not
been insensible to the danger to which they are exposed from this
quarter, and, in 1837, the reports of military men were sent into
Congress as to the best plan of protecting their frontier. Whether
those reports are intended to be acted upon I know not; but if so, the
present regular army of the United States will not be sufficient for the
purpose, the lowest estimation for the garrisons of the proposed forts
being 7,000 rank and file, while at present their rank and file on the
army-list only amounts to 5,600.
The American forts opposed to the Indians are, at present:--
Fort Gratiot, River St Clare.
Mackinaw Island Fort.
Fort Brady, St Marie, Lake Superior.
Fort Howard, Green Bay.
Fort Winnebago, Wisconsin.
Fort Crawford. Prairie des Chiens.
Fort Snelling, St Peters.
Fort Leavenworth, Missouri.
Fort Madison, Des Moines River.
Jefferson Barracks, Missouri.
_Advanced Ports_.
Fort Towson, Red River.
Fort Gibson, Arkansas and Grand Junction River.
Fort Adams, Baton Rouge.
There are one or two outposts also on the Arkansas River. If all these
forts were properly garrisoned, they would take every disposable musket
in the regular army of the United States; whilst at present they have,
in consequence of the protracted Florida war, scarcely sufficient men to
do the duty.
In the report of the acting quarter-master general, the following
garrisons are proposed for the western frontier:--
+=========================================+========+
ÝFort Snelling Ý300 men.Ý
+-----------------------------------------+--------+
ÝFort Crawford Ý 300Ý
+-----------------------------------------+--------+
ÝUpper forks of the Des Moines Ý 400Ý
+-----------------------------------------+--------+
ÝFort Leavenworth Ý 1,200Ý
+-----------------------------------------+--------+
ÝFort Gibson Ý 1,500Ý
+-----------------------------------------+--------+
ÝFort Towson Ý 800Ý
+-----------------------------------------+--------+
ÝThe eight posts of refuge proposed Ý 800Ý
+-----------------------------------------+--------+
ÝThe protection of the four depots Ý 200Ý
+-----------------------------------------+--------+
ÝJefferson barracks, as a corps of reserveÝ 1,500Ý
+-----------------------------------------+--------+
ÝTotal Ý 7,000Ý
+=========================================+========+
To which must be added, for the garrisons of the five Lakes forts, 1,500
at least, making the force necessary for the protection of the
boundaries, to amount to 8,500 men. Colonel Gratiot, in his report,
computes the force necessary at 12,910 men.
The letter of Mr Poinsett to Congress will throw much light upon this
subject, and I shall therefore insert it.
"Department of War,
"December 30, 1837.
"Sir:--In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives, in
relation to the protection of the western frontiers of the United
States, I have the honour to transmit the accompanying reports of the
chief engineer and the acting quarter-master general, together with a
report of the commissioner of Indian affairs. That expected from
General Gaines will be sent as soon as it is received.
"In presenting these documents, which are ably drawn up, and contain
full and satisfactory information on all the topics embraced by the
resolution, I might have considered my duty fully discharged, had not
other plans been previously recommended, which I regard as entirely
inefficient, but which have received, in some measure, the sanction of
Congress. A survey has been directed to determine the line of a road,
which, it is contemplated, shall extend from some point of the Upper
Mississippi to Red River, passing west of Missouri and Arkansas; and it
is proposed to place a cordon of temporary posts of ordinary
construction along it, as a sufficient measure for the defence of that
part of the country. In pursuance of the orders of Congress, officers
have been appointed to perform that duty, and, upon their report being
received, measures will be taken to carry into effect the intentions of
Congress, unless, upon a deliberate review of the whole matter, some
more eligible plan of defence shall be adopted. My own opinion has
been, from the time I first considered the subject, that such a chain of
posts, strung along the best road that can be constructed, furnished
with all the means to operate, and with competent garrisons to occupy
them, is not calculated to afford that protection which the border
States have a right to expect from the Government, nor to redeem its
pledge to protect the emigrant tribes from the savage and warlike people
that surround them. The only possible use of such a road would be to
facilitate occasional communications between the posts in time of peace.
Supplies would not be transported along it, for they must be brought
from the interior. Succours could not reach the posts by that
direction, for they would be furnished by the militia within the line;
and any attempt to concentrate the forces composing the garrisons in the
event of an outbreak, would probably be attended with disastrous
consequences; for the troops, whose route must be well known, would be
exposed to be attacked and destroyed in detail. The enemy, having
nothing to dread on their flanks or rear, might approach this road
without risk, and attack the detachments on their line of march, before
they could concentrate their forces so as to offer an effectual
resistance.
"After mature reflection, I am of opinion that military posts ought to
be established and kept up within the Indian territory, in such
positions as to maintain peace among the Indians, and protect the
emigrant and feebler tribes against the stronger and more warlike
nations that surround them; which the United States are bound to do by
treaty stipulations. To withdraw those which now exist there, would be
to violate our faith, as there is reason to apprehend that it would be
the signal of war. Persons well acquainted with that country assure us
that war would break out among the Indians, `just so soon as the troops
are removed from those posts,' and all accounts from that quarter
confirm that impression.
"Independently of the military protection which the existence of these
posts in the interior of the Indian country afford to the emigrating
tribes, and the good they are calculated to effect by the beneficial
influence the officers are enabled to exert over the surrounding
Indians, they more effectually cover and protect the frontier than ten
times the number of fortresses, strung along in one line, could do.
"With the very limited knowledge of that country as yet in possession of
this department, it appears to me that six or seven permanent exterior
posts would be sufficient to preserve the peace of that frontier. It
will be necessary, at the same time, to establish, at convenient points,
an interior line of posts, to serve as places of refuge for the
inhabitants in periods of danger and alarm, until the militia can march
to their succour from the interior, and the troops be put in motion upon
the rear of the invaders. Eight of these would be amply sufficient,
from which patrols might be kept up along the frontier to enforce the
intercourse laws. Both descriptions of forts should be so constructed
as to be defended by a small garrison, and in a manner that each part
may be successfully maintained against a very superior force, both
during the time the whole is being completed, and in the event of any
portion of it being burnt or destroyed. This arrangement would require
the establishment of a few depots of arms and supplies, from which
communications should be opened to the posts. The accompanying skeleton
map presents a view of the relative positions of the posts and depots,
and of the communications from them to the line of defence for the
speedy transportation of succours and supplies. A regular force of five
thousand men would be sufficient to garrison these posts, and, with a
competent reserve at Jefferson barracks, and an effective force at Baton
Rouge, would, I think, both ensure the safety of the western frontier,
and enable the Government to fulfil all its treaty stipulations, and
preserve its faith with the Indians. I would recommend, as an important
auxiliary to this system of defence, the organisation of an efficient
volunteer force, to be raised in each of the frontier States; the men to
be mustered into service for a certain term of time, the officers to be
appointed according to their State laws, and to be instructed a certain
number of days in each year by the regular officers of the United States
army at the posts within the States, and to receive pay during that
period. In this manner an efficient corps of officers may be created,
and a body of volunteers be at hand to march to the succour of the
border settlers and repel the invaders, whenever they are called upon by
the proper authority.
"I venture to hope, if these measures are adopted by Congress, and
carried into effect at an early day, so as to anticipate any hostile
movement of the Indians, peace will be preserved on our Western borders;
but if they should, unfortunately, be delayed until the discontent which
exists among many of the tribes breaks out into open hostility, and the
first movements of that wild and warlike people prove successful, as
they infallibly would do in our present unprepared state, it might
require double the force and quadruple the means I have here indicated
to restore and preserve peace along that extended frontier. All which
is respectfully submitted.
"JR Poinsett.
"Honourable James K Polk,
"Speaker of the House of Representatives."
The acting quarter-master-general, in his report, makes the following
observation:--
"The obligations of the Government in reference to the Western frontier
are of a very peculiar character. It is first bound, by a common duty,
to protect its own border settlements, extending along a line of one
thousand miles, against the incursions of numerous savage tribes,
separated from those settlements by mere imaginary lines; and it is next
bound, by the solemn treaty stipulations, with such of those tribes as
have emigrated to that frontier, `to protect them at their new
residences against all interruptions or disturbances from any other
tribes or nations of Indians, or _from_ any other person or persons
whatsoever.'
"If these obligations are to be scrupulously fulfilled in good faith,
which would seem to be due to our character as a nation professing a
paternal care over these people, a military force of _thirty thousand
men_ on the Western frontier would scarcely be adequate to enable the
Government to discharge its duties to its own citizens, and redeem these
pledges of protection to the Indians.
"It is not my intention, however, to propose such a force. Political
expediency, I presume, would not tolerate it, however it might be
justified by military considerations. It is merely adverted to here in
connexion with the _heavy obligations_ which rest upon Government, and
which have probably been contracted from time to time, without any very
nice calculation of the means that would be necessary to a _faithful
discharge of them_. I will, therefore, without enlarging upon this
point, proceed to state the _minimum_ force that is deemed necessary to
give protection to the border settlements, and assist in preserving
peace among them and their Indian neighbours along the line of the
frontier. These are great and important objects of themselves, without
superadding the yet more difficult task of protecting the emigrant
tribes, whom our policy has placed beyond the frontier, from the wild
and warlike Indians of the Far-West."
And Colonel Gratiot, in his report, makes the following admission.
Speaking of the second, or middle, section, he says:--
"_Second, or Middle Section_.--The country beyond this line is mostly
elevated and free from marshy ground; is abundantly watered, thinly
wooded, healthy, and has been assigned for the permanent residence of
the tribes which have been, or are to be, removed from the States and
territories east of the Mississippi, and is still occupied by the
Aborigines originally found within its limits. In numbers they count,
according to some estimates, 131,000, and can send to the field 26,200
warriors. As yet, no community of feeling except of deep and lasting
hatred to the white man, and more particularly to the Anglo-Americans,
exists among them; and, unless they coalesce, no serious difficulty need
be apprehended from them. Not so, however, should they be induced to
unite for purposes offensive and defensive: their strength would then
become apparent, create confidence, and, in all probability, induce them
to give vent to their long-suppressed desire to revenge past wrongs,
which is restrained, as they openly and freely declare, by fear alone.
That such a union will be formed at no distant day, we have every reason
to believe; and the period may be accelerated by their growing wants,
and the policy of Mexico to annoy Texas, and raise an impenetrable
barrier in the direction of her frontier."
That at present the Western frontier is defenceless is undeniable, and
the Florida war does not appear to be at all nearer to a conclusion than
it was two or three years ago. That the Indians to the west of the
Mississippi are not ignorant of what is going on is very certain; and
the moral effect arising from the protracted defence of the Seminoles
may eventually prove most serious, and be attended with enormous expense
to the United States.
The Federal Government takes every precaution to impress the Indians
with an idea of the impossibility of their opposing the white men. The
agents persuade the chiefs to go down to Washington to see their great
father, the President. On these occasions they are accompanied by the
Indian agent and interpreter, and, of course, all their expenses are
paid. They are lodged at the hotels, taken to all places of public
amusement, and provided with conveyances. But the policy of the
Government is to cause them to make a circuit through all the most
populous cities, as the crowds attracted by the appearance of the
Indians give them an extraordinary and incorrect idea of the American
population. Wherever they go they are in a crowd. If they are at the
windows of an hotel, still the crowds are immense; and this is what the
Government is anxious should take place. I was at Boston when the two
deputations of the Sioux and Sacs and Foxes tribes arrived. The two
nations being at enmity, the Sioux were conducted there first, and left
the town on the arrival of the Sacs and Foxes, or there would probably
have been a fight. The Governor received the latter in the Town-hall,
and made a speech; I was present. I thought at the time that it was not
a speech that I would have made to them, and if I mistook not, it
brought up recollections not very agreeable to the chiefs, although they
were too politic to express their feelings. But a few years before,
their lands east of the Mississippi had been wrested from them in the
most unfair way, as I have mentioned in my remarks upon the treatment of
the Indians by the American Government.
Governor Everett commenced his speech as follows:--
"Chiefs and warriors of the confederated Sacs and Foxes, you are welcome
to our Hall of Council. You have come a far way, from your red friends
of the West, to visit your white brethren of the East. We are glad to
take you by the hand. We have heard before of the Sac and the Fox
tribes: we have heard much of their chiefs, warriors, and great men: we
are now glad to see them here. We are of Massachusets: the red men once
resided here: their wigwams were on yonder hill: and their Council
Chamber was here. When our fathers came over the great waters, they
were a small band, and you were powerful: the red man stood on the rock
by the seaside, and looked at them with friendly eyes: he might have
pushed them into the water, but took them by the hand, and said welcome,
white man. Our fathers were hungry, and the red man gave them corn and
venison. Our fathers were cold, and the red man spread his blanket over
them and made them warm. We are now great and powerful, but we _will
remember_ in our prosperity the benefits bestowed by our red brethren in
our adversity."
Up to the present, they certainly have forgotten them!!
But the fate of the red man appears to be nearly decided. What between
their wars with each other, the use of spirituous liquors, and the
diseases imported by the whites, they dwindle away every day. The most
fatal disease to them is the small-pox. The following account, which I
have extracted from one of the American papers, was confirmed to me by a
letter from Fort Snelling:--
_Appalling destruction of North-west Indians by Small-pox_.
"We gave yesterday an account of the origin of this epidemic by means of
a steam-boat trading on the Missouri. Today we subjoin, from the St
Louis bulletin slip of March 3rd, a detailed account of its ravages.
The disease had reached the remote band of the Blackfeet, and thousands
of them had fallen victims. They do not blame the traders.
"The Pipe Stem, a chief of great influence, when dying, called his
people around him, and his last request was, that they would love their
traders, and be always governed by their advice. `I may,' says one of
the traders, `be blamed for not using measures to arrest the progress of
the disease, but without resort to arms on the arrival of the boat with
supplies, the Indians could not have been driven from the fort.'
"An express went two days a-head of the boat, but it was of no use
preaching to the Indians to fly--they flocked down to the boat as usual
when she arrived. The peltry trade in that quarter is ruined for years.
The company agent at Fort Union, writes, Nov. 30, that all their
prospects on the Upper Missouri are totally prostrated. The epidemic
spread into the most distant part of the Assinaboin country, and this
tribe were dying by fifties and hundreds a day. The disease appeared to
be of a peculiarly malignant cast; some, a few moments after severe
attacks of pain in the head and loins, fell down dead, and the bodies
turned black immediately after, and swelled to three times their natural
size. The companies erected hospitals, but they were of no use. The
carts were constantly employed burying the dead in holes; afterwards,
when the earth was frozen, they were consigned to the water. Many of
the squaws are left in a miserable condition. The disease has not
reached the Sioux, many of whom have being vaccinated.
"The Mandans, numbering 1,600, living in permanent villages 1,600 miles
above St Louis, have all died but thirty-one.
"The Minatarees, or Gros Ventres, living near the Mandans, numbering
about 1,000, were, by our last accounts, about one half dead, and the
disease still raging.
"The Arickarees, amounting to 3,000, who but lately abandoned a
wandering life, and joined the Mandans, were about half dead, and the
disease still among them. It is probable they have been reduced in
proportion to the Mandans.
"The Assinaboins, a powerful tribe, about 9,000 strong, living entirely
by the chase, and ranging north of the Missouri, in the plains below the
Rocky Mountains, down towards the Hudson's Bay Company, on the north Red
River, are _literally annihilated_. Their principal trade was at Fort
Union, mouth of the Yellow Stone.
"The Crees, living in the same region, numbering 3,000, are nearly all
destroyed. The great nation called Blackfeet, who wander and live by
the chase, ranging through all the region of the Rocky Mountains,
divided into bands--Piegans, Gros Ventres, Blood Indians, and Blackfeet,
amounting in all to 50,000 or 60,000, have deeply suffered. One
thousand lodges or families have been destroyed, and the disease was
rapidly spreading among the different bands."
The average number in a lodge is from six to eight persons.
"The boat that brought up the small-pox made her voyage last summer, and
the ravages of the distemper appear to have been greatest in October.
It broke out among the Mandans, July 15th. Many of the handsome
Arickarees who had recovered, seeing the disfiguration of their
features, committed suicide; some by throwing themselves from rocks,
others by stabbing, shooting, etcetera. The prairie has become a grave
yard; its wild flowers bloom over the sepulchres of Indians. The
atmosphere for miles is poisoned by the stench of hundreds of carcases
unburied. The women and children are wandering in groups without food,
or howling over the dead. The men are flying in every direction. The
proud, warlike, and noble looking Blackfeet are no more. The deserted
lodges are seen on the hills, but no smoke issues from them. No sound
but the raven's croak, and the wolf's long howl, breaks the awful
stillness. The wolves fatten on the dead carcases. The scene of
desolation is described as appalling beyond the powers of imagination to
conceive."
That they may give the Americans much trouble, however, previous to
their final extermination, is true, and that they are very anxious to
revenge themselves, is equally certain. The greatest misfortune which
could happen to the United States would be a union or mixture of the
negroes with the Indian tribes. If this were to take place, the
population would, in all probability, rapidly increase, instead of
falling away as it now does; as then the negro population would till the
ground sufficiently for the support of themselves and the Indians, as
they now do among the Creek and Seminole tribes, who have plenty of
cattle and corn. The American Indian in his natural state suffers much
from hunger, and this is one cause of the non-increase of their
population. What might be effected by the bands now concentrated on the
American frontier, if at any future time they should become amalgamated
with the negroes, will be fairly estimated by the reader when he has
read the account I am about to lay before him of the war in Florida.
VOLUME THREE, CHAPTER NINE.
CAUSES OF THE FLORIDA WAR.
Most of my countrymen are aware that the Americans have been carrying on
a war against the Florida Indians for the last two or three years; the
details, however, are not so well known; and as this Florida war ought
to be a lesson to the Americans, and may, as a precedent to the other
Indians, prove of great importance, I shall enter into the particulars
of it. I am moved, indeed, so to do, as it will afford the reader a
very fair specimen of the general policy and mode of treatment shewn to
the Indians by the American Government. Florida was ceded by Spain to
the United States as a set-off against 500,000 dollars, claimed by the
Americans for spoliations committed on her commerce. The white
population of Florida is not very numerous even now; the census of 1830
gave 18,000 whites and 16,000 slaves, independent of the Florida
Indians, or Seminoles. Seminoles is a term for runaways or wanderers;
the Indian tribes in Florida being a compound of the old Florida
Indians, two varieties of Creeks, who quitted their tribe previous to
their removal west of the Mississippi, and Africans who are slaves to
the Indians. Their numbers at the commencement of the war were
estimated as follows:--
The Mico-sukee Indians, of which Osseola, or Asseola, was one of the
principal chiefs, 400 warriors.
Creek and Spanish Indians, 850 warriors.
Negroes, 600 to 700 warriors.
In all about 1900 warriors.
The chief of the whole Seminole nation is Mic-e-no-pah, and next to him
in consequence, as orator of the nation, is an Indian of the name of
Jumper. It must be observed that these Indians, having slaves,
cultivated the ground and had large stocks of cattle. Florida, like all
the confines of the United States, had a white population not very
creditable to any country, and many of these people went there more with
a view of robbing the Indians of their negroes and cattle, and selling
them in the Western States, than with any intention of permanently
settling in the country.
As soon as the Floridas were ceded by the Spanish, the American
Government perceived the expediency of removing the Indians from the
territories, and, on the 18th of September 1823, a treaty was entered
into with the Indians, by which the Indians, on their part, agreed to
remove to the westward after _twenty years_ from that date, that is on
September 18th, 1843. By the same treaty the American Government
secured to the Indians a tract of land in Florida, containing five
millions of acres, for their subsistence during the time that they
remained in that State; and agreed to pay the Indians certain advances,
in consequence of their surrendering all title to the rest of the
Florida country, and engaging to confine themselves to the limits of the
territory allotted to them.
Nothing could be more plain or simple than the terms of this treaty,
which, in consequence of the council being held at this spot, was
denominated the treaty of Camp Moultrie.
The third article in the treaty of Camp Moultrie runs as follows:--"The
United States will take the Florida Indians under their care and
patronage, and _will afford them protection against all persons
whatsoever_."
One of the great errors committed by the American Government was in
binding itself to perform what was not in its power. It could no more
protect these Indians against the white marauders than it could prevent
the insurgents from attacking Upper Canada. The arm of the Federal
Government is too weak to reach its own confines, as will hereafter be
shewn by its own acknowledgment. The consequence was that, very soon
after the treaty of Camp Moultrie had been signed, the Indians were
robbed and plundered by the miscreants who hovered near them for that
purpose.
An American author states that two men, Robinson and Wilburn, belonging
to Georgia, contrived to steal from one chief twenty slaves, to the
value of 15,000 dollars, and carried them to New Orleans. I will
however quote a portion of the work.
"Another influential chief, Emachitochustern, commonly called John
Walker, was robbed of a number of slaves in a somewhat similar manner.
After making an appeal to the government agent, without the least chance
of redress, he says: `I don't like to make any trouble or to have any
quarrel with white people, but, if they will trespass on my lands and
rights, I must defend myself the best way I can, and if they do come
again they must bear the consequences. But is there no civil law to
protect me? Are the negroes belonging to me to be stolen away publicly
in the face of all law and justice? carried off and sold to fill the
pockets of these land pirates? Douglass and his company have hired a
man, who has two large trained dogs for the purpose, to come here and
take off others. He is from Mobile, and follows catching negroes.'
"Colonel John Blount, another estimable chief, was inhumanly beaten by a
party of white men, who robbed him of several hundred dollars; he made
application to the authorities, but the villains were allowed to escape.
"These facts show how mild and forbearing the Seminoles have acted under
the most trying circumstances; and even when their property has been
assailed in this way, they have, in numerous instances, refrained from
making resistance; their hands were bound, as the severest punishment
awaited any attack they might make upon the intruders, even though
circumstances justified it. But as the Indian's evidence could not be
received in a court of justice, the white man's oath would condemn him
to the most torturing punishment."
But in every way were the poor Indians the prey of the white men. The
same author says, among many other cases brought forward, "A man, by the
name of Floyd, was employed by an Indian woman to recover some negroes
for her, and instead of presenting a mere power of attorney for her
signature, she found, alas! it was a bill of sale for all her negroes!
Another individual was requested by Miconopy, governor of the Seminoles,
to draw a piece of writing for him, to which, without suspicion of its
character, he attached his name; it was soon after discovered to be a
conveyance of a large tract of land!"
Another source of profit to these scoundrels was the obtaining by
fraudulent means from the Indians, orders upon the American Government
for the payment of portions of their annuity granted in return for the
cession of the territory. "One of the government agents was a
delinquent to them for a considerable amount. He robbed the principal
interpreter of the nation, a very influential black chief by the name of
Abraham, of several hundred dollars, by getting a receipt from him
without paying the money, under the plea that it was necessary to send
the receipt to Washington, where it was filed to the credit of the
agent. Several other Indians of influence were robbed in a similar
manner; and when they demanded the money from the succeeding agent, they
were told that the government would not pay them. Is not this an
unsound principle to adopt in our intercourse with the Indians? Is it
just or honourable for us to send our own agents among them, without
their approval, and not hold ourselves responsible for their conduct?
If we were indebted to a nation, and the funds are sent through an agent
to pay over, and he neglects to do so, are we not still liable, and
would not a civilised power still hold us responsible?"
I have mentioned these facts to show that the Indians were justified in
their want of faith in the white men: they were robbed and pillaged and
had no redress; nay, they were imprisoned as thieves for taking away
their own cattle which had been stolen from them, although they showed
their own marks and brands upon them. Whether the American Government
suffered all this spoliation with a view to disgust the Indians and
incline them to remove to the westward, the reader will be better able
to judge for himself when he has read a few pages more.
The Florida people were now subjected to retaliation, on the part of the
Indians, who, finding that they could obtain no redress, naturally took
the law into their own hands, and loss of life on both sides was the
consequence. This produced petition after petition from the Florida
white population to the government, requesting that the Indians might be
moved west prior to 1843, the period agreed upon by the treaty of Camp
Moultrie. Colonel Gadsden, a citizen of Florida, was appointed
commissioner to treat with the Indians, and on the 8th of April 1832,
had an interview with Mic-e-no-pah, and a few other chiefs. The Indians
requested thirty days to collect the opinions of the absent chiefs, and
on the 8th of May 1832, they met the commissioner, according to
appointment, at Payne's Landing. The commissioner had a great deal of
difficulty in obtaining their consent to the removal, which was
ultimately given upon certain conditions.
By this treaty, the Indians agreed to remove west upon being paid a
certain sum for the reserved land; an annuity for a certain number of
years; and other advantages, which would occupy too much space to
particularise here. The treaty was signed by Mic-e-no-pah, the head
chief, Jumper, and thirteen more.
But the treaty was assented to upon one condition, which was, that the
Seminoles were _satisfied_ with the lands apportioned to them west of
the Mississippi. This is acknowledged by Colonel Gadsden, in his letter
to the Secretary of War, who says--"There is a condition prefixed to the
agreement, without assenting to which the Florida Indians most
positively refused to negotiate for their removal west of the
Mississippi. Even with the condition annexed, there was a reluctance
(which with some difficulty was overcome) on the part of the Indians, to
bind themselves by any stipulations before a knowledge of facts and
circumstances would enable them to judge of the advantages or
disadvantages of the disposition the government of the United States
wished to make of them. They were finally induced, however, to assent
to the agreement." "The final ratification of the treaty will depend
upon the opinion of the seven chiefs selected to explore the country
west of the Mississippi river. If that corresponds to the description
given, or is equal to the expectations formed of it, there will be no
difficulty on the part of the Seminoles."
There was a very unwise delay on the part of the American government
after the signing of this second treaty. More than two years were
permitted to elapse before any appropriation of land was made for the
Indians, who became dissatisfied, and the treaty was by them pronounced
to be "a white man's treaty," which they did not any longer consider to
be binding.
But there were other reasons why the Seminoles did not consider the
treaty as binding; they did _not_ like the lands allotted to them. A
deputation of seven was sent west of the Mississippi: the land they
acknowledged was good land, but they found that they were close to the
Pawnee territory, and that that tribe was proverbially famous for
stealing cattle and horses. It was also the determination of the
American Government, as they were considered as a portion of the Creek
nation, to settle them near to and incorporate them with that nation.
This did not suit them; the Creeks had claimed many of their slaves, and
they knew that they had no chance with so superior a force as that of
the Creek nation, who would have taken all their slaves from them. As,
therefore, the Pawnees would have stolen all their cattle, and the
Creeks have taken all their slaves, they considered that utter
destitution would be the consequence of the removal as proposed by the
American Government. To get over the latter difficulty, the government
proposed that the Seminoles should sell their slaves previous to their
removing, but this they objected to. The American author I have quoted
says:--
"It was then suggested to them that, by a sale of these negroes before
they left Florida, they would augment their resources, and could go into
their new country without the dread of exciting the cupidity of the
Creeks. But these Indians have always evinced great reluctance to
parting with slaves: indeed the Indian loves his negro as much as one of
his own children, and the sternest necessity alone would drive him to
the parting: this recommendation was, therefore, viewed with evident
alarm, and as the right of retaining possession of them was guaranteed
by the commissioner, strong doubts were raised as to the sincerity of
the pledge.
"The Seminole Indians are poor agriculturists and husbandmen, and withal
too indolent to till the ground, and, without their negroes, would
literally starve: besides, should they dispose of them they could not be
replenished in a new country. Again: the opposition of the slaves
themselves to being sold to the whites would excite all their energies
to prevent emigration, for they dread the idea of being transferred to
sugar and cotton plantations, where they must be subject to the
surveillance of the overseer. The life of a slave among the Indians,
compared with that of negroes under overseers, is one of luxury and
ease; the demands upon him are very trifling, scarcely ever exceeding
eight or ten bushels from the crop, the remainder being applied to his
own profit: they live separate, and often remote, from their owners, and
enjoy an equal share of liberty. The negro is also much more provident
and ambitious than his master, and the peculiar localities of the
country eminently facilitate him in furnishing the Indian with rum and
tobacco, which gives him a controlling influence over the latter, and at
the same time affords him an immense profit; so that it can be easily
imagined that the negroes would in no manner be benefited by the
change."
On the 23rd of October, 1834, being two years and a half after the
signing of the second treaty at Payne's Landing, a council of Indians
was again summoned by the agent, who informed them that all they had now
to answer were the following questions:--
Will you incorporate yourselves with the Creek nation in the Far-West?
Will you have money for your cattle which you leave here on your arrival
there, or will you have cattle in return?
Will you go by water, or by land?
Will you have your next annuity paid in money or in goods?
Upon this, the chiefs retired and held a private council. It is said
that Asseola, the principal chief of the tribe of Micosukees, persuaded
them strongly to resist going, and declared that he would consider as
his enemy any one who agreed to go. Asseola had not signed the treaty.
The next day the council was resumed, and the chiefs made the following
replies to the agent.
The first who spoke was Holata Mico, principal war chief. He expressed
his wish that there should be no quarrelling, at the same time that he
gave his evidence as to the truth of the first book of Moses.
"_Holata Mico_ then rose, and said:--`God made all of us, and we all
came from one woman, sucked one bubby; we hope we shall not quarrel;
that we will talk until we get through.'
"_Miconopy_ then said--`When we were at Camp Moultrie we made a treaty,
and we were to be paid our annuity for twenty years. That is all I have
got to say.'
"_Jumper_ said--`At Camp Moultrie they told us all difficulties should
be buried for twenty years, from the date of the treaty made there; that
after this we held a treaty at Payne's Landing, before the twenty years
were out; and they told us we might go and see the country, but that we
were not obliged to remove. The land is very good, I saw it, and was
glad to see it; the neighbours there are bad people; I do not like them
bad Indians, the Pawnees. I went and saw the place; I told the agent
that I was a rogue; that he had brought me to the place here alongside,
and among the rogues, the bad Pawnees, because I am a rogue. I went to
see the land, and the commissioners said that the Seminoles must have
that land. When we went west to see the land, we had not sold our land
here, and we were told only to go and see it. The Indians there steal
horses, and take packs on their horses; they all steal horses from the
different tribes; I do not want to go among such people; your talk seems
always good, but we don't feel disposed to go west.'
"_Charley Amathia_ then rose, and said--`The speakers of the nation are
all dead; but I recollect some of their words when they had the meeting
at Camp Moultrie. I was not there, but heard that we would be at peace,
and that we would have our annuity paid to us for twenty years. _White
people have told me that the treaty at Camp Moultrie, which was made by
great men, and not to be broken, had secured them for twenty years; that
seven years of that treaty are still unexpired_. I am no half breed,
and do not lean on one side. If they tell me to go after the seven
years, I say nothing. As to the proposition made us by the agent about
removing, I do not say I will not go; but I think that, until the seven
years are out, I give no answer. My family I love dearly and sacredly.
I do not think it right to take them right off. Our father has often
said to me that he loves his children--and they love him. When a man is
at home, and got his stock about him, he looks upon it as the
subsistence of himself and family. Then when they go off, they reflect
and think more seriously than when quiet at home. I do not complain of
the agent's talk. My young men and family are all around me. Should I
go west, I should lose many on the path. As to the country west, I
looked at it; a weak man cannot get there, the fatigue would be so
great; it requires a strong man.'"
This talk made the agent very angry; he told them that they should stand
by the treaty at Payne's Landing; he desired them to retire, and when
they came again to act like chiefs and honourable men.
"October 25, 1834. The council convened at 11 o'clock. Interpreters as
yesterday.
"The _agent_ said to the council, `I am ready to receive your answers to
the questions which I submitted to you.'
"_Holato Mico_.--`I have only to repeat what I said yesterday, and to
say that the twenty years from the treaty at Moultrie has not yet
expired. I never gave my consent to go west; the whites may say so, but
I never gave my consent.'
"_Jumper_.--`We are not satisfied to go until the end of twenty years,
according to the treaty at Camp Moultrie. We were called upon to go to
the west, beyond the Mississippi. It is a good country; this is a poor
country, we know. We had a good deal of trouble to get there; what
would it be for all our tribe.'
"_Miconopy_.--`I say, what I said yesterday, I did not sign the treaty.'
"_Agent_.--`Abraham, tell Miconopy that I say _he lies_; he did sign the
treaty, for here is his name.'"
Miconopy here asserts that he did not sign the treaty, which certainly
appears to be a falsehood: but it should be remembered that, by the
agent's own admission, it was only a conditional signature by a portion
of the chiefs, provided that they liked the location offered to them;
and as they objected to this, the treaty was certainly, in my opinion,
null and void. Indeed, the agent had no right to demand the signatures
when such an important reservation was attached to the treaty. I do not
give the whole of the agent's reply, as there is so much repetition; the
following are extracts:--
"I have told you that you must stand to your bargain. My talk is still
the same. You must go west. Your father, the President, who is your
friend, will compel you to go. Therefore, be not deluded by any hope or
expectation that you will be permitted to remain here. You have
expressed a wish to hear my views and opinion upon the whole matter. As
a man, and your friend, I will this day deign to reason with you; for I
want to show you that your talk of today is the foolish talk of a child.
"Jumper says, they agreed at Payne's Landing to go and examine the
country west, but they were not bound to remove to it until the nation
should agree to do so, after the return of the delegation; and he adds,
what others of you have said, that the treaty at Camp Moultrie was to
stand for twenty years. Such a talk from Jumper surprises me, for he is
a man of sense. He understands the treaty at Payne's Landing, which he
signed; he was the first named in that treaty, of the delegation
appointed to go west; he knows that that treaty gave him and the members
of the delegation authority to decide whether the nation should remove
or not.
"The Creeks, Choctaws, Chickasaws and Cherokees, who live in the States,
are moving west of the Mississippi river, because they cannot live under
the white people's laws; they are gone and going, and the Seminole
nation are a small handful to their number. Two governments cannot
exist under the same boundary of territory. Where Indians remain within
the limits of a state or territory until the jurisdiction of a state or
territory shall be extended over them, the Indian government, laws and
chiefships, are for ever done away--the Indians are subject to the white
man's law. The Indian must be tried, whether for debt or crime, in the
white man's court; the Indian's law is not to be known there; the
Indian's evidence is not to be admitted there; the Indian will, in every
thing, be subject to the control of the white man. It is this view of
the subject which induces your father, the President, to settle his red
children beyond the limits of the states and territories where the white
man's law is never to reach you, and where you and your children are to
possess the land, while the grass grows and the water runs. He feels
for his red children as a father should feel. It is, therefore, that he
made the treaty with you at Payne's Landing, and for the same reason he
will compel you to comply with your bargain. But let us look a little
more closely into your own situation. Suppose (what is however
impossible) that you could be permitted so remain here a few years
longer, what would be your condition? _This land will soon be
surveyed, sold to, and settled by, the whites. There is now a surveyor
in the country; the jurisdiction of the territory will soon be extended
over this country. Your laws will be set aside, your chiefs will cease
to be chiefs; claims for debt and for your negroes would be set up
against you by bad white men, or you would perhaps be charged with
crimes affecting life; you would be hauled before the white man's court;
the claims against you for debt, for your negroes or other property, and
the charges of crime preferred against you, would be decided by the
white man's law. White men would be witnesses against you; Indians
would not be permitted to give evidence; your condition, in a very few
years, would be hopeless wretchedness_."
What an admission from their father, the President, after having, in the
third article of the treaty of Camp Moultrie, declared that the United
States will afford the Florida Indians _protection against all persons
whatsoever_!!
"Thus, you may see, that were it possible for you to remain here a few
years longer, you would be reduced to hopeless poverty, and when urged
by hunger to ask, perhaps, of the man who thus would have ruined you
(and is, perhaps, now tampering with you for the purpose of getting your
property) for a crust of bread, you might be called an Indian dog, and
be ordered to clear out. [Here _Asseola_, who was seated by Miconopy,
urged him to be firm in his resolution.] Your father, the President,
sees all these evils, and will save you from them by removing you west;
and I will stand up for the last time to tell you, that you must go; and
if not willingly, you will be compelled to go. I should have told you
that no more annuity will be paid to you here. [_Asseola_ replied, that
he did not care whether any more was ever paid.] I hope you will, on
more mature reflection, act like honest men, and not compel me to report
you to your father, the President, as faithless to your engagements."
"_Asseola_ said, the decision of the chiefs was given; that they did not
intend to give any other answer.
"_Miconopy_ said--`I do not intend to remove.'
"_The Agent_.--`I am now fully satisfied that you are wilfully disposed
to be entirely dishonest in regard to your engagements with the
President, and regret that I must so report you. The talk which I have
made to you must and will stand.'"
Thus, indeed, the council and the parties separated. The American
government was supine, thinking, probably, that the Indians would not
resist much longer; but the Indians, on the other hand, laid up large
stores of powder and lead. Six months elapsed, and then the Indians
were informed that they were to hear the _last_ talk of the father, the
President on _this side_ of the Mississippi. On the 22nd of April,
1835, the Indians assembled, and had the following communication from
General Jackson:--
"_To the Chiefs and Warriors of the Seminole Indians in Florida_.
"My Children: I am sorry to have heard that you have been listening to
bad counsels. You know me, and you know that I would not deceive, nor
advise you to do any thing that was unjust or injurious. Open your ears
and attend to what I shall now say to you. They are the words of a
friend, and the words of truth.
"The white people are settling around you. The game has disappeared
from your country. Your people are poor and hungry. All this you have
perceived for some time. And nearly three years ago, you made an
agreement with your friend, Colonel Gadsden, acting on the part of the
United States, by which you agreed to cede your lands in Florida, and to
remove and join your brothers, the Creeks, in the country west of the
Mississippi. You annexed a condition to this agreement, that certain
chiefs, named therein, in whom you placed confidence, should proceed to
the western country, and examine whether it was suitable to your wants
and habits; and whether the Creeks residing there were willing to permit
you to unite with them as one people, and if the persons thus sent, were
satisfied on these heads, then the agreement made with Colonel Gadsden
was to be in full force.
"In conformity with these provisions, the chiefs named by you proceeded
to that country, and having examined it, and having become satisfied
respecting its character and the favourable disposition of the Creeks,
they entered into an agreement with commissioners on the part of the
United States, by which they signified their satisfaction on these
subjects, and finally ratified the agreement made with Colonel Gadsden.
"I now learn that you refuse to carry into effect the solemn promises
thus made by you, and that you have stated to the officers of the United
States, sent among you, that you will not remove to the western country.
"My children: I have never deceived, nor will I ever deceive, any of the
red people. I tell you that you must go, and that you will go. Even if
you had a right to stay, how could you live where you now are? You have
sold all your country. You have not a piece as large as a blanket to
sit down upon. What is to support yourselves, your women and children?
The tract you have ceded will soon be surveyed and sold, and immediately
afterwards will be occupied by a white population. You will soon be in
a state of starvation. You will commit depredations upon the property
of our citizens. You will be resisted, punished, perhaps killed. Now,
is it not better peaceably to remove to a fine, fertile country,
occupied by your own kindred, and where you can raise all the
necessaries of life, and where game is yet abundant? The annuities
payable to you, and the other stipulations made in your favour, will
make your situation comfortable, and will enable you to increase and
improve. If, therefore, you had a right to stay where you now are,
still every true friend would advise you to remove. But you have no
right to stay, and you must go. I am very desirous that you should go
peaceably and voluntarily. You shall be comfortably taken care of and
kindly treated on the road, and when you arrive in your new country,
provisions will be issued to you for a year, so that you can have ample
time to provide for your future support.
"But lest some of your rash young men should forcibly oppose your
arrangements for removal, I have ordered a large military force to be
sent among you. I have directed the commanding officer, and likewise
the agent, your friend, General Thompson, that every reasonable
indulgence be held out to you. But I have also directed that one-third
of your people, as provided for in the treaty, be removed during the
present season. If you listen to the voice of friendship and truth, you
will go quietly and voluntarily. But should you listen to the bad birds
that are always flying about you, and refuse to remove, I have then
directed the commanding officer to remove you by force. This will be
done. I pray the Great Spirit, therefore, to incline you to do what is
right.
"Your friend,
"A Jackson.
"_Washington, February 16_, 1835."
Several of the Indian chiefs replied, wishing for amity but unwilling to
quit; but the council was broken up by the agent, who informed them that
he had been sent there to enforce the treaty: he had warriors enough to
do it, and he would do it. It was the question now whether they would
go of their own accord, or by force?
This determination on the part of the agent induced some of the chiefs
to waver, and eventually eight principal chiefs and eight sub-chiefs
signed the articles agreeing to remove; but Miconopy, the chief of the
whole tribes, Jumper, the second in consequence, and three other
powerful chiefs, refused. Upon this, the agent took upon himself the
most unwarrantable responsibility, by saying, Miconopy was no longer
chief of the nation, and that his name and the other opposing chiefs
were now struck out of the council of the nation.
That such an act as this was the cause of the greatest irritation to the
Seminoles there can be no doubt; and the conduct of the agent was
reproved by the Secretary of War, who, in his letter, observes:--
"It is not necessary for me to enter into much detail on the subject
presented by you. I understand from Mr Harris, that he communicated to
you the President's views on the subject of the chiefs whom you declined
to recognise in all questions connected with the removal of the
Seminoles. I understand that the President deemed this course an
incorrect one; and it seems to me obviously liable to strong objections.
We do not assume the right of determining who shall be the chiefs in
the various Indian tribes; this is a matter of internal policy which
must necessarily be left to themselves. And if, when we have a grave
matter for adjustment with one of the tribes, we undertake to say _it
shall be_ determined by a particular class of individuals, we certainly
should render ourselves obnoxious to censure. It appears to me the
proper course, upon important questions, is to treat directly with the
tribe itself; and if they depute their chiefs, or any other individual
to act for them, we must either recognise such authority or abandon the
object in view."
In June 1835, Asseola, the chief of Micosukees, who did not appear at
the council, but who was the most determined opponent of the treaty,
came in to complain of the treatment his people had received from some
white men, one of them having been wounded. He received no redress, and
saying something offensive to the agent, he was thrown into prison. To
obtain his release he promised to sign the treaty, at least, so it is
said, and that he did sign it; but this must be considered only as an
Indian stratagem: he had been imprisoned without any cause, and it is to
be presumed that he thought himself justified in escaping by a
corresponding fraud on his own part. The month after this occurrence,
some of the tribe of Asseola murdered a government mail-carrier.
The Indians made one more effort: they called a council, and offered to
remove to the west of the Mississippi, provided they had lands and an
agent for themselves; but this was sternly refused by the government,
who sent back as an answer, that their great father, General Jackson,
had been "made very angry." The attacks and depredations upon the
Indians were now more frequent, and the majority of them determined upon
resistance. Only six chiefs, out of all who had signed the treaty,
acted to their word and brought in their cattle, etcetera, for the
government agent, to be sold previous to their migration. Five of their
chiefs removed to the protection of Brooke's Fort, as they feared that
the Seminoles would punish them for their revolt. One of them, Charley
Amathla, was preparing to follow the others, when Asseola and two other
chiefs went to his house and insisted that he should not remove his
people. Charley Amathla replied that he had already pledged his word
that he would abide by the promise which he made to their great father,
and that if his life paid the forfeit, he felt bound to adhere to that
promise. He said he had lived to see his nation a ruined and degraded
people, and he believed that their only salvation was in removing to the
West: that he had made arrangements for his people to go, and had
delivered to the agent all their cattle, so that he had no excuse now
for not complying with his engagements. One of the chiefs then informed
him that the crisis was come: he must either join them in their
opposition, or suffer death, and that two hours would be allowed him to
consult his people and declare his determination. He replied, that his
mind was unalterable, and his people could not make him break his word;
that if he must die he hoped they would grant him time enough to make
some arrangements for the good of his people. At this moment Asseola
raised his rifle and was about to fire, when Abraham arrested the
murderous aim, and requested them all to retire for a council with the
other chiefs. Asseola, with a small party, however, separated
themselves from the main body of the Indians, and returned to Charley
Amathla's, and shot him. Thirteen of Amathla's people immediately
escaped to Fort King, while the others, deterred by their fears,
remained until the return of the principal band, when they joined the
hostile party.
This was a fine trait in the Indian, and proves that the Seminoles are
not the faithless people they are represented to be by the government
agents. The death of this noble Indian was the signal for the
commencement of hostilities; the Indians immediately abandoned all their
towns, and, concealing their trail, removed their families to a place of
safety, which has ever since baffled all conjecture as to its
whereabout, and its secrecy been a subject of the greatest astonishment.
VOLUME THREE, CHAPTER TEN.
FLORIDA WAR.
It is naturally conjectured that the Seminoles retreated to some portion
of the vast swamps which surround the Ouithlacoochee river; but certain
it is that since the commencement of the war, in December 1835, up to
the present time, their retreat has never been discovered. Marauding
parties now commenced on the part of the Indians, who took summary
vengeance on those who had robbed and maltreated them. The whole
country from Fort Brooke to Fort King was in a state of conflagration,
and the whites were compelled to abandon everything, and seek protection
under the forts. At the outbreak of hostilities the American force in
the department did not amount to five hundred men. The militia were
called out, but military stores were not at hand, and it was decided
that the troops must wait for reinforcements before any attack could be
made upon the Indians; the great object was to throw a reinforcement
into Fort King.
General Clinch, who commanded at Fort Brooke, having been reinforced
with thirty-nine men from Key West, no time was lost in preparing two
companies for the above service. On the 24th of December 1835, a force
of one hundred men, and eight officers, with a field-piece, under the
command of Major Dade, commenced their march.
On the morning of the 28th, when it had proceeded four miles from the
encampment of the previous night, this force was attacked by the
Indians, whose first volley was very destructive, Major Dade, with
almost every man of the advanced guard, falling dead. The Indians were
repelled by the troops under Captain Gardner, upon whom the command then
devolved, and the Americans proceeded to throw up breastworks; but
before they could raise them high enough for efficient protection, the
Indians attacked them again. The Americans brought their field-piece
into play, but the breastworks not being high enough, the Indians shot
down every man who attempted to work the gun. All the officers, and
more than two-thirds of the American troops had fallen, when the
survivors found that all their ammunition was expended. The Indians,
perceiving this, rushed in, and, with the exception of two men, who,
although severely wounded, contrived to conceal themselves, and
ultimately to make their escape, not one of the whole detachment was
spared.
The force of the Indians is supposed to have been about three hundred
and fifty or four hundred. The contest lasted six hours; and it must be
admitted that nothing could be more gallant than the defence made by the
troops against such a superior force.
On the afternoon of the same day, the Americans had to lament the loss
of General Thompson, the Indian agent at Fort King. Imprudently
strolling out about three hundred yards from the fort, he was attacked
by the Indians, who waited in ambush for him, and, with Lieutenant Smith
and three other people belonging to the fort, was shot dead. This party
of Indians was headed by Asseola, who had warned General Thompson that
the white men should suffer for their treatment of him. His peculiar
and shrill war-yell was given as the Indian party retreated, to let the
whites know to whom they were indebted for the massacre.
General Clinch having been reinforced at Fort Brooke, (where he had two
hundred regular troops,) with five hundred volunteers under the command
of General Call, now moved with the whole force of seven hundred men.
On the 30th of December, as they were passing the Ouithlacoochee river,
the Indians watched their opportunity, and, when a portion only of the
troops had gained the opposite side, commenced an attack, which was
vigorously and successfully resisted; the Indians, in little more than
an hour, were beaten off. The battle was, however, severe, and the
Americans sustained a loss of sixty-three killed and wounded. The
Indian force is supposed to have amounted to seven hundred men.
But independently of these conflicts with the militia and regulars, the
ravages of the Indians over the whole country are stated to have been
most fearful. Women and children were murdered, and the hearth made
desolate in every portion of the country. In the more settled parts
near St Augustine, the sugar-cane plantations, with the expensive works
attached to them, were destroyed, and in many cases the slaves who were
on the plantations were either carried off, or, voluntarily joining the
Indians, increased the strength of the enemy. More than a hundred
estates were thus laid waste, the average loss upon each estate being
computed, independently of the loss of the negroes, at fifty thousand
dollars.
The intelligence of this havoc, and the massacre of Major Dade and his
whole party, soon reached the neighbouring States, and a requisition for
assistance made by General Clinch, was promptly responded to. Meetings
were organised at Augusta, Savannah, Darien, and Charleston, and in a
few days nearly two thousand volunteers were ready to march to the
theatre of war. Indeed, the cause now became the cause of all the
slave-holding States, and was taken up with the usual energy of the
Americans.
In Louisiana the same spirit was shewn. General Gaines was at that time
on a tour of inspection, and had received orders to take charge of the
troops assembling on the Mexican frontier; but, at the request of the
volunteers, he took the command of _them_ until he could receive further
orders from Washington. The assistance of the American naval forces
were demanded and obtained, and General Gaines having received
intelligence that Fort Brooke was invested by the Indians, sent an
express to General Clinch at Fort King, to say that he would join him
with his forces to relieve the post. The Seminole Indians who had
agreed to the treaty, remained firm to their word, and took up arms
against their brethren, and a large force was now marching from all
directions to the succour of the whites. I ought here to observe, that
not only at the commencement, but ever since the war has continued, the
difficulty and expense of forwarding supplies have been very great, and
the American troops have undergone the severest privations, as well as
great mortality from sickness and disease.
On the 13th February 1836, General Gaines, having arrived at Fort
Brooke, reviewed his force, which amounted to between eleven hundred and
twelve hundred men, and commenced his march to relieve Fort King, at
which post he arrived on the 2nd February, without falling in with any
of the Indians. The general then made a detour in pursuit of the enemy.
On the 27th, when the force was crossing the Ouithlacoochee River, it
was assailed by the Indians, who retired after a skirmish of
three-quarters of an hour, the loss of the Americans being very
trifling. On the 28th, when again fording the river, the Indians made
another attack, which was continued for nearly four hours, and the
Americans had to lament the loss of Major Izard, who was killed, and two
other officers were wounded. On the 29th, the Indians again attacked,
with a force of at least a thousand men, with a view of forcing the
American troops from the breastwork which they had thrown up; the
Indians, after about two hours' fighting, set fire to the high grass;
but, unfortunately for them, the wind suddenly changed, and, instead of
burning out the American troops, all their own concealed positions were
burnt up and exposed, and they were compelled to retire. The loss on
the Indian side was not known, but was supposed to be heavy; that on the
part of the Americans amounted to thirty-two killed and wounded.
General Gaines, finding that the Indians were so near him, now
despatched expresses for a supply of ammunition, being resolved, if
possible, to bring them to a general action. The sufferings of the
American troops were very severe, and they were killing their horses for
subsistence; but the camp was secure, in consequence of the Indians
having burnt down all the means of concealment so necessary in their
mode of warfare. Notwithstanding which, on the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd of
March, the camp was vigorously assailed. On the evening of the 5th, the
Indian interpreter came in from the Seminoles, stating that they wished
to hold a council, and did not want any more fighting. On the 6th, a
truce was held, when Asseola and other chiefs made their appearance,
saying, that if the Americans would not cross the river, they would
remain on their own side of it, and not commit any more ravages. This
was, in fact, nothing but the original proposal of the Indians, that
they should remain upon the land which had been assigned to them by the
treaty of Camp Moultrie. The reply of General Gaines was, that he was
not authorised to make a treaty with them; their arms must be given up,
and they must remain on the other side of the river, until the American
Government sent them away west of the Mississippi. While this
negotiation was pending, General Clinch arrived with the succour and
reinforcements, much to the joy of the American troops, who were half
starved. General Gaines, who had heard that General Scott had been
appointed to the command in Florida, now resigned that authority to
General Clarke, and on the 11th, the troops arrived at Fort Drane. It
hardly need be observed, that the treating with the Indians ended in
nothing. General Scott having assumed the command, arrived at Fort
Drane on the 13th March 1836. He had had previously to contend with
heavy rains and almost impracticable roads, and was encumbered with a
heavy baggage train; his whole force amounted to nearly 5,000 men. This
he divided into a centre and two wings, with a view to scour the whole
country, and force the Indians from their retreats; but in vain. The
Indians being on the flanks of each division, occasional skirmishes took
place; but when the troops arrived to where the Indians were supposed to
be, not a man was to be seen, nor could they discover the retreat of
their families. Occasionally the Indians attacked the outposts with
great vigour, and were bravely repulsed; but the whole army, of 5,000
men, did not kill and capture more than twenty Indians. As far as I can
judge, nothing could be better than the arrangements of General Scott,
but the nature of the country, to which the Indians had retreated,
rendered it almost impossible for troops to act. The swamps extended
over a great surface of ground; here and there was an island on which
the Indians could remain; while to attack them, the troops would have to
wade up to their necks for miles, and as soon as they arrived the
Indians were gone.
It is not my intention to follow up all the details of the petty warfare
which has continued to the present time. General Scott resigned the
command, and was succeeded by General Jessopp. On the 20th October
1837, after nearly a year's skirmishing, Asseola was persuaded to come
in, to a council. The flags of truce were hoisted by the Americans, and
Asseola, carrying a flag of truce in his hand, and accompanied by other
chiefs and about 50 warriors, came in to talk. On their arrival, they
were surrounded by bayonets, and made prisoners by the orders of the
Federal Government, who, despairing of subduing the Indians, had
recourse to this shameful breach of faith. The proud spirit of Asseola
could not endure confinement: he died in prison. Other chiefs were
kidnapped in the same traitorous manner; but, severe as the loss must
have been to the Indians, it did not appear to discourage them. The war
was still carried on by those who were left, and, indeed, is still
continued; for the ranks of the Indians are said to be filled up by
runaway slaves, and some of the Creek Indians who have not yet quitted
Georgia. On the 25th of December 1837, a severe battle was fought
between the Indians and the American troops, at a spot between Pease
Creek and the Big Cypress Swamps; on this occasion the Americans lost
Colonels Thompson and Guntry, with twenty-eight killed, and one hundred
and eleven wounded. Since that I am not aware that any important combat
has taken place; but it is certain that the Seminoles, notwithstanding
the loss of their leaders, still hold out and defy the whole power of
the United States.
It is asserted in the American papers that the loss of lives on the
American side, from the enemy and from disease, amounts to between two
and three thousand men, and that the expenses of the war are now
estimated at 30,000,000 of dollars. How far these calculations may be
correct I cannot pretend to say, but it is notorious that a handful of
Indians, estimated, at the commencement of the war, at about 1,900, have
contended against armies of four or five times their number, commanded
by gallant and able officers; that this small band of Indians,
notwithstanding their losses from the weapons of the enemy, and their
still greater losses from breach of faith, have now for four years held
out against the American Government, and have contrived to _subsist_
during that period; and that the retreat of their wives and families has
never been discovered, notwithstanding the Americans have a friendly
portion of the Seminoles acting with them. Indeed, if we are to believe
the American statements, the war is almost as far from its conclusion
now as it was at its commencement. See note 1.
I have hastily narrated the causes and principal events of the war, as
they are little known in England. The Americans, even if they expend
twice as much money, must persevere, until they have extirpated every
Indian, and settled the territory with white people; if they do not, the
Florida swamps will become the resort of runaway slaves, and the
precedent of what can be done, will encourage a general rising of the
slaves in the adjoining States, who will only have to retire to the
banks of the Ouithlacoochee and defend themselves. So fatal is the
climate to the European, that America even now will probably have to
sacrifice life and treasure to a much greater extent before she obtains
possession of the territory. I shall conclude by quoting a portion of a
letter from the Genevese Traveller which appeared in the _Times_
newspaper.