SECTION 10.

1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation;

grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit;

make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts;

pass any bill of attainder, _ex post facto_ law, or law impairing the

obligation of contracts; or grant any title of nobility.

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts

or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary

for executing its inspection laws; and the neat produce of all duties

and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the

use of the treasury of the United States, and all such laws shall be

subject to the revision and control of the Congress. No State shall,

without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or

ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with

another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless

actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.

ARTICLE 2.--SECTION 1.

1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United

States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four

years, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term,

be elected as follows:

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof

may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of senators

and representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress;

but no senator or representative, or person holding any office of trust

or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector.

3. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by

ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant

of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all

the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list

they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the

Government of the United States, directed to the President of the

Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the

Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the

votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of

votes shall be President, if such number be a majority of the whole

number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have

such a majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of

Representatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of them for

President; and if no person have a majority, then, from the five highest

on the list, the said House shall, in like manner, choose the President.

But, in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the

representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this

purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the

States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice.

In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the

greatest number of votes of the electors, shall be the Vice-President.

But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate

shall choose from them, by ballot, the Vice-President.

4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and

the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the

same throughout the United States.

5. No person, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United

States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be

eligible to the office of President: neither shall any person be

eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of

thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United

States.

6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his

death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of

the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the

Congress may, by law, provide for the case of removal, death,

resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President,

declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer

shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a President

shall be elected.

7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a

compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the

period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive

within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of

them.

8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the

following oath or affirmation:--

9. "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the

office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my

ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United

States."

SECTION 2.

1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of

the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called

into the actual service of the United States; he may require the

opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive

departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective

offices; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for

offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the

Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present

concur: and he shall nominate, and, by and with the advice and consent

of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and

consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the

United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for,

and which shall be established by law. But the Congress may, by law,

vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper, in

the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of

departments.

3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may

happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which

shall expire at the end of their next session.

SECTION 3.

1. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the

state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures

as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may on extraordinary

occasions convene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of

disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he

may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive

ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws

be faithfully executed; and shall commission all the officers of the

United States.

SECTION 4.

1. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United

States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction

of, treason, bribery, or other crimes and misdemeanors.

ARTICLE 3.--SECTION 1.

1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one

supreme court, and in such inferior courts, as the Congress may from

time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and

inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behaviour; and

shall at stated times receive for their services a compensation, which

shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.

SECTION 2.

1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity,

arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and

treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all

cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls; to all

cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which

the United States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more

States; between a State and citizens of another State; between citizens

of different States; between citizens of the same State claiming lands

under grants of different States; and between a State or the citizens

thereof, and foreign States, citizens or subjects.

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and

consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the supreme court

shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before

mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as

to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations, as

the Congress shall make.

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by

jury, and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes

shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the

trial shall be at such places as the Congress may by law have directed.

SECTION 3.

1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war

against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and

comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the

testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in

open court.

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason;

but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or

forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted.

ARTICLE 4.--SECTION 1.

1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public

acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the

Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts,

records, and proceedings, shall be proved, and the effect thereof.

SECTION 2.

1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and

immunities of citizens in the several States.

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime,

who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on

demand of the executive authority of the State from which he has fled,

be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the

crime.

3. No person held to service or labour in one State under the laws

thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or

regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour; but shall

be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom such service or labour

may be due.

SECTION 3.

1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no

new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any

other State, nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more

States, or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of

the States concerned, as well as of the Congress.

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful

rules and regulations respecting, the territory or other property

belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall

be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of

any particular State.

SECTION 4.

1. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a

republican form of Government, and shall protect each of them against

invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of the executive,

(when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence.

ARTICLE 5.

1. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it

necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution; or, on the

application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several States,

shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case,

shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this

Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the

several States, or by conventions of three-fourths thereof, as the one

or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress;

provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one

thousand eight hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first

and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article: that and

no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage

in the Senate.

ARTICLE 6.

1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the

adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United

States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be

made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be

made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law

of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any

thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary

notwithstanding.

3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members

of the several State legislature, and all executive and judicial

officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be

bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution: but no

religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office

or public trust under the United States.

ARTICLE 7.

1. The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be

sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States

so ratifying the same.

Done in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the

seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven

hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States

of America, the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed

our names.

George Washington, _President and Deputy from Virginia_

New Hampshire. John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman.

Massachusetts. Nathaniel Gorman, Rufus King.

Connecticut. William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman.

New York. Alexander Hamilton.

New Jersey. William Livingston, David Bearly, William Paterson,

Jonathan Dayton.

Pennsylvania. Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mafflin, Robert Morris, George

Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Governeur

Morris.

Delaware. George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun. John Dickenson, Richard

Bassett, Jacob Broom.

Maryland. James McHenry, Daniel of St Tho. Jenifer, Daniel Carrol.

Virginia. John Blair, James Madison, jun.

North Carolina. William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson.

South Carolina. John Rutledge, Chas. Cotesworth Pinckney, Charles

Pinckney, Pierce Butler.

Georgia. William Few, Abraham Baldwin.

(_Attest_,) William Jackson.

AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION.

Art. 1. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of

religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the

freedom of speech or of the press; or the right, of the people peaceably

to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

Art. 2. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a

free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be

infringed.

Art. 3. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house

without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner

prescribed by law.

Art. 4. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses,

papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall

not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause,

supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place

to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

Art. 5. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise

infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury,

except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia,

when in actual service, in time of war or public danger; nor shall any

person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of

life or limb; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a

witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty or property,

without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for

public use, without just compensation.

Art. 6. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right

to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and

district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district

shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the

nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses

against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his

favour; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.

Art. 7. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall

exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved;

and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court

of the United States, than according to the rules of common law.

Art. 8. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines

imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

Art. 9. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not

be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Art. 10. The powers not delegated to the United States by the

Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the

States respectively, or to the people.

Art. 11. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed

to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against

one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or

subjects of any foreign State.

Art. 12. 1. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and

vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least,

shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall

name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct

ballots the person voted for as Vice-president; and they shall make

distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons

voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which

lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of

the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the

Senate; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate

and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes

shall then be counted; the person having the greatest number of votes

for President shall be the President, if such of the number be a

majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person

have such a majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers,

not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the

House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the

President. But, in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by

States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for

this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the

States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice.

And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President

whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth

day of March next following, the Vice-President shall act as President,

as in the case of the death, or other constitutional disability of the

President.

2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President,

shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole

number of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then

from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the

Vice-President: a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of

the whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole number shall

be necessary to a choice.

3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of

President, shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United

States.

END OF VOL. II.

VOLUME THREE, CHAPTER ONE.

CANADA.

Of what advantage are the Canadas to England?

This question has been put to me, at least one hundred times since my

return from America. It is argued that the Canadas produce and export

nothing except timber, and that the protecting duty given to Canada

timber is not only very severely felt by the mother-country, but very

injurious to her foreign relations. These observations are undeniable;

and I admit that, as a mere colony compelled to add to the wealth of

England, (sending to her all her produce, and receiving from her all her

supplies), Canada has been worth less than nothing. But, admitting this

for the present, we will now examine whether there are no other grounds

for the retention of the Canadas under our control.

Colonies are of value to the mother-country in two ways. The first is

already mentioned, and in that way, the present advantage of the Canadas

as colonies is abandoned. The other great importance of colonies is,

that they may be considered as outports, as stepping-stones, as it were,

over the whole world; and for the present I shall examine into the value

of these possessions merely in this point of view. We have many islands

or colonies under our subjection which are in themselves not only

valueless, but, moreover, extremely expensive to us; and if every colony

or island is to be valued merely according to the produce and advantage

derived from it by the mother-country, we must abandon Heligoland,

Ascension, St Helena, Malta, and, even Gibraltar itself. All these,

and some others, are, in point of commerce, valueless; yet they add much

to the security of the country and to our dominion of the seas. This

will be admitted, and we must therefore now examine how far the Canadas

may be considered as valuable under this second point of view.

I have already shewn that the ambition for territory is one of the

diseases, if I may use the term, of the American people. On that point

they are insatiable, and that they covet the Canadas is undeniable. Let

us inquire into the reasons why the Americans are so anxious to possess

the Canadas.

There are many. In the first place, they do not like to have a people

subjected to a monarchial form of government as their neighbours; they

do not like that security of person and property, and a just

administration of the law, should be found in a thinly-peopled province,

while they cannot obtain those advantages under their own institutions.

It is a reproach to them. They continually taunt the Canadians that

they are the only portion of the New World who have not thrown off the

yoke--the only portion who are not yet free; and this taunt has not been

without its effect upon the unthinking portion of the community. What

is the cause of this unusual sympathy? The question is already

answered.

Another important reason which the Americans have for the possession of

the Canadas is, that they are the means of easy retaliation on the part

of England in case of aggression. They render them weak and assailable

in case of war. Had they possession of the Canadas, and our other

provinces, the United States would be almost invulnerable. As it is,

they become defenceless to the north, and are moreover exposed to the

attack of all the tribes of Indians concentrated on the western

frontier. Indeed, they never will consider their territory as complete

"in a ring fence," as long as we have possession of the mouths of the

St Lawrence. They wish to be able to boast of an inland navigation

from nearly the Equator to the Pole--from the entrance of the

Mississippi to the exit of the St Lawrence. Our possession of the

Canadas is a check to their pride and ambition, which are both as

boundless as the territory which they covet.

But there are other reasons equally important. It is their anxiety to

become a manufacturing as well as a producing nation. Their object is,

that the north should manufacture what the south produces; and that,

instead of commercial relations with England, as at present, that

American cotton-manufactures should be borne in American bottoms over

all the world. This they consider is the great ultimatum to be arrived

at, and they look forward to it as the source of immense wealth and

increased security to the Union, and of their wresting from England the

sceptre and dominion of the seas.

It may be said that the United States, if they want to become a

manufacturing nation, have _now_ the power; but such is not the case.

Until they can completely shut out English manufactures, they have not.

The price of labour is too dear. Should they increase the tariff, or

duty, upon English goods, the Canadas and our other provinces will

render their efforts useless, as we have a line of coast of upwards of

2,000 miles, by which we can introduce English goods to any amount by

smuggling, and which it is impossible for the Americans to guard

against; and as the West fills up, this importation of English goods

would every year increase. As long, therefore, as we hold the Canadas,

the Americans must be content to be a very inferior manufacturing nation

to ourselves; and it may be added that _now_ or _never_ is the time for

the Americans to possess themselves of the Canadas. They perceive this;

for when once the Western States gain the preponderance in wealth and

power, which they will in a few years, the cause of the Eastern, or

manufacturing States will be lost. The Western States will not quarrel

with England on account of the Eastern, but will import our goods direct

in exchange for their produce. They themselves cannot manufacture and

they will go to market where they can purchase cheapest.

But do the views of the Americans extend no further? Would they be

satisfied if they obtained the Canadas? Most assuredly not. They are

too vast in their ideas--too ambitious in their views. If Canada fell,

Nova Scotia would fall, and they would obtain what they most covet--the

harbour of Halifax. New Brunswick would fall, and they would have then

driven us out of our Continental possessions. Would they stop then?

No; they never would stop until they had driven the English to the other

side of the Atlantic. Newfoundland and its fisheries would be their

next prey; for it, as well as our other possessions, would then be

defenceless. They would not leave us the West-Indies, although useless

to them. Such is their object and their earnest desire--an increase of

territory and power for themselves, and the humiliation of England. The

very eagerness with which the Americans bring up this question on

purpose that they may disavow their wishes, is one of the strongest

proofs of their anxiety to blind us on the subject; but they will never

lose sight of it; and if they thought they had any chance of success,

there is no expense which they would not cheerfully incur, no war into

which they would not enter. Let not the English be deceived by their

asseverations. What I have now asserted is _the fact_. The same spirit

which has actuated them in dispossessing the Indians of territories

which they cannot themselves populate, which prompted the "high-handed

theft" of the Texas from Mexico, will induce them to adopt any pretext,

as soon as they think they have a chance, to seize upon the Canadas and

our other transatlantic possessions.

If what I have stated be correct, and I am convinced of its truth

myself, it will be evident that the Canadas, independent of every other

consideration, become a _most important outpost_ which we must defend

and hold possession of. Let it be remembered that every loss to us, is

an increase to the power of America--an increase to her security and to

her maritime strength; that whatever her assertions may be, she is

deadly hostile to us, from the very circumstance that she considers that

we prevent her aggrandisement and prosperity. America can only rise to

the zenith, which she would attain, by the fall of England, and every

disaster to this country is to her a source of exultation. That there

are many Americans of a contrary opinion I grant; that the city of New

York would prefer the present amicable relations is certain; but I have

here expressed the feelings of the _majority_, and it must be remembered

that in America it is the majority who decide all questions.

To prove that I am not too severe upon the Americans in the above

remarks, let me refer to their own printed documents.

The reader must be informed that the Canadian rebels, with their

American auxiliaries, made incursions into our territory near the

boundary-line, burnt the houses, took away the cattle, and left

destitute those parties who were considered as loyal and well affected,

or, in fact, those who refused to arm and join the rebels. When pursued

by the militia, or other forces, the rebel parties hastened over the

boundary-line, where they were secure under the American protection.

This system of protection naturally irritated the loyal Canadians, who

threatened to cross the boundary and attack the Americans in return. It

was, however, only a _threat_, never being put in execution; but upon

the strength of this threat, application was made to the Governor in the

State of Vermont, requesting that the arms in the American arsenals

might be supplied to the citizens for their protection. The Governor

very properly refused, and issued a proclamation warning the citizens of

Vermont not to interfere. This offended the _majority_, who forthwith

called a meeting at St Albans, the results of which were ordered to be

printed and circulated. I have a copy of these reports and resolutions,

from which I shall now give some extracts. Let it be observed that

these are not the resolutions of a few lawless and undisciplined people,

bordering on the lakes, as the sympathisers are stated to have been.

The title of Honorable denotes that the parties are either Members of

the State or Federal Governments; and, indeed, the parties whose names

appear on the committee, are all of the first respectability in the

State.

"_Meeting of the Freemen at St Albans_.

"Agreeable to a notice circulated throughout the county, about

forty-eight hours previous to the meeting, two thousand of the freemen

from the different towns in the county assembled to take into

consideration a recent proclamation of the Governor, and an

extraordinary letter accompanying the same, and also to express their

sentiments on Canadian affairs, especially such as have recently

transpired in the neighbourhood of latitude forty-five degrees.

"Jeptha Bradley, Esquire, of St Albans, was called to the chair, and,

agreeable to a resolve of the meeting, appointed the _Hon_. SS Brown,

_Hon_. Timothy Foster, and GW Kendall, Esquire, a committee to nominate

officers.

"The following gentlemen were nominated and appointed:--

"_Hon_. Austin Fuller, of Enosburgh, _President_.

"_Vice Presidents_."

+=======================+============+

ÝColonel SB Hazeltine, ÝBakersfield.Ý

+-----------------------+------------+

ÝHON. Horace Eaton, ÝEnosburgh. Ý

+-----------------------+------------+

ÝDoctor IS Webster, ÝBerkshire. Ý

+-----------------------+------------+

ÝWilliam Green, Esquire,ÝSheldon. Ý

+-----------------------+------------+

ÝMartin Wires, Esquire, ÝCambridge. Ý

+-----------------------+------------+

ÝHON. Timothy Foster, ÝSwanton. Ý

+=======================+============+

_Secretaries_.

+===============+========+

ÝJJ Beardsley, ÝSheldon.Ý

+---------------+--------+

ÝZoroaster Fisk,ÝSwanton.Ý

+===============+========+

"The following gentlemen were appointed a committee to prepare a report

and resolutions for the meeting:--"

+========================+===========+

ÝHenry Adams, Esquire, ÝSt Albans.Ý

+------------------------+-----------+

ÝNL Whittemore, Esquire, ÝSwanton. Ý

+------------------------+-----------+

ÝRA Shattuck, Esquire, ÝSheldon. Ý

+------------------------+-----------+

ÝBradley Barlow, Esquire,ÝFairfield. Ý

+------------------------+-----------+

ÝIB Bowdish, Esquire, ÝSwanton. Ý

+========================+===========+

"The letter of certain citizens of Burlington, and the proclamation of

his Excellency, Silas H. Jennison, were then read by the Secretary, JJ

Beardsley, Esquire After the reading of the letter and the proclamation

the meeting was addressed by several gentlemen, in an eloquent and

impressive manner, and their remarks severally called forth great

applause.

"The committee, on resolutions by Henry Adams, Esquire, chairman, then

presented the following report and resolutions, which were _unanimously

adopted_."

After having in the report stated that threats have been made, they then

attack the legality of the Governor's proclamation and conduct, as

follows:--

"The committee have no evidence to show that the execution of the

threats above-mentioned, or that any invasion of the rights of American

citizens, would knowingly be permitted by the existing government in

Canada, or approved of by a majority of the citizens in the Canadian

townships; but when they bear in mind that civil law is suspended in

Canada, and in its place are substituted the summary proceedings of

military courts and the capricious wills of petty military officers;

when they consider the excited and embittered feelings which prevail

along the frontier, and which some have studied to inflame, and also the

character of a portion of the population which borders upon our

territory, they deem it not improbable that acts of violence might be

attempted, and even that a gang of marauders might be gathered together,

and led to make some petty invasion into our territory, disturbing the

public peace, and committing acts of outrage. If this be deemed

improbable, still a state of suspense and doubt is not to be endured.

Every family on the frontier should live in a state of undisturbed

repose. The ability not only to resist aggression, but to redress

injuries with summary justice, furnishes a certain, if not the only

guarantee of perfect quiet.

"With these views, at recent meetings of the people, a committee was

appointed to wait upon the Governor and request the use of a part of the

arms in the State arsenal. This request has been denied; and the reason

assigned by his Excellency is, that he has doubts whether by law he can

loan out the arms of the State to be used by the people of the State for

their own defence. Without commenting on the technicalities which so

much embarrass his Excellency, or inquiring into the wisdom of that

construction of the law which infers, that because the State arms _are

to be kept fit for use_, therefore _they are not to be used_, the

committee would beg leave respectfully to suggest to the people that,

inasmuch as they are to receive no aid from the State, it is their duty

at once to arm themselves, and to rely upon themselves.

"While the governor has thus declined furnishing any aid for the

security of the frontier, he has issued a proclamation enjoining upon

the citizens of this State the observance of a strict neutrality between

the hostile parties in Canada. The propriety of our Governor's issuing

a proclamation on an occasion like the present, merely advisory, may

well be questioned. It neither creates any new obligations, nor adds

force to those already resting on our citizens. When it is considered

that our relations with foreign powers are solely confided to the

general government, and that if the people of this State should boldly

break the obligations of neutrality, the governor of the State has no

power to restrain at to punish. It must be admitted, that a

proclamation of neutrality issuing from our State executive seems to be

over-stepping the proprieties of the office, and should be exercised, if

at all, only in case of a general and glaring violation of the laws of

nations; and even then it may reasonably be questioned whether the

ordinary process of law would not be sufficient, and whether gratuitous

advice to the people on the one hand, and gratuitous interference with

the exclusive functions of the general government on the other, would

become pertinent by being stamped with the official Seal of State. We

are not aware of any express authority in our constitution or laws for

the exercise of this novel mode of addressing the people; and it can

only be justified on the ground, that the chief magistrate has something

of fact or doctrine of importance to communicate, of which the people

are supposed to be ignorant. In neither point of view is there any

thing striking in this otherwise extraordinary document.

"No facts are set forth before unknown to the public, except that a

representation has been made to his Excellency that `_hostile forces had

been organised within this State_,' of which organisation our citizens

are _profoundly ignorant_.

"To the doctrine of this proclamation,--that the declaration of martial

law, by Lord Gosford, changes the relations between the United States

and Canada, we cannot assent. Our relations with Great Britain and her

colonies rest upon treaties, and the general law of nations, which, it

is believed, her Majesty's Governor in Chief of Lower Canada can neither

enlarge nor restrict.

"To assume that our citizens are ignorant of their rights and

obligations as members of a neutral independent power, is to take for

granted that they have forgotten the repeated infractions of those

rights which have so often agitated our country since the adoption of

Federal Constitution, which led to the late war with Great Britain, and

which have given rise to claims of indemnity that are still due from

various powers of Europe. Every page of the history of our country

portrays violations of her neutral rights by the despotic and haughty

powers of Europe, among whom _England has ever been foremost_. Your

committee do not deem it necessary to enlarge upon this subject."

After the report came the resolutions, a portion of which I subjoin:--

"Resolved--That the safety of the people is the supreme law, and we

recommend to our citizens to arm themselves for the maintenance of this

law.

"Resolved--That the proclamation of martial law in Canada, and placing

arms in the hands of people unaccustomed to their use, hostile to our

institutions, and heated by intestine dissensions, have a direct

tendency to disturb the peace of our citizens, and demands the immediate

interference of the general government.

"Resolved--That our government ought to take immediate measures to

obtain redress for the injuries and insults perpetrated on our citizens

by the people of Canada.

"Resolved--That as friends of human liberty and human rights, we cannot

restrain the expression of our sympathy, when we behold an _oppressed

and heroic people unfurl the banner of freedom_.

"Resolved--That we hope that time will soon come when the bayonet shall

fail to sustain the _last relic of royalty_ which now lingers on the

western continent.

"Resolved--That we concur in the opinions which have been fully and

freely expressed in the British parliament by eminent _English

statesmen_; that `in the ordinary course of things, Canada must soon be

separated from the mother country.'

"Resolved--That it is the duty of every independent American to aid in

every possible manner, consistent with our laws, the exertions of the

patriots in Lower Canada, against the _tyranny, oppression, and misrule

of a despotic government_."

VOLUME THREE, CHAPTER TWO.

THE CANADAS, CONTINUED.

The next question to be considered is, whether, independent of their

being important to us as an outpost to defend our transatlantic

possessions, the Canadas are likely to be useful to us, as a colony, in

a commercial point of view. This requires much consideration.

It must be admitted that, up to the present, we may consider the Canadas

to have been a heavy burden to this country. From what I am now going

to state, there are many, who agreeing with me in most other points,

will be likely to dissent. That I cannot help; I may be in error, but,

at all events, I shall not be in error from a too hasty decision.

That it is wise and proper for a mother country to assist and support

her colonies in their infancy is undoubted. In so doing, the mother

country taxes herself for the advantages to be hereafter derived from

the colony; but it may occur that the tax imposed upon the people of the

another country may be too onerous, at the same time that no advantages

at all commensurate are derived from the colony. When such is the case,

the tax is not fair; and the colony for whose benefit that tax has been

imposed, is looked upon with ill-will. This is the precise situation of

the Canadas, and this is the cause why there is so strong an outcry

against our retaining possession of these provinces.

The bonus of forty-five shillings on a load of timber, which is given to

the Canadas by our present duties, is much too great; and has pressed

too heavily on the people of the mother country. It has, in fact,

created a monopoly; and when it is considered how important and

necessary an article timber is in this country,--how this enormous bonus

on Canadian timber affects the shipping, house-building, and

agricultural interests--it is no wonder that people wish to get rid of

the Canadas and the tax at one and the same time. It is also injurious

to us in our commercial relations with the northern countries, who

refuse our manufactures because we have laid so heavy a duty upon their

produce. This tax for the benefit of the Canadian produce was put on

during the war, without any intention that it should remain permanent:

and I think I shall be able satisfactorily to establish, that, not only

is it unjust towards our own people, but that, instead of benefiting, it

will be, now that the Canadas are fast increasing in population, an

injury to the Canadas themselves.

Up to the present period, timber has been the only article of export

from Canada: we certainly have had the advantage of a large carrying

trade, and the employment of many thousand tons of shipping; but, with

this exception, the timber trade has been injurious, not only to the

mother country, but to the colony itself, as it has prevented her real

prosperity, which must ever depend upon the culture of the land and the

increase of population. The first point to which the attention of a

colony should be directed, is its own support, the competence and supply

of all the necessaries of life to its inhabitants; it is not until after

this object has been obtained, that it must direct its attention to the

gain which may accrue from any surplus produce. In what way has the

timber trade benefited the Canadas? Has it thrown any wealth into the

provinces? most certainly not; the timber has been cut down, either by

those Canadians who would have been much better employed in tilling the

land, for every acre cleared is real wealth; or by Americans who have

come over to cut down the timber and have returned to their own country

to spend the money. That the profits of the timber trade have been

great is certain; but have these profits remained in the Canadas?--have

the sums realised been expended there?--no; they have been realised in,

or brought over to England, shared among a few persons of influence who

have, to a certain degree, obtained a monopoly by the bonus granted, but

the Canadas have benefited little or none, and the mother-country has

received serious injury. That the parties connected with the Canada

timber trade will deny this, and endeavour to ridicule my arguments, I

am aware; and that they are an influential party I well know; but I

trust before I have concluded, to prove to every disinterested person,

that I am correct in my view of the case, and that the prosperity of the

Canadas is a very different question from the prosperity of the Canadian

timber merchants, or even the proprietors on the Ottawa.

When the protecting duty was first imposed, there was no idea of its

being a permanent duty: it was intended as an encouragement for ships to

go to Canada for timber, when it could not be got in the Baltic. It

was, in fact, a war measure, which should have been removed upon the

return to peace. The reason why it was not, is, the plea brought

forward, that the taking off the protecting duty would be a serious loss

to the emigrant settler, who would have no means of disposing of his

timber after he had felled it, and that the emigrant looked to his

timber as his first profits; moreover, that it gave employment to the

emigrant in the long winters. That those who have never been in the

country were led away by this assertion I can easily imagine, but I must

say that a more barefaced falsehood was never uttered. There are

varieties of emigrants, and those with capital speculate in timber as

well as other articles; but let us examine into the proceedings of the

emigrant settler, that is, the man who purchases an allotment and

commences as a farmer--for this is the party to whom the supposed

philanthropy was to extend. He builds his cottage and clears two or

three acres, that is, he fells the trees; as soon as he has done this,

if the weather permit, he burns them where they lie, the branches and

smaller limbs being collected round the trunks as fuel to consume them.

This he is compelled to do, for the land having been so long smothered

by the want of air and sunshine, arising from the denseness of the

forest, has a degree of _acidity_ in it, which the alkali of the wood

and ashes are required to correct, previous to his obtaining a crop. I

do not believe that a settler ever sold a tree when he was clearing,

although if water-carriage was convenient, he may afterwards, when he

was in competent circumstances, have done so. Having raised his crop

from the first year's clearing, what is his employment during the

winter,--cutting down timber on the Ottawa for the English market? no;

cutting down timber on his own property as fast as he can, so as to have

it ready for burning in the early spring, and having a crop off this,

his second clearing. And so he continues, with full employment on his

own farm, until he has cleared sufficient for the growing of his corn

and the pasture for his cattle. When he has become independent and

comfortable, and has a few thousand dollars to spare, then he will erect

a saw-mill, and work up his own trees into lumber for sale, but by that

time he must be considered as a rich man for a settler. The _timber_

trade, therefore, is hurtful to the Canadas, in so much as it prevents

them from clearing land and becoming independent people, who by other

means would become so. The timber which is cut down for exportation, is

chiefly from the forests on or near the Ottawa river, and the emigrant

settler has neither interest or concern in it.

It may be argued that, as settlers do, as soon as they are in better

circumstances, erect saw-mills, and work up their trees into _lumber_,

that it would be unfair to deprive them of that advantage. I will grant

that; but the fact is, that you will not do so; for of the quantity of

timber and lumber exported from the Canadas, it is only one-half which

is sent to the British market, the other half is divided between the

West Indies, the United States, and their own consumption; and the

demand of the United States will so rapidly increase, that, in a few

years, the Canadians will care little for sending their timber to

England, even if the present duty were kept on. I consider that this

bounty upon cutting timber is very injurious to the American provinces,

as it distracts their attention from the real source of wealth, which

must consist in clearing the country; for, to show how great a

difference this makes to them, it must be observed, that a farm which

was only worth two dollars an acre when the settler first came to it,

will, as soon as others have cleared around him, rise to twenty or

thirty dollars per acre. Every man, therefore, who settles and clears

land, not only benefits himself, but increases the value of the property

of those all around him; while the feller of timber on the Ottawa only

puts a few dollars into his own pocket, and does no good to the

province, as the timber-dealers in England reap all the harvest.

It would appear very strange that the ship-owners should have joined the

Canadian timber merchants in persuading the government to continue these

duties, were it not from the fact that the ship owners appear,

invariably, to oppose any measure advantageous to their own interests.

That the carrying trade to the Canadas is of importance is certain; but

of how much more importance to the ship owner is the reduction of

expense in building his ship, which must ensue if the timber duties were

reduced. The ship owner complains that he cannot sail his ship at as

low a rate as foreigners; that he must be protected, or that he cannot

compete with them in any way; and yet he opposes the very measure which

would materially assist him in so doing. But the fact is, that, as I

shall eventually show, the carrying trade with Canada would not be lost,

though the cargo would not be the same; and there is every reason to

suppose that the employment of the shipping would very soon amount to

the same tonnage as at present.

The next consideration is, to what should the duty be reduced, so as not

to affect our revenue? This is a question easily answered.

In the Report on Timber Duties, Appendix Number 10, we have. in round

numbers, for the year 1833:--

+==========================================+========+==========+

Ý ÝLoads. ÝDuty paid.Ý

+------------------------------------------+--------+----------+

Ý Ý Ý (pounds) Ý

+------------------------------------------+--------+----------+

ÝTimber exported from Canada and American Ý Ý Ý

+------------------------------------------+--------+----------+

Ýprovinces, calculated in loads Ý 719,000Ý 300,000Ý

+------------------------------------------+--------+----------+

ÝTimber from the north of Europe, in ditto.Ý 444,000Ý 985,000Ý

+------------------------------------------+--------+----------+

Ý Ý1463,000Ý 1,285,000Ý

+==========================================+========+==========+

Now it is certain that, wherever the timber may come from, the same

quantity will be required; we have, therefore, to fix a duty upon timber

coming from all parts of the world, by which the revenue will not

suffer. A duty of 25 shillings per load will give, upon the whole

importation, a revenue of 1,453,000 pounds, not only an increase of

revenue upon the timber at present imported; but there is every reason

to suppose that it would occasion a much greater consumption of timber,

and of course a great increase of revenue. I do not consider that it

would be advisable to make this reduction immediately. There is a large

tonnage, employed in the Canada trade, which might as well wear out in

it; and it would be but fair to allow those who have embarked their

capital in the trade, to have time to withdraw it. As the Canadas are

not yet prepared to send other produce to the market, we can, with great

propriety, confer this boon upon the present timber trade. The

reduction of the duty should be gradual, and extended over ten years, at

which period the final reduction to 25 shillings per load should take

place; by which time, if Canada be cherished, she will have other

produce for the market.

The more I consider the question, the more I am convinced that this

alteration would be a benefit to all parties. We then should be able to

build ships at a moderate price; we should have a fall in house-rent;

and, indeed, it would be of advantage to every class in this country;

and, however interested people may argue, the removal of this protecting

duty would be the greatest boon and kindness which we could confer on

our transatlantic possessions.

Let us now inquire what are likely to be made the future prospects and

produce of the Canadas as the population increases, and the resources of

the country will be developed.

Lower Canada is a sterile country; not that the land is in itself bad,

but from the severity and length of the winters. The climate of Lower

Canada is precisely the same as that of Russia, and so might be its

produce. The winters are tedious, but not unhealthy, as they are dry.

The summers, like all the summers in the northern regions, although

short, are excessively hot. It is owing to this excessive heat of the

summer that the maize, or Indian corn, which will not ripen in this

country, can be grown in Lower Canada, and it is the principal corn

which is raised. The French Canadians who inhabit Lower Canada are but

indifferent and careless farmers, yet still they contrive to live in

apparent comfort: but the question is not whether the inhabitants of

Lower Canada can support themselves, but whether they are likely to be

able to produce any thing which might become an article of export to

England. I should say yes: they may produce _tar_ and _hemp_, two very

important articles, and for which we are almost wholly dependent upon

Russia. Tar they can most assuredly produce; and, with the same climate

as Russia, why not hemp? Hemp will grow in any climate, and almost in

any soil, except very stiff clay, and I consider the soil of Lower

Canada admirably adapted to it. Up to the present time the French

Canadians have merely vegetated, but as the country fills up, and they

gradually amalgamate with the other settlers, there is no doubt that

they will rapidly improve.

Upper Canada has been, and is still, but little known. At the close of

the war, there was not a population of 40,000 upon the whole province:

even now there is but 400,000 upon a territory capable of receiving and

supporting many millions. It is, without exception, the most favoured

spot in North America, having all the fertility of the southern and

Western States, without being subject to the many and fatal diseases

which are a drawback upon the latter. Although so far north, its

climate is peculiarly mild, from its being so wholly surrounded with

water, which has the effect of softening down both the cold of the

winter and the heat of the summer. It abounds with the most splendid

timber; is well watered; the land is of the richest quality; the produce

is very great, and the crops are almost certain. I particularly notice

this as I consider Upper Canada to be the finest _corn country_ in the

world.

At present the resources of the Canadas are unknown; the country has not

been explored; it is without capital, and I may add without credit, but

its prospects are very favourable. The timber trade to England will in

a few years, even allowing the present bonus to be continued, be of

little advantage to Upper Canada; they will find a much better market as

the Western States fill up, as then there will be a great demand for

lumber, which will be obtained cheaper from Canada than from any portion

of the United States. Even now lumber is sent over from Upper Canada to

those portions of the United States bordering on the lakes. I have

pointed out the want of timber in the Western States, that is, of timber

fit for building; they have some in the State of Wisconsin, which will

soon be absorbed, and then the Canada timber and lumber will be in

demand, and I have no doubt that there will be a very extensive

exportation of it.

The next article of produce to which the Canadians should direct their

attention is the fisheries on the lake, which may be carried on to any

extent and with great profit. The trout and white fish, both very

superior to the Newfoundland cod, are to be taken with the greatest

ease, and in vast quantities. I have mentioned that the Americans have

already commenced this fishery, and the demand is rapidly increasing.

As the West fills up, the supply would hardly keep pace with the demand;

besides that it would also be an article of exportation to this country.

There are millions and millions of acres to the north and about Lake

Superior, fit for little else than the increase of the animals whose

furs we obtain, and which will probably never be brought into

cultivation; yet these lands are rich in one point, which is, that the

maple-tree grows there, and any quantity of sugar may be collected from

it, as soon as the population is thick enough to spare hands for its

collection. A maple-tree, carefully tapped, will yield for forty years,

and give six or seven pounds of sugar, fully equal to the best

East-India produce, and refining well. A few tons are collected at

present, but it may become a large article of export.

The United States appear to be rich in most metals, but particularly in

lead and iron; [note 1] the metal which they are most deficient in is

copper. It is said that the copper mines in New Jersey are good; those

in the West have not yet proved to be worth working. Canada, as I have

before said, is as yet unexplored, but I have every reason to believe

that it will be found rich in minerals, especially copper. I argue,

first, from its analogy with Russia, which abounds in that metal; and

secondly, because there is at this time, on the shores of Lake Superior,

a mass of native copper weighing many tons, a specimen of which I have

had in my hand. We must not forget to reckon, among the other products

and expected resources of Canada, the furs obtained by the Hudson Bay

Company. Of course, if the Canadas are wrested from us, we shall have

to depend upon the Americans for our supply of this necessary article.

The value in Canada of the furs exported to this country, by the

company, amounts, as I have observed in my Diary, to about a million and

a half of dollars.

I now come to what I consider will be the most important export from the

Canadas. I have stated it to be my opinion that Upper Canada will be

the first corn country in the world, and in a very few years we may

expect that she will export largely into this country; already having

had a surplus which has been sold to the Americans. It must be

recollected that America, who used to supply the West-Indies and other

parts of the world with her flour, has, for these last few years, in her

mania for speculating, neglected her crops, and it is only during these

last two years that she has redirected her attention to the tillage of

her land. She will now no longer require assistance from Upper Canada,

and the yearly increasing corn-produce of that province must find a

market elsewhere. After supplying the wants of Nova Scotia and New

Brunswick, this surplus will find its way into this country. As the

population of Upper Canada increases, so will of course her growth of

wheat be greater, and in a very few years, we have reason to expect that

there will be not only a constant, but even a more than requisite,

exportation of corn to this country. Now what will be the effect? Corn

from Canada is admitted at a fixed duty of 5 shillings per quarter,

therefore as soon as the supply from thence, is sufficient, the corn

laws will be _virtually_ repealed, that is to say, they will be

exchanged for a permanent duty of 5 shillings per quarter.

I think that the remarks I have made will incline the reader to agree

with me, that the reduction of the duties on timber will be a real boon

to all parties: to the Canadians, because at the same time that the

supplies of lumber to the West Indies and elsewhere will give a certain

profit, they will no longer have the true interested of the colony

sacrificed for the benefit of parties at home; to the mother country,

because it will relieve the expenses of the builder, lessen house-rent

and agricultural expenses, and at the same time increase the revenue;--

to the ship-owner, as it will enable him to build much cheaper, and to

compete more successfully with foreign vessels, with the prospect also

of the carrying trade soon reviving, and the freight of the corn proving

an indemnification to him for the loss of that on the timber. That a

few interested individuals would complain is undoubted, but it is high

time that a monopoly so injurious in every point, should be removed; and

the profits of a few speculators are not to be for a moment considered,

when opposed both to the interests of the colony and of the nation.

I may as well here remark that it would only be an act of justice to the

provinces, and no less so to ourselves, to take off the prohibitions at

present in force against the importation of goods from France and other

countries. The boon itself would be small, but still it would be a

stimulus to enterprise, and the time has gone by for England to impose

such restrictions on her colonies. I say that we should lose nothing,

because all these articles are imported by the Americans; and if the

Canadians wish to procure them, they can obtain them immediately at

Buffalo, and other American towns bordering on the lakes. At present,

therefore, all the profits arising from these importations go into the

pockets of the Americans, who are the only parties benefited by our

restrictive laws. We should therefore remove them.

I shall now support the arguments in this chapter, touching the relative

value of the corn and the timber trade to the Canadas, by some extracts

from the evidence given in the Report of the Committee on the Timber

Duties.

_Q_. "Have you ever formed an opinion of what rate per quarter wheat

could be exported to this country, so as to yield a profit to the

exporter?"--_A_. "I cannot call it to mind accurately, but I think the

estimate I once made was between 40 shillings and 50 shillings."

_Q_. "Would it not follow that, unless the price of wheat in this

country were to rise to 40 shillings or 50 shillings per quarter, the

population that your former answer would transfer front the timber trade

to the agricultural would not be able advantageously to employ

themselves?"--_A_. "No; I do not think it follows necessarily. If all

our population were devoted to agriculture, our settlements would be

more dense, and their roads more perfect; in fact, all the social

offices more perfectly fulfilled; which would enable them to bring their

wheat to market at a more moderate price, and thus they might obtain a

larger profit even with a lower price. We should bear in mind, in

relation to their agricultural produce, that the farmer of course first

feeds his own family, and that price affects him so far as it relates to

his surplus produce, and that price rather affects his luxuries than his

means of subsistence. I am not aware that the present prices would

prevent a farmer obtaining that return which would enable him to

purchase at least all his necessaries."

_Q_. "What do you suppose is the average expense of the conveyance of

wheat from the remote parts of Canada to Montreal?"--_A_. "I believe

the cost of bringing wheat from Niagara to Montreal was about 15 pence

colonial currency, but I am not certain; it is not now lower. I once

made a table showing the cost of taking produce of all kinds from three

points on Lake Ontario and on Lake Erie, and sending up articles to the

same places."

_Q_. "What is the freight from Quebec to England?"--_A_. "The ordinary

rate has been from 8 shillings to 8 shillings 6 pence a quarter for

wheat."

_Q_. "Do you know the price of wheat in this country?"--_A_. "I

believe the last average was 40 shillings."

_Q_. "If at 40 shillings you would probably allow 10 shillings a

quarter, by your present statement, as a fair deduction for the expense

of bringing it into this market?"--_A_. "I should think so."

_Q_. "Do you think the price of 30 shillings would pay the agricultural

producer in Canada for the production of wheat; would afford a return

for the investment of capital in the production of wheat in

Canada?"--_A_. "I should be loth to speak to a point on which I have

not sufficient knowledge."

_Q_. "Is it not indispensable to form an opinion upon that point to

justify the opinion you have already given?"--_A_. "I think not. I

have that feeling, that the consequence of their not having the timber

trade would be, that they would produce other articles, and that their

condition would not be deteriorated. I am led to that conclusion by

seeing the present condition of the State of New York, which once

depended on the timber trade; I look also to Vermont; and when every man

tells me that he laments and has lamented that he ever meddled with the

timber trade, I think that I am justified in my opinion, for no one will

pretend to state that the land of Vermont, or even of New York, equals

that of Canada. While speaking of the soil of Canada, I would observe

that Jacobs has estimated the average return for wheat on the Continent

at four to one, of Great Britain seven to one, and Gourlay has estimated

the return of Upper Canada at _twenty to one_. Many state that Upper

Canada is _unrivalled_ in comparison with any other piece of land of

equal extent."

_Q_. "Are you aware of the extent of exportation of agricultural

produce from Canada?"--_A_. "I am; I can state it from memory. The

largest quantity of wheat exported in any year was in 1831, and I think

amounted to 1,300,000 bushels."

_Q_. "Can you make the same statement with reference to corn and

provisions as to other articles?"--_A_. "Canada exports a great deal of

corn."

_Q_. "Which Canada?"--_A_. "Both Upper and Lower Canada."

_Q_. "Does Lower Canada grow corn enough for her own

consumption?"--_A_. "I should think Lower Canada did, and more."

_Q_. "Does Upper Canada?"--_A_. "Upper Canada a great deal more."

_Q_. "Have you the amount of the exports?"--_A_. "I have the exports

of 1833; the two Canadas exported 650,000 bushels of wheat."

_Q_. "How much flour?"--_A_. "About 91,000 barrels."

_Q_. "Have you any account of the imports of flour from the United

States into Lower Canada?"--_A_. "I have not with me but can give it

very nearly."

_Q_. "Do those exports of which you have spoken just now comprehend the

United States flour?"--_A_. "No, they are exclusive of Colonial

production."

_Q_. "Is not Lower Canada, as well as Upper Canada, in the habit of

supplying herself, to a certain degree, with American flour and wheat,

and exporting her own produce, on account of the state of the corn laws

last year?"--_A_. "Yes, it is done to a certain extent. I have some

indication as to the quantity which comes from the United States into

Upper and Lower Canada being small. In the returns of the traffic last

year through our Welland Canal, about 265,000 bushels of wheat passed

through, of which 18,000 British and 22,000 American only went to

Montreal. All the rest went to Oswego, for the New York market: but the

destination in future will probably depend upon whether the internal

communication is improved in those colonies, and on the state of the

market in New York and in the Canadas."

_Q_. "If there is sufficient capital, is there any reason to suppose it

would not be beneficial to engage in both?"--_A_. "I do not think it is

a question concerning the abundance of capital, but the good to be

derived from the preservation of the Canada timber trade by enormous

protecting duties. I am confident that _the timber trade is inimical_

to _the best interests of the Canadas_; it would be possible to make the

timber trade more beneficial than any other pursuit in the country, and

the way to render it so would be to give immense protecting duties to

the timber trade of Canada, allowing all other articles of produce to be

open to general competition; but, by such a course, England would not be

benefiting _Canada_."

_Q_. "Can you state the average prices of wheat at Quebec the last four

or five years?"--_A_. "I think 5 shillings or 6 shillings. Canadian

currency; the latter rate is equal to 5 shillings sterling, which is 40

shillings a quarter; but I do not suppose an average of several years

would be over 4 shillings, 2 pence, that would be 33 shillings, 4 pence.

There are peculiar circumstances that attended the last three or four

years."

_Q_. "Has it been higher the last three or four years than the three or

four years previously? _A_. Considerably higher than the ten years

previously."

_Q_. "Do you think 30 shillings a quarter would have been the average

of the ten years preceding?"--_A_. "I should think so, but I cannot now

speak positively."

_Q_. "Are the committee to understand it to be your opinion, that if

the timber establishments were broken up and no more timber exported

from Canada, there would be no loss to that country?"--_A_. "There

might be an immediate loss, and a _very great subsequent gain_. I think

there would be an immediate loss attending on the mills, possibly

150,000 pounds to 200,000 pounds."

_Q_. "Has it not been the fact that there has been a constant and

gradual increase of tonnage into Quebec for the last fifteen

years?"--_A_. "Yes."

_Q_. "Presuming that those establishments were to be broken up and no

more timber exported, do you think that gradual increase would still

continue?"--_A_. "No; the first consequence, I think, very possibly

would be a very material decrease."

_Q_. "Subsequently the _same tonnage_ would be required for the

_carriage of corn_ as at present?"--_A_. "Some years hence, for corn

and other articles."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Note 1. The following description of the iron mines at Marmora are

worthy the attention of the reader. It is from the engineer who was

sent to survey them.

"To Isaac Fraser, Esquire

"The water power at Marmora, and its sufficiency for all hydraulic

purposes, may be better imagined than explained to you by me, from the

fact, that the falls occur upon the Crow River, at the foot of untold

lakes falling into Crow Lake, the deepest inland lake in the province,

and just below the junction of the Beaver River, which latter has its

source in the Ottawa or Grand River, or the waters flowing parallel

therewith, and by the outlet at the Marmora Falls: these head waters, on

the confluence with the waters of the Otonabee, and Rice Lake in Crow

Bay, six miles below the works, form the great River Trent, second in

importance and magnitude only to the St Lawrence. It is sufficient for

me to add, that I deem the water power at the works abundantly equal to

all the purposes of machinery and manufacture, which can for centuries

be established there.

"Immediately adjoining the works there is an ore bed, from the partial

development of which, and from the opinions I have received of its

superior quality, it would appear to be of the purest kind of iron ore,

except native iron, in the same veins with which is an admixture of red

paint and yellow ochre, and in separate veins and beds at this locality,

those paints occur in some quantities, several barrels of which,

especially the red paint, Mr Hayes disposed of at 25 shillings per

barrel, at the works, and it seems probable they would become profitable

articles of commerce. Here also there is a bed of purely white marble,

not seemingly stratified, but in large blocks; and a quarry of superior

stone for lithographic purposes, the quality of which has been tested

and reported favourably upon. This ore bed would be from its situation

within any wall constructed for the custody of the convicts, but from

the great jumble of mineral substances, which the careless opening of

those veins has occasioned, it is not possible to hazard an opinion as

to the probable extent of minerals here, but from, if I may judge by

appearances and from geological analogy, the few acres surrounding, it

is probable they are sufficiently extensive to be an object of

consideration--several hundred tons of ore have already been taken out

for the furnaces. There is at this place a well-built bridge and a

wharf at which the ore brought from the lake ore beds is landed, and

from thence carted or wheeled up to the ore bank.

"_At a distance of four miles by water, that is at the Crow Lake, in the

township of Belmont, Newcastle District, the principal ore bed occurs_.

I may confine my observations respecting this ore bed to the qualities

and varieties of the ores to be found there, and of the extent of the

deposit give you an idea, by fancying my feelings when I first saw the

mountain. My surprise was great, and _my first conclusion was, that it

would be more than sufficient to supply the world with iron for ever_.

The ore here is in great variety of magnetic ore, easily quarried and,

in fact, it can be quarried, loaded, and transported to the works,

roasted on the ore bank, broken up into particles, and put upon the

furnace, at an expense not exceeding 2 shillings 0 pence per ton; as I

observed it is strongly magnetic, and although mixed considerably with

sulphur, it is easily freed from that deleterious mineral by exposure to

the atmosphere, and to the action of air and frost, and by this species

of evaporation, a new and valuable commodity could be procured in great

quantities, namely, the copperas of commerce.

"With a boat of fifty tons burthen--and there is depth of water enough

for a 74 gun ship from the wharf at the works, to this mountain of ore--

navigated by four men, 150 tons of ore could be brought down in two

days--so readily is it quarried, and so handily put on board.

Intermediate to this bed and the works, several other deposites of iron

are discovered--one of a superior quality, surpassing in magnetic power

any other ore yet discovered, possessing what mineralogists call

polarity--and near to this, meadow and bog ore, not a mile distant from

the works, is to be found in great quantities. The works are to the

north-north-east and eastward, surrounded by beds of ore, of which five

have been tried and brought into use--but as they are inland, and

consequently more expensively procured, they merit but this passing

observation, that in quantity and quality they are valuable.

"For the present I am, Sir,

"Your obedient servant,--_Engineer_"

VOLUME THREE, CHAPTER THREE.

THE CANADAS, CONTINUED.

To one who has a general knowledge of the various English colonies, to

which emigration is constantly taking place, it appears very strange

that people should emigrate to such countries as New South Wales, Van

Dieman's Land, and New Zealand, when Upper Canada is comparatively so

near to them, and affording every advantage which a settler could wish.

Of course the persuasion of interested parties, and their own ignorance,

prevent them from ascertaining the truth. Indeed, the reports upon

Upper Canada are occasionally as highly coloured as those relative to

other colonies, and nothing but an examination of the country, I may say

a certain period of residence in it, can enable you to ascertain the

real merits of the case. I have neither land nor interest in Upper

Canada, and, therefore, my evidence on the question may be considered as

impartial; and I do not hesitate to assert that Upper Canada promises

more advantages to the settler than any other English colony, or any

portion whatever of the United States.

I shall now make a few remarks upon emigration to that province, and

point out what the settler will have to expect. I have read many works

upon the subject; they are very inaccurate, and hold out to the emigrant

brilliant prospects, which are seldom or never realised. The best work,

independently of its merits as a novel, is "Laurie Todd," by Mr Galt.

And first, I address myself to the poor man who goes out with only

twenty or thirty pounds in his pocket.

If he credit the works written to induce people to emigrate, all that he

has to do is to build his log-hut, clear his land, and in three years be

an independent man.

It is true that he can purchase fifty acres of land for one hundred

dollars, or twenty-five pounds; that he has only to pay one-tenth part

of the sum down, which is two pounds ten shillings sterling. It is true

that he will collect a _Bee_, as it is termed, or a gathering of

neighbours to run up the frame of his house; but, nevertheless,

possessing his fifty acres of land and his log-house, he will in all

probability be starved out the very first year, especially if he has a

family.

To a poor man, a family is _eventually_ of immense value. As soon as he

has fairly settled, the more children he has the faster he will become

rich; but on his first arrival, they will, if not able to work for

themselves, be a heavy burthen. If, however, they can do any thing, so

as to pay for their board and lodging, he will not be at any expense for

them, as there is employment for every body, even for children.

The only article I should recommend him to take out from England is a

good supply of coarse clothing for his family; if he would take out a

venture, let it be _second-hand clothes_, and he will double his money

if he sells them by auction, for clothes are the most expensive article

in Canada. I once saw some cast-off clothes sold by an acquaintance of

mine in Upper Canada; a Jew in England would not have given five pounds

for the lot, yet, sold at auction, they cleared twenty-five pounds, all

expenses paid. He cannot, therefore, take out too much clothing, but

the coarser and more common it is the better. Let him supply himself

from the old clothes shops, or the cheap stores. New clothes will soon

become old when he works hard. Having made this provision, let him buy

nothing else; but change his money into sovereigns and keep it in his

pocket.

As soon as he arrives at Quebec, he must lose no time in taking the

steamboat up the St Lawrence, and landing near to where he has decided

upon locating. If he has made no decision, at all events let him leave

the city immediately, and get into the country, for there he will get

work and spend less money. Instead of thinking of making a purchase of

land, let him _give up all thoughts of it for a year or two_; but hire

himself out, and his wife and children also, if he can. If he is a good

man, he will receive four pounds a month, or forty-eight pounds a year,

with his board and lodging. The major part of this he will be able to

lay by. If his wife must stay at home to take care of the children,

still let her work; work is always to be found, and she may not only

support herself and children, but assist his fund. By the time that he

has been eighteen months or two years in the country, he will have his

eyes open, know the value of every thing, and will not be imposed upon

as he would have been had he taken a farm immediately upon his arrival.

He will have laid by a sufficient sum for him to begin with, and he will

have become acquainted with the mode of farming in the country, which is

very different from what he has been used to in the old. He may then go

on and prosper.

The next description of emigrant settler to which I shall address myself

is he who comes out with a small capital, say from two hundred to five

hundred pounds; a sum sufficient to enable him to commence farming at

once, but not sufficient to allow him to purchase or stock a farm which

has a portion of the land already cleared. The government lands fetch

at auction about ten shillings an acre, and they are paid for by

instalments, one-tenth down, and one-tenth every year, with interest,

until the whole be paid; of course, he may pay it all at once, if he

pleases, and save the interest. He must not purchase more than four

hundred acres. He can always procure more if he is successful. His

first instalment to government for the purchase of four hundred acres

will be eighty dollars.

His next object is to have a certain portion of his land cleared for

him. The price varies according to the size and quantity of the

portion; but you may say, at the highest, it will cost about sixteen

dollars an acre. Let him clear ten acres, and then build his house and

barns. I will make two estimates, between which he may decide according

to his means.

_Estimate_ 1.

+====================================+========+

Ý ÝDollars.Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝInstalment to Government Ý 80Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝShingle-house Ý 400Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝFurniture Ý 100Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝBarns and sheds Ý 400Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝTen acres clearing Ý 160Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝOxen Ý 80Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝCow Ý 20Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝPigs and poultry Ý 20Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝPlough, harrow, etcetera. Ý 20Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝSeed Ý 50Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝHorse and wagon Ý 100Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝAbout 300 pounds Ý 1,430Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝTo this (if you have no family Ý Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

Ýable to work) for a man and his wifeÝ 300Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

ÝExpenses of living the first year Ý 200Ý

+------------------------------------+--------+

Ý400 pounds Ý 1930Ý

+====================================+========+

_Estimate_ 2.

+=========================+=======+

Ý ÝDollarsÝ

+-------------------------+-------+

ÝInstalment to Government Ý 80Ý

+-------------------------+-------+

ÝLog-house and furniture Ý 100Ý

+-------------------------+-------+

ÝBarn Ý 60Ý

+-------------------------+-------+

ÝClearing Ý 160Ý

+-------------------------+-------+

ÝOxen Ý 80Ý

+-------------------------+-------+

ÝCow Ý 20Ý

+-------------------------+-------+

ÝPigs and poultry Ý 20Ý

+-------------------------+-------+

ÝPlough, harrow, etcetera.Ý 20Ý

+-------------------------+-------+

ÝSeed Ý 50Ý

+-------------------------+-------+

ÝHorse and wagon Ý 100Ý

+-------------------------+-------+

Ý150 pounds Ý 690Ý

+=========================+=======+

But choosing between these two estimates, according to his means, that

is, by reserving, if possible, one hundred pounds for contingencies, he

has every chance of doing well. He must bear in mind, that although

every year his means will increase, he must not cripple himself by an

outlay of all his money at first starting. After the first year, he

will be able to support himself and family from the farm. I have put

every thing at the _outside expense_, that he may not be deceived; but

he must not expend all his capital at once; his horse or oxen may die--

his crops may partially fail--he may have severe illness--all these

contingencies must be provided against.

But the settler who goes out under the most favourable circumstances, is

the one who has one thousand pounds or more, and who can, therefore,

purchase a farm of from two hundred to four hundred acres, with a

portion cleared, and a house and offices ready built. These are always

to be had, for there are people in the Canadas, as in America, who have

pleasure in selling their cleared land, and going again into the bush.

These farms are often to be purchased at the rate of from five to ten

dollars per acre for the whole, cleared and uncleared. In this case all

the difficulties have been smoothed away for him, and all that he has to

do is, to be industrious and sober.

When I was at London, on the river Thames, (in Upper Canada I mean), I

might have purchased a farm, lying on the banks of that river, of four

hundred acres, seventy of them cleared, and the rest covered with the

finest oak timber, with a fine water-power, and a saw-mill in full work,

a good house, barn, and out-buildings and kitchen garden, for six

hundred pounds. In ten years this property will be worth more than six

thousand pounds; and in twenty more, if the country improves as fast as

it does now, at least fifteen thousand pounds.

In looking out for a property in Canada, always try to obtain a

water-power, or the means of erecting one, by damming up any swift

stream; its value will, in a few years, be very great; and never

consider a few dollars an acre more, if you have transport by water, or

are close to a good market. You must look forward to what the country

_will be_, not to what it is at present.

Half-pay officers settle in Upper Canada with great advantages, arising

from the circumstance, that their annual pay is always a resource to

fill back upon. A very small capital is sufficient in this case; and,

if prudent, they gradually rise to independence, if not to wealth.

There are, however, one or two cautions to be given to these gentlemen.

_Never go into the bush_ if you can help it: accustomed to society, you

will find the total loss of it too serious. If you have a wife and

large family, they may partially compensate for the loss, but even then

it is better to locate yourself near a small town. If you are a single

man and sit down in the bush, you are lost. Hundreds have done so, and

the result has been, that they have resorted to _intemperance_, and have

died ruined men.

But the settlers most required in Upper Canada, and those who would reap

the most golden harvest, are men of capital; when I say capital, I mean

those who possess a sum of four or five thousand pounds--a sum very

inadequate to support a person in England who has been born and bred as

a gentleman; but in Canada, with such a sum, he can not only farm, but

speculate to great advantage. At present the Americans go over there

every year, and realise large sums of money. Indeed, capital is so much

required in Upper Canada, and may be employed to such advantage, that I

wonder people, with what may be considered as small capitals here, do

not go over. The only caution to give them is, not to be in a hurry; in

the course of a year or two they will understand what they are about,

and then they will soon become wealthy.

When I arrived at Toronto, I was called upon by an old friend who had

often shot with me in Norfolk. His father had once set him up in

business, but the house failed. He resolved to go out to Canada, and

his father gave him a _thousand pounds_ as a start, and allowed him two

hundred pounds a year afterwards. He had been in the country seven

years when we met again. I accepted his invitation to dine and sleep at

his house, which was about seven miles from the town. He sent handsome

saddle horses over for three of us. I found him located on a beautiful

farm of about four hundred acres, the major portion of it cleared; his

house was a very elegantly built cottage ornee, every thing had the

appearance of a handsome English country residence; he had married a

beautiful woman of one of the first families. We sat down to an

excellent dinner, and, in every respect, the whole set-out was equal to

what you generally meet with in good society in England. He was really

living in luxury. We returned the next day, in a handsome carriage and

as fine a pair of horses as one would wish to see.

I could hardly credit that all this could have been accumulated in seven

years--yet such was the case, and it was not a singular one; for the

whole road from his farm to Toronto was lined with similar farms and

handsome houses, belonging to gentlemen who had emigrated, forming among

themselves, a very extensive and most delightful society.

Although they do not go ahead as fast as some of the American cities,

(for instance, Buffalo,) still Upper Canada has, within the last ten or

fifteen years, taken a surprising start, and will now, if judiciously

governed, increase in wealth almost as fast as any of the American

States. About Toronto, most of the gentlemen have incomes of from seven

hundred to fifteen hundred pounds per annum, and keep handsome

equipages; but there are many other towns which have lately risen up

very rapidly. Peterborough is an instance of this. "Peterborough in

1825 contained but one miserable dwelling; now, in 1838, may be seen

nearly four hundred houses, many of them large and handsome, inhabited

by about fifteen hundred persons; a very neat stone church, capable of

accommodating eight hundred or nine hundred persons, [see Note 1] a

Presbyterian church of stone, two dissenting places of worship, and a

Roman Catholic church in progress. The town has in or near it, two

grist, and seven saw-mills, five distilleries, two breweries, two

tanneries, eighteen or twenty shops (called stores), carriage, sleigh,

wagon, chair, harness, and cabinet-makers and most other useful trades.

Stages run all the year, bringing mails five times a week and steamboats

whilst the navigation is open; there is one good tavern (White's), and

two inferior ones. Families may now find houses of any sizes to suit

them, at moderate rents. The roads in this neighbourhood are being

greatly improved. The towns of Cobourg, Port Hope, Colborne, Grafton,

Brighton, River Trent, and Beaumont in the Newcastle district, are all

equally prosperous, and, like Peterborough, are surrounded by genteel

families from the United Kingdom; in short, the advancement of this

district is almost incredible."

But there is one important subject relative to emigration which must be

considered; if it be, as I trust my readers will be inclined to think

with me, a national question, it is highly expedient that it should be

not only assisted, but controlled by government. At present the

mortality is tremendous; and I very much question whether there are not

more lives sacrificed in the _transport_ of the emigrants, than

subsequently fall a prey to disease in the western States, bordering on

the Mississippi. With those who would emigrate to the United States, we

have nothing to do, neither do they so much require our sympathy. The

American packets are good vessels, and they suffer little; and when they

land at New York, Baltimore and Philadelphia, the charity of the

Americans is always ready for their relief. But with the poor emigrants

who would settle in Canada, the case is very different. It must be

understood, that the Quebec trade is chiefly composed of worn-out and

unseaworthy vessels, which cannot find employment elsewhere; for a

vessel which is in such a state that a cargo of dry goods could not be

entrusted to her, is still sufficiently serviceable for the timber

trade--as, `allowing her bottom to be out' with a cargo of timber she of

course cannot founder. But if these vessels are sufficiently safe to

bring timber home, they are not sufficiently good vessels to receive

three or four hundred emigrants on board. Leaky, bad sailers,

ill-found, the voyage is often protracted, and the sufferings of the

poor people on board are dreadful. Fever and other diseases break out

among them, and they often arrive at Quebec with sixty or seventy people

who are carried to the hospital independently of those who have died and

been thrown overboard.

Sometimes their provisions do not last out the voyage, and they are

obliged to purchase of the captain or others on board, (who have

prepared for the exigence,) and thus their little savings to recommence

life with, are all swallowed up to support existence. I believe that

what they suffer is dreadful; and if ever there was a case which would

call forth patriotism and sympathy, it is the hardships of these poor

people. Allowing emigration not to be a national question, still it is

a question for national humanity, and all this suffering might be

alleviated at comparatively a very trifling expense.

If two or three of our smaller line-of-battle ships now lying at their

moorings, were to be jury-rigged, without any guns on board, and manned

with a sloop's ship's company, they would not decay faster by running

between Quebec and this country than if they remained in harbour. One

of those vessels would carry out 2,500 men, women, and children. Let

the emigrants take their provisions on board, and should their

provisions fail them, let there be a surplus for their supply at the

cost price. Under this arrangement, you would have that order,

cleanliness, and ventilation which would insure them against disease,

and proper medical attendance if it should be required; you would save

thousands of lives, and the emigrant, as he left the ship, would feel

grateful for the benefit conferred. But the assistance of government

must not end here: the emigrant, on his arrival, is adrift; he knows not

where to go; he has no resting-place; he is a perfect stranger to the

country and to every thing; he exhausts his means before he can find

employment or settle: other arrangements are therefore necessary, if the

work of charity is to be completed. Indeed, the want of these

arrangements is the cause of a very large proportion of the Canadian

emigrants leaving our provinces and settling in the United States, where

they can immediately find employment; and Americans, agents of the land

speculators, are continually on the look-out in Canada, persuading the

emigrants, by all sorts of promises and inducements, to leave the

provinces and to take lands in the States, belonging to their employers.

Every emigrant lost to us is a gain to America; and upon the increase

of the English population depends the prosperity of the Canadas, and our

best chance of retaining them in our possession.

Both Upper and Lower Canada have one great advantage over most of the

other territories of the United States, which is, that they are so very

healthy; the winters in both provinces are dry, and, in Upper Canada,

they are not severe; and the summers are cool, compared with those of

the United States. Indeed, in point of climate, they cannot be

surpassed; and I rather think, independently of its fine soil, which

enables it to grow every thing (for even tobacco grows well in Upper

Canada), that in mineral richness it is not to be exceeded. It abounds

in water-power, and has several splendid rivers. As soon as the roads

are made (for that is the present desideratum in the Upper Province), I

have no hesitation in asserting, that it will be, of all others, the

most favourable spot for emigration. It is a man's own fault if, with

common industry, he does not, in a few years, secure competence and the

happiness arising from independence, when it is accompanied by that

greatest of all blessings--health.

There has been so strange and continued a system of misrule on the part

of the mother-country with respect to these provinces, that I am not

surprised at any thing which takes place; but it is certain that the

emigration to the Canadas has been very much checked by the Government

itself.

The price of land in the United States is fixed at a dollar and a

quarter per acre; be it of the best quality, full of minerals, or with

any other important advantages, the price is still the same. The set-up

price in Canada is two dollars per acre. If no more is offered it is

sold at that sum, but at no less. Now, whatever the Government may

imagine, I can assure them that this difference in the price is

considered very important by those who emigrate, and that thousands who

would have settled in Canada, have, in consequence, repaired to the

United States, much to our disadvantage; and this appears so

contradictory, as the Government have very unwisely parted with enormous

tracts of the best land, selling them to a Company at a price which,

with facilities for payment, reduces the price paid per acre by this

Company, to, I think, about one shilling and three-pence, and for which

the Company now charge the same price as the Government; thus giving a

bonus to speculators which they refuse to those who wish to become _bona

fide_ settlers. I never could comprehend the grounds upon which they

were persuaded to so unwise an act as that. The lands were sold to the

Company before the present Government were in power, but why the price

of the land still in possession of the Crown should be raised higher

than in the United States I cannot imagine. Sound policy would reduce

it lower, for the increase of wealth in the province must ever consist

in the increase of its population.

Diary in America, Series Two · 第 9 / 12 章