CHAPTER XI.

FROM SHOSHONG BACK TO THE DIAMOND FIELDS.

Position and importance of Shoshong--Our entry into the

town--Mr. Mackenzie--Visit to Sekhomo--History of the Bamangwato

empire--Family feuds--Sekhomo and his council--A panic--Manners

and customs of the Bechuanas--Circumcision and the

boguera--Departure from Shoshong--The African francolin--Khame’s

saltpan--Elephant tracks--Buff-adders--A dorn-veldt--A

brilliant scene--My serious illness--Tshwene-Tshwene--The Dwars

mountains--Schweinfurth’s pass--Brackfontein--Linokana--Thomas

Jensen, the missionary--Baharutse agriculture--Zeerust and

the Marico district--The Hooge-veldt--Quartzite walls at

Klip-port--Parting with my companions--Arrival at Dutoitspan.

Shoshong, the capital of the eastern Bamangwatos, is undoubtedly

the most important town in any of the independent native kingdoms

in the interior of South Africa. In the main valley of the

interesting Bamangwato heights lies the bed of an insignificant

stream which is full only after the summer rains, and which receives

a periodically-flowing brook, called the Shoshon. On this the town

is situated, so that it would seem that Shoshong is the ablative of

Shoshon, i.e., on the Shoshon.

[Illustration: A BAMANGWATO BOY.]

[Illustration: APRONS WORN BY BAMANGWATO WOMEN.]

Ten years ago, before the war broke out between the various members

of the royal family, Shoshong with its 30,000 inhabitants held the

highest rank of any town throughout the six Bechuana countries, (viz.

those of the Batlapins, Barolongs, Banquaketse, Bakuenas, and the

eastern and western Bamangwatos) where the strength of the ruling power

is usually centred in their capital for the time being. The population

of Shoshong is now scarcely a fifth part of what it formerly was, a

falling-off to be attributed to Sekhomo, who was king of the eastern

Bamangwatos at the time of my first visit; not only was he the promoter

of the civil war, which cost the lives of many of the people, but he

was the means of causing a division of the tribe, which resulted in

the migration of the Makalakas. Under the rule of Khame, Sekhomo’s

son, decidedly the most enlightened of the Bechuana princes, the town

is manifestly reviving, and if during the next few years it should

remain free from hostilities on the part of the Matabele Zulus, it may

be expected to rise again into its old pre-eminence amongst Bechuana

towns. For white men, traders, hunters, and explorers alike, it is

and always must be a place of the utmost importance, and that for the

following reason: there are three great highways that lead into the

four southernmost Bechuana kingdoms, viz., from Griqualand West, from

the Transvaal, and from the Orange Free State; the whole of these

unite at Shoshong, whence they all branch off again, one to the north,

towards the Zambesi, another to the north-east to the Matabele and

Mashona countries, and another to the north-west, to the country of the

western Bamangwatos and to the Damara country, so that it follows as

a matter of necessity that the admittance of a traveller into Central

Africa from the south depends upon his reception by Khame at Shoshong.

The valley of the Bamangwato highland is five or six miles wide, and

overgrown with grass and bushwood; it is partly cultivated, and at its

point of union with the Shoshong pass it is speckled over with some

hundreds of thatched cylindrical huts, about twelve feet in diameter,

and rarely more than seven feet in height, some of them overgrown with

the rough dark foliage of the calabash-gourd.

Approaching the town from the south, we noticed three farmsteads and

five detached brick houses about 600 yards before we entered the place.

These houses were built with gables, and had much more of an European

than of a Bamangwato aspect. We learnt that they were called “the white

man’s quarters,” being occupied during part of the year by English

merchants, who come to transact business with the natives, and, in

years gone by, supplied provisions to the hunters, to be paid for on

their return in ivory and ostrich-feathers. Amongst the firms of this

character, the most important, I believe, was that of Messrs. Francis

and Clark, but, like other inland traders, they must latterly have

experienced very unfavourable times.

Hitherto the king has refused to allow Europeans to purchase any

land, but has permitted them to occupy the sites of their premises

gratuitously.

The chief thing that struck me as we approached the town was the number

of residences that had been abandoned, although in many of these

repairs were now going on. In one place I observed some women daubing

clay with their bare hands over a wall six feet high, made of stakes as

thick as their arms driven about a foot into the ground, and fastened

together with grass; while close by was a lot of children, varying from

six to ten years old, busily preparing the material for their mothers’

use; these youngsters evidently enjoyed their occupation vastly;

they were dressed in nothing beyond their little aprons of beads or

spangles, and accomplished their task by treading down the red clay in

a shallow trench, chanting continually a kind of song, which was not

altogether unmusical; an old woman whose scraggy limbs, parchment-skin,

and general mummy-like appearance did not say much for the amount of

care bestowed upon her, was pouring water into the trench from the

vessels which stood beside her.

In other places women were clambering on to the newly-constructed

roofs, and making them tidy by pulling off the projecting stalks, or

were putting the finishing touch to their work by fastening thin bands

of grass all over the thatch.

All along the paths, in the courtyards, and especially at the hedges,

crowds of inquisitive women with infants in their arms, and clusters of

small children around them, had assembled to criticize the makoa (white

men) and freely enough they passed their opinions about us. Most of

them wore several strings of large dark blue beads round their necks,

and the breasts of most of them were bare, although occasionally they

had cotton jackets or woollen handkerchiefs, the prevailing colours

being red and black; nearly all of them had skirts reaching to the

knees, if not to the ankles.

It took us about an hour to make our way through the labyrinth of

huts before we entered the glen that contains the town. This glen is

about 400 yards wide at its mouth, but gradually converges to a narrow

rocky pass; at first sight, indeed, it presented the appearance of a

_cul-de-sac_, but the semblance was only caused by the western

side of the steep pass projecting so far as to conceal the eastern,

which is covered with rugged crags, and called the monkey-rock. The

pass has played an important part in the history of the town.

The mission-house of the London Missionary Society lies on the side of

the pass, and as we went towards it we saw three groups of houses on

the right, forming the central portion of the town, of which another

section lies in a rocky hollow on the other side.

[Illustration: BAMANGWATO HUTS AT SHOSHONG.

_Page 372._]

High above the river-bed on the steep to the left, could be seen the

ruins of a European building, the remains of the Hermannsburg Mission

Chapel, which had been used as a rampart in one of the native battles,

and had been all but destroyed. The mission had previously withdrawn

from Shoshong and been replaced by the London Missionary Society,

of which the buildings are very comfortable, and form an important

settlement, as besides the chapel and school, they include the

dwellings occupied by the married native students.

At the time of my first visit to Shoshong, the principal of the mission

was Mr. Mackenzie, one of the noblest-hearted men I ever met with in

South Africa; since 1876, when he removed with his school to Kuruman,

his place has been vacant, but his associate, Mr. Hephrun, still

continues to reside at Shoshong in another house.

Having been kindly entertained at tea by Mr. Mackenzie and his wife,

we started off under his escort to pay our respects to the king, who,

we were told, was waiting to receive us in the kotla. We saw throngs of

women in the pass under the monkey-rock carrying vessels full of water

from the spring in the centre of the glen; their garment generally was

a sort of toga of untanned skin, with the hair inside, fastened round

the body, and leaving the right hand free to balance their pitchers on

their heads, which they did so adroitly, that not a drop was spilled

upon the roughest roads. The dress was commonly adorned profusely with

bead ornaments and strips of leather, and the calves of the women’s

legs were covered with rings of beads and brass-wire.

[Illustration: KOTLA AT SHOSHONG.]

The king’s residence, as usual, was built round the kotla, and on

our way thither, we had the opportunity of observing the respectful

greetings which our conductor received from every one who met us, young

and old. The place was a circular space enclosed by a fence of strong

stakes, the entrance being on the south side, opposite to which was

an opening leading to another smaller enclosure, which was the king’s

cattle-kraal, where his farm stock was kept at night, the horses being

accommodated in the kotla itself. Every night the entrances are made

secure with stakes, and in times of war large fires are kindled and

kept blazing inside.

I have the utmost pleasure in recording my obligations to Mr.

Mackenzie. He is an accomplished man, the author of “Ten Years North

of the Orange River,” but his kindly attentions to myself have made

me regard him with a sincere affection. I was introduced to him

through having been asked to convey some letters to him in 1874 by

his fellow-workers in Molopolole, and his courteous reception of me,

and his subsequent kindness in the time of illness, have so endeared

the remembrance of his name, that I count it as one of the chief

recompenses of all my hard experience that I became acquainted with

him. I regard him thoroughly as a messenger of love.

As missionary in Shoshong during the incessant discords in the royal

family, he had a most difficult position to maintain. But he was the

right man in the right place: with much circumspection he acted as

mediator between the contending parties; gifted with discretion, and

full of sympathy for all that is noble, he succeeded in smoothing

down many difficulties, and arousing something like a proper sense of

justice and humanity. It is entirely owing to him that Sekhomo’s son,

Khame, is now one of the best native sovereigns in the whole of South

Africa.

I had placed our waggon at the south-east end of the town, where it was

quickly surrounded by an inquisitive crowd, and there I left it while I

paid my visit to the king.

We were soon in the royal presence, and seated upon stools set for us

in the kotla.

Except his begging propensities, I had no cause to complain of

Sekhomo’s behaviour to myself during my short sojourn in his town. He

was a man above middle height, rather inclined to be stout, but with

nothing in either his appearance or comportment to distinguish him from

any of the courtiers who attended him, or to mark him out in any way as

the ruler of an important tribe. A small leather lappet was fastened

round his loins, and a short mantle of the same material hung from his

shoulders; this mantle, amongst the eastern Bamangwatos, is usually

made of hartebeest skin, tanned smoothly except in five spots, and

sometimes ornamented in the lower corner with a black circle cut from

the skin of the sword-antelope, and trimmed round the neck with glass

beads.

My first visit to the king was very brief. After the interchange of

a few formal phrases, which Mr. Mackenzie interpreted, I took my

leave under an engagement to come again on the following day; but

before entering upon the details of my intercourse with Sekhomo and

his subjects, I may introduce a few episodes in the history of the

Bamangwatos.

[Illustration: SEKHOMO AND HIS COUNCIL.

_Page 376._]

According to traditions collected by Mr. Mackenzie the Bamangwatos

are descended from the Banguaketse. I have already described how the

Baharutse became subdivided, and migrated from their ancestral home.

After a similar subdivision had subsequently led to the formation of

the two tribes of the Banguaketse and the Bakuenas, the Bamangwatos

disengaged themselves from the former of these, and took possession

of a territory north of the Bakuenas, right away to the Zambesi and

the Chobe. During the lifetime of Matifi, Sekhomo’s great-grandfather,

a fresh rupture took place, resulting in the establishment of two

distinct Bamangwato communities, the western on Lake Ngami and the

eastern at Shoshong.

Of the eastern empire, the founder was Towane, the younger of Matipi’s

two sons; Khame, the elder son, maintaining his rule in the old

Bamangwato highland. Towane, in his revolt, carried off his father with

him, but he treated him so badly, that the aged man sought refuge once

again with Khame; but Khame, although he allowed him to enter into his

territory, would not grant him permission to reside in the town, a

refusal that distressed him so sorely, that he died of a broken heart.

The spot where he was buried is now regarded by the Bamangwatos with

much veneration.

The most upright of the seven Bamangwato kings whose names have

been handed down was Khari; of him it is reported that he was bold

and warlike and prudent in council, governing his dependents the

Makalahari, the Madenassanas, and the Masarwas with a gentle rule. So

respected was he by the neighbouring tribes, that several of them,

such as the Makalakas and some of the more eastern Mashonas paid him

voluntary tribute. Unfortunately, his ambition, a characteristic only

too common amongst Bechuana princes, led him to destruction, and

introduced a complete anarchy into his dominions. Honoured as he was

in his own country, respected by his allies, feared by his foes, he

coveted a yet wider power, and in grasping at his aim courted his own

fall. He formed a design against one of the inferior Mashona chiefs,

but the Mashonas, already acquainted with the military tactics of the

Bamangwatos, adroitly divided their army into two sections; the younger

regiments were directed to advance and attack, and then to feign a

retreat; the elder troops were to be in readiness to close in at the

rear and to surround the enemy in Zulu fashion. The stratagem succeeded

perfectly; the Mashonas brought their pretended flight to a sudden end,

and turned upon their pursuers. Khari and his people had been lured

into an ambuscade, and not only was he himself ruthlessly massacred,

but his whole army was all but annihilated.

[Illustration: BAMANGWATO HOUSE.]

[Illustration: COURT DRESS OF A BAMANGWATO.]

Immediately upon this disaster, the surviving chieftains in the town

proceeded to take steps for putting one of Khari’s sons upon the

throne. This created considerable opposition, but before the civil

war that was threatening had time to develop itself, the country was

invaded by the Basuto tribe of the Makololos from the Orange River

district, who carried off with them all the members of Khari’s family

into the north, where they were founding a new settlement on the Chobe.

The prisoners succeeded after a while in effecting their escape, and

Sekhomo, Khari’s eldest son by birth (although not being the child

of the chief wife, he was not the proper heir to the throne) lost no

time in scouring the country and collecting stragglers as adherents

to himself. He gathered together a force so considerable, that not

only did he repel an attack of the Makololos, but he cut to pieces

their reserve force in the Unicorn Pass; a victory so decisive, that

it gained for him the allegiance of most of the chiefs, who, at his

instigation, murdered his step-brother, the true heir. Another brother,

Matsheng, was saved from a similar fate by the queen-mother, who gave

him timely warning to save himself by flight.

The one victory was followed up by others, and it was not long before

the Bamangwatos under Sekhomo felt themselves strong enough to make a

successful stand against the Matabele Zulus, who for the last thirty

years had been in the habit of invading the Bechuana countries for the

purpose of plunder; they recaptured much of the cattle that had been

carried off, and so impressed was the Matabele king, Moselikatze, with

their military skill that he long hesitated to attack them, and when

he next ventured to molest them he found them more than a match for

him; he sent forty armed Zulus to demand tribute from Sekhomo, but his

messengers were all put to death, so that he did not make any further

attempt to disturb them during the next twenty years, during which the

Bamangwatos brought their cattle as far as the Matliutse. In March,

1862, at the instigation of Kirekilwe, a fugitive sub-chieftain of the

Bamangwatos, the Matabele king renewed hostilities; some Makalahari

while tending cattle on the Matliutse and Serule were put to death,

and a village on the eastern Bamangwato heights was destroyed, only

two men escaping to carry the news to Shoshong. Without delay Khame

and Khamane, the king’s sons, set off to avenge the injury; they

routed two companies of the Matabele without difficulty, but were

almost overpowered by a third company which had been attracted to the

scene by the sound of fire-arms, and although they killed some forty

of their adversaries, they lost at least twenty of their own men, and

had some difficulty in making a safe retreat to Shoshong. Encouraged

by this temporary advantage the Matabele came on to the Francis Joseph

Valley, and to the hills immediately overhanging Shoshong; they laid

waste some fields, but had not the audacity to enter the Shoshon pass;

after many endeavours to entice the Bamangwatos into the open plains,

they were obliged to retire, and although they carried off with them a

considerable quantity of cattle, Sekhomo started off in pursuit, and

recovered it all within a fortnight.

As the result of all this the Bamangwatos rose in importance. They

were manifestly establishing their superiority over the Matabele,

hitherto regarded as the stoutest and most invincible of warriors, and

the consequence was that numbers of Makalalas, Batalowtas, Mapaleng,

Maownatlalas, and Baharutse, came as fugitives from the Matabele

district and craved permission to settle on the Bamangwato heights.

But in order to convey a correct conception of the order of events,

it is necessary to relate the proceedings of Matsheng, who, as I have

already mentioned, had saved his life by flight. He had betaken himself

to the Bakuenas, and had been taken prisoner by the Matabele on one of

their marauding expeditions, and although once released, he had again

fallen into their hands, and had been trained and treated by them as a

“lechaga,” or common soldier.

Sechele had for a long time been anxious to establish his own claim

over the Bamangwatos, as being descended from his people, the

Banguaketse, but finding himself unable to assert his pretensions

openly, he tried secretly to enlist the sympathies of the Bamangwatos

in behalf of Matsheng, and so far did he succeed that by Dr. Moffat’s

influence he obtained the release of the captive, and gave him a

pompous reception, a proceeding that had such an effect upon Churuku,

the man next in importance to Sekhomo, that he declared himself to

have espoused the cause of Matsheng, who was accordingly installed

at Shoshong as king, Sechele being rewarded for his services with

ostrich-feathers and ivory. The dethroned Sekhomo fled to Sechele, who

received him with open arms.

Matsheng, however, did not long retain the position to which he had

been raised. He had been brought up as a Matabele soldier, and his

spirit of despotism was far too strong for the conservative instincts

of the Bamangwatos; his arrogance and cruelty soon cost him his throne,

Churuku being the very first to revolt against him and to restore

Sekhomo to his former power. Again Matsheng returned to Sechele, who

received him with unvarying courtesy and kindness. All this happened

in 1859, consequently before the attack of the Matabele that I have

described.

It may be interesting to know that although Matsheng was universally

regarded as Sekhomo’s step-brother, he was not really the son of his

father Khari; he was the son of the acknowledged queen, but he was not

born until some years after Khari’s death; the rank, however, of the

first-born and legitimate son was conceded to him, whilst Sekhomo, a

son by a wife of the second grade, though older in years, was reckoned

as illegitimate.

It was in 1864 that Sekhomo frustrated Sechele’s attack upon Shoshong.

In the following year, when the “boguera” was being celebrated, and

Sekhomo observed that neither of his two sons was taking part in the

ceremonial, he was so angry that he caused them to be “enchanted” by

the molois for a whole year, a proceeding on his part that had no

other effect than enlisting the sympathies of the younger regiments on

their behalf. His rage reached its height when Khame, who had married

Churuku’s daughter, not only refused for himself, but prohibited his

wife from taking any share in the rites of the boguera, a time-honoured

institution which Sekhomo positively insisted on as indispensable for

any one aspiring to be acknowledged as a future queen. He would have

liked to procure the assassination of Churuku, but he dared not seek

his assassins amongst the Bamangwatos, nor could any Matabele fugitive

be induced to undertake the task. He tried all manner of threats and

persuasions to alienate their adherents, and even determined upon

an assault upon the huts where his sons resided. Getting together a

number of his partisans, he bade them fire; not a man, however, would

obey his orders, and when he raised his own gun to take aim, it was

struck out of his hand. Dreading the vengeance which he felt sure would

follow upon his deed, he ran off and took refuge with his mother; but

his sons, so far from exacting retribution, agreed to keep him upon

the throne upon the sole condition that he would commit no further act

of hostility against themselves or any other members of the Christian

community. Although Sekhomo did not hesitate to give the required

pledge, it was only in accordance with his character that he should

continue to devise clandestine schemes against the objects of his

hatred.

Accordingly, before long, he sent to Sechele’s quarters and invited

Matsheng to come and join him in a conspiracy against his sons. In

March he made his attack, having by this time gained so many of the

Bamangwatos to his side, that Khame and Khamane, after holding out as

long as they could in the ruins of the chapel, were obliged to retreat

with their followers to the mountains.

For about a month fighting went on in a desultory way without bringing

decided advantage to either party, when Sekhomo, with the assistance of

some Makalahari, stormed the peaks of the mountains to which his sons

had withdrawn. They held out firmly for more than a week, when the want

of water compelled them to make a complete surrender. Khame distinctly

refused, however, to return to paganism; his life was spared, but no

mercy was shown to his followers, many of them, including Churuku,

being ruthlessly slaughtered.

In May, Matsheng reappeared in Shoshong once more to assert his

claim. Khame and Khamane openly avowed their opposition, but did not

take up arms. Sekhomo, too, was weary of his step-brother, and again

resorted to stratagem. He called an assembly, inviting both his sons

and Matsheng to his kotla, intending to get them to enter first, when

they might be surrounded and disposed of at a single blow; but they got

scent of his design, and took care to enter last, so that the plot was

defeated. A second scheme failed as totally as the first; his friends

deserted him, and he was compelled to fly. Thus Matsheng was for the

second time declared ruler of the Bamangwatos.

Sekhomo fled from quarter to quarter. He first betook himself to the

Manupi in the country of the Banguaketse; then to the Makhosi, whence

he was expelled by Sechele’s order, and finally he took refuge with

Khatsisive at Kanye.

Matsheng had no sooner again felt his feet as sole governor, than he

fell into his old ways, and showed himself a thorough autocrat. He set

to work to undermine the influence of Khame and Khamane, declared that

Christianity was hostile to the welfare of the tribe, and persevered in

every possible way in doing violence to the religious sentiments of his

people. Finding his instructions disregarded, he determined to dispose

of Khame. He dared not use violent means, and the only course that

suggested itself was to call in the aid of the molois; but neither did

the operation of magic prove effectual, nor did he succeed in getting

some poison, for which he applied to a European trader.

His reign at last came to an untimely end. Whilst Khame was on a

visit to Khatsisive he met Sechele, who furnished him with troops to

enable him to expel Matsheng. An encounter took place in the Francis

Joseph valley, at the mouth of the Shoshon pass, in which Matsheng

was worsted, the engagement being remarkable for the circumstance

that Matsheng’s allies, the Matabele, under the command of Kuruman,

the son of Moselikatze, fought on horseback. Prepared for this, Khame

posted his best marksmen as advanced skirmishers behind the bushes so

effectually, that the mounted Matabele, once dispersed, were exposed to

a concealed fire, and unable to recover themselves. Kuruman deserted

in the very middle of the fight, and Matsheng, with all his followers,

after plundering the house of Mr. Drake, a trader in the district, fled

in great disorder.

From that day forward the legitimate ruler was never again seen in

Shoshong. He retired first to the Mashwapong heights on the central

Limpopo in the eastern Bamangwato land, but was not allowed to remain

in peace. Khamane drove him from his refuge, and he retreated to the

Mabolo Mountains. After his expulsion Khame was declared king, and for

a time there seemed some chance of the bitter feuds coming to an end.

Khame, however, appeared incapable of learning by experience. His soft

heart revolted at the thought of keeping Sekhomo in banishment, and

after exacting a promise from him that he would keep the peace, he

recalled him to Shoshong, when he very soon resumed his old devices.

First of all he promoted dissension between the two brothers, by

awarding Khamane not only the cattle taken from Matsheng, but by

assigning him a village of the Manansas, a people of the Albert

country, the mountain district south of the Victoria Falls. Khamane

unfortunately suffered himself to be beguiled by his father’s wiliness;

his ambition to secure the sovereign power led him to turn a deaf

ear to Khame’s representations, neither would he be swayed by the

remonstrances of Mr. Mackenzie, who tried hard to bring about such a

good understanding as might promise a lasting peace in the land.

To avoid further collision, Khame now migrated with a very

considerable proportion of the Shoshong population, settling on the

River Zooga, in the territory of the western Bamangwatos, where he was

received with much cordiality and regarded with esteem and affection by

the Batowanas. Unfortunately his people began to be decimated by fever,

so that before long he had no alternative but to make his way back to

his own country.

Such was the state of affairs on my first arrival at Shoshong.

My first concern now was to replenish my stock of provisions, which was

very low. I found this a much more difficult matter than I expected,

and it was only by Mr. Mackenzie’s assistance that I was able to

procure the simplest and most indispensable articles. It was of

itself a difficulty quite enough to make me renounce all intention of

extending my journey as far as the Zooga, or Botletle.

On the 9th, I was favoured with a visit from the king and his

linyakas, an honour subsequently repeated so often as to become a

positive nuisance, as henceforward, so long as we stayed in the place,

we had to receive his majesty and his council of “black crows” once a

day, and occasionally twice. When he arrived, Sekhomo would keep on

shaking my hand, while his factotum, who could speak Dutch, would be

perpetually begging for something in his master’s name. The king at

other times would stand with his arms akimbo, his myrmidons squatting

around him in a semicircle and imitating everything he did; if he

laughed, they laughed; if he gaped, they gaped; if he yawned, they

yawned; and one day, when his majesty burnt his mouth with some tea

that was too hot, they all puckered up their faces as if they likewise

were experiencing the pain; when he turned to go home, they rose and

followed him in single file, like a flock of geese.

One day I received a visit from a travelling Dutch hunter, who was

returning with his family from a six months’ excursion in the Zooga and

Mababi districts; during that time he had killed twenty-one elephants

and fifteen ostriches. He recounted two interesting adventures

that he had with lions, in one of which his little son had played

quite an heroic part. His object in coming to me now was to consult

me professionally, as three of his children were lying ill with

intermittent fever.

According to Mr. Mackenzie’s estimate, Sekhomo’s actual revenue was

equivalent to about 3000_l._ a year, and consisted of cattle,

ivory, ostrich-feathers, and skins. He had no state-expenditure

whatever. The free Bamangwatos were allowed the produce of their herds,

such ostrich-feathers as were of inferior quality, and one tusk of

every elephant that they killed.

Throughout our stay in Shoshong the downpour of rain was almost

incessant; nevertheless, our waggon was constantly besieged by a crowd

of visitors and workpeople, so that quite a brisk trade was carried

on; this, on one occasion, was slightly interrupted by our bullocks

becoming suddenly restive.

In the midst of the general peace the population was thrown one

morning into a state of disturbance by the intelligence that hostile

Matabele were on their way to the place. The residents were seized with

a panic, the king came hurrying down to me in a state of excitement,

and borrowed one of my guns, which, as I might have expected, I

had considerable difficulty in getting back again. He showed me

his palladium, an amulet made of a lion’s claw, which was supposed

to render him invulnerable; he had at once given orders that his

people should betake themselves to the heights overhanging the town.

Everybody, therefore, with all speed, was collecting his few effects

and preparing to drive the sheep and cows to the hills. The state of

confusion reached its height when the report of fire-arms was heard

close outside the town, but although it was soon ascertained that the

shots had only been fired at a stray hyæna, it was long before the

apprehension could be allayed that the Matabele were commencing an

assault. Next day a Boer hunter from the western Matabele country, a

son of the renowned elephant-hunter Pit Jacobs, who resides on the

Tati River, came into the place, and assured the people that there

was not the least foundation for their alarm; but so completely

had the impression of their danger got possession of them that his

representations received no credit whatever, and even the European

traders began to take measures for defence. Under the circumstances,

Mr. Mackenzie advised me to take my departure as quickly as I could, as

although there was nothing likely to happen to compromise my personal

safety, there was no answering for the security of my property.

When Sekhomo heard that we were going away, he expressed his regret

that we, whom he regarded as his friends, should be forsaking him in

his trouble. As a parting gift I gave him a blue woollen dress for one

of his seven wives, and he in return presented me with a bundle of grey

ostrich-feathers.

In no other native town throughout my journey did I succeed so well as

here in making additions to my ethnographical collection. The resident

traders showed some annoyance at my proceedings, but I managed to

exchange nearly all the goods I had in my waggon for various objects

of local handicraft. I obtained a great many assegais and hatchets,

some daggers, knives, kiris, and sticks, wooden pillows, pots, pans,

spoons, magic dice of various materials, as well as a large variety of

snuff-boxes, gourd-vessels, articles for the toilet, ornaments, aprons,

cups, dolls, and toys made of clay. Perhaps the most noteworthy amongst

my acquisitions were some of Sekhomo’s war and rain drums, a little

ivory fetish, some kiris made of rhinoceros horn, and several whistles.

I bartered away some of my skins of pallah-antelopes, leopards, lynxes,

and caracals, and for a small extra payment had some of them back again

after they had been converted into garments. The Bamangwato workmanship

differs very little from that of all other Bechuana tribes; their huts,

though somewhat smaller and more slightly built, are most like those of

the Barolongs, but they have larger corn-bins of unbaked clay than any

I saw elsewhere.

Nor did my naturalist’s collection fail to gain some curious

contributions. Amongst the lizards I found a beautiful striped sort,

with a metallic lustre of brown, dark green, and blue; and some of

other kinds, without stripes, that seemed particularly tame.

Before describing my return journey, I will append some further details

of Bechuana customs to those which I have given in the previous chapter.

As a rule a heathen Bechuana has but one wife, though the more

well-to-do not unfrequently have two; the number allowed to the

sub-chieftains varies from three to six; the kings being permitted to

have more, although not so many as those in the Marutse empire. A man

of competent means presents his newly-married wife with several head of

sheep or oxen.

On entering a town, a traveller picks up some of the stones in his

path, and after throwing them into a bush, or laying them in a forked

branch of a tree, breathes a prayer that he may reach the end of his

journey in safety.

The skin, horns, or flesh of a sacred animal, such as the duykerbock

among the Bamangwatos or the crocodile among the Bakuenas, are not

allowed to be touched.

An owl, sitting upon a hut, is considered of evil omen; and the

linyakas are called in to purify the spot that has been defiled by the

touch of the bird.

An animal observed to do anything that according to Bechuana notions

is unusual, is at once considered dangerous, and must be either killed

or submitted to the treatment of a linyaka. For instance, if a goat

should spring upon a housetop, it would be immediately struck with an

assegai; or if a cow in a cattle-kraal should persist in lashing the

ground with its tail, it would be pronounced not to be an ordinary cow,

but would be considered “tiba,” and as such sure to bring disaster,

disease, or death upon its owners. A rich man would forthwith have the

animal put to death; but a poor man is permitted to sell it either to a

white man, or to one of another tribe. It is only in cases of this kind

that a Bechuana parts with his cows at all.

Ordinarily no woman is allowed to touch either a cow or a bullock; the

tending of cattle, except in Hottentot families, being always assigned

to boys and men.

As I have already implied, the Bechuana form of government is to a

certain extent constitutional; all legislation or decisions of public

importance having to be discussed in the “pitsho” or assembly-house; it

must be acknowledged, however, that in most cases, especially those in

which the king has any influence with the sub-chiefs, every question

is settled by a foregone conclusion. As with other Bantu peoples, the

king (the morena or koshi) is practically paramount in all public

functions; the chiefs that are associated with him belonging either

to his own tribe or being such as have fled to him for protection, or

have obtained leave to settle in his land. Khatsisive and the chiefs

of the Manupi and western Baharutse may be cited as examples of this;

they occupy separate villages, at divers distances apart, some of

them lying close together and others being a considerable way from

the royal residence. Wherever they are, each of these villages has a

small enclosure which represents the kotla, and where the matters to

be discussed in the royal kotla are submitted to preliminary debate;

and when the king wants to gather a general concourse of chiefs for

important business he sends a messenger, who lays a bough of a tree in

the enclosure, which is understood to be a summons.

When war is contemplated, the council is generally held in the

outskirts of the town in preference to the kotla, as being less likely

to be overheard; the name given to such a council is “letshulo,” the

same that is used for the hunt instituted by the linyakas for the

purpose of procuring rain.

Under the presidency of their chiefs all the inhabitants of a village

are at liberty to attend the council, and as every minute circumstance

is discussed with the most unlimited freedom the clatter of voices is

often something extraordinary.

When a meeting has been called to administer justice, it must be

confessed that the first thing taken into account is whether the

accused is a favourite at court; in that case, as often as not, he is

allowed to depart scot free. When a theft has been committed, a royal

herald is sent through the town, who at once announces the fact, and

declares the king’s intention to punish the offender; the threat, more

often than not, has the effect of inducing the culprit to lay the

stolen goods under cover of night in some public place, whence they

may be restored to their owner. Very frequently the services of the

linyakas are called in, the magic dice are thrown, and other devices

adopted to detect the offender.

I may mention one of the linyakas’ modes of operation in these cases.

After a full investigation of the matter, all the parties suspected

are summoned to the kotla. The linyaka places them in a circle and

walks round them several times, monotoning as he goes, “The thief

who has done this deed must die to-day.” He next sends for a bowl

of maize-pap, which he doles out with a wooden spoon, saying over

every spoonful, “The thief that swallows this pap shall die to-day.”

This done, he proceeds to make a careful scrutiny of each separate

countenance, and then retires to throw his mysterious dice. In a short

time he cries aloud, “I have found the thief!” Going once more round

the circle, he compels every one in succession to open his mouth, the

result ordinarily being that all but one has swallowed the mouthful. In

his fear of bringing the curse of death upon himself, the culprit has

retained the pap in his mouth, intending to spit it out at the first

chance, the precaution he uses of course revealing his guilt.

A criminal on his first conviction of theft has to restore double

or fourfold what he has stolen; on being repeatedly convicted he is

sentenced to have the tips of his fingers scalded off; an incorrigible

offender has to lose the whole of his hand. Murder is usually

considered a capital offence; but a man under sentence of death may

redeem his life by paying a sum of money, or its equivalent in kind, to

the victim’s next-of-kin.

During the time of Matsheng’s rule a singular case occurred of a man

killing his brother from avarice. The aged father had announced his

intention of leaving the bulk of his property to his elder son, and the

younger determined to get rid of his brother, hoping thereby to inherit

the whole. “Brother,” he said to him one day, “did you not hear our

father say that the linyaka wanted a monkey’s skin to restore him the

use of his limbs? Will you go with me to the hills and shoot a monkey?”

The elder brother acquiesced, and they started off together. An hour

brought them to the foot of the rise, when the younger suggested that

it would be better for them to begin to scour the hill from opposite

directions, a proposition to which the elder brother readily assented.

An old woman was gathering berries on the hill, and observing the

peculiarity of the young man’s movements could not help suspecting that

he intended some mischief, and following him unperceived saw that,

instead of going straight up the hill, he crept round to the right and

as soon as he came within sight of his brother, took deliberate aim and

shot him dead. In pretended consternation, he returned to the town,

relating how by miserable misadventure he had shot his poor brother,

supposing him to be an ape in the bushwood. The old woman hurried to

Matsheng and gave her evidence as to the real facts of the case so

clearly, that instead of furthering his scheme to become his father’s

heir, the wretch was by the king’s order carried back to the scene of

his crime, and was there himself shot with his brother’s gun.

[Illustration: TRAINING THE BOYS.]

Among other customs which seem to belong more or less to all the Bantu

tribes with whom I came in contact, there are some which remind us

of the Mosaic law. Held as of the highest importance by the heathen

Bechuana is the rite of circumcision; until it has been submitted to,

no youth is supposed to have arrived at man’s estate, and no woman

is considered of marriageable age. The ceremony, however, does not

universally or necessarily indicate the attainment of a state of

maturity, as is the case with the breaking off of the front teeth by

the Matongas and Mashukulumbe; it is rather an initiation into the

system of hardening which every youth is required to undergo before he

is counted worthy of the titles of “mona” or “ra” which betoken a man’s

estate.

Called the “boguera,” the observance is put into force upon boys

after they have reached their ninth year. The ceremony is performed

at intervals varying from two to five years, according to the extent

of a tribe; the period of its exactment being held to be a time of

great festivity in the towns. If the boys do not present themselves

voluntarily, they are brought under compulsion, and as a preparatory

office they are smeared all over with a solution of chalk; the girls

wear nothing but belts made of pieces of reed or aprons of genets’

tails, their breasts and faces being also whitened with chalk. The

solemnization of the rite takes place outside the town, old men acting

as operators with the boys and old women with the girls.

The boguera happened to be celebrated at the time of my visit to

Shoshong, so that I had the best opportunity of becoming acquainted

with its details. Singing as they go, the young people of both sexes,

accompanied by the linyakas, proceed beyond the town to the appointed

spot, where the boys are put through a drill in manly exercises,

and the girls are formally initiated into domestic duties, such as

carrying wood and fetching water; throughout their performances they

keep up their monotonous chant; and as their figures are all white by

the application of chalk, nothing can be imagined much more grotesque

than the appearance they present as they go through their series of

gymnastics.

The boys are next marched off in detachments to the kotla, where they

have all to be beaten with rods. Bare of all clothing, except their

little girdle and their sandals, which they are permitted to hold in

their hands, they are placed in two rows, back to back, and made to

kneel down whilst a man, generally their next-of-kin, stands in front

of each and proceeds to deliver his lashes, which the lads parry as

best they can by the dexterous manipulation of the sandals; they are

required to keep on singing, and to raise each foot alternately,

marking the measure of the chant.

All the youths who submit to the boguera at one time are formed into

a company, and the more sons a Bechuana can bring to the ceremony, the

prouder he is. A chief will generally try to introduce a son of his own

or of a near relative to take command of the troop, and an _esprit de

corps_ is frequently excited which sometimes has a beneficial effect

upon the quarrels that arise at court. The friendship thus formed often

remains unbroken, in spite of the commander avowing himself a Christian

and being baptized.

The girls, so long as the ceremonial lasts, are not allowed to sleep;

to keep them awake they are made to spend the night sitting upon wooden

corn-pounders, of which the equilibrium is so unstable that the first

attempt to get a wink of sleep sends the damsel toppling over.

[Illustration: BAMANGWATO GIRLS DRESSED FOR THE BOGUERA.]

The real object of the entire ceremonial is to discipline and harden

the young, particularly the boys; the rite is followed by a succession

of hunting excursions, organized and kept up for several successive

years; the members of a company are told off into sets, and under

the guidance of an experienced hunter are taken out first to chase

antelopes and gazelles, and in course of time to pursue elephants and

buffaloes. On these expeditions they are designedly exposed to many

hardships; they are compelled to make long marches through districts

where there is no water; only in exceptional cases are they suffered to

approach the fire even in the severest weather, and they are forced to

experience the long-continued pangs of hunger.

A Bechuana will commonly reckon his age from the date of a boguera;

when asked how old he is, he will mention the company to which he

belongs, and will refer to the names of one or two of its best-known

members.

According to Mr. Mackenzie, the “tshwaragana moshang,” or ceremonial of

alliance between two chiefs, ought not to be omitted from an account of

Bechuana customs. When vows of fidelity are exchanged between a ruler

and any other chief or refugee, some domestic animal is slaughtered;

and the stomach being cut open so as to expose the entrails, the two

parties plunge their hands into the midst of them, and mutually shake

them together.

The various forms of purification should likewise be mentioned. There

are special rites to be performed by all who return either from war

or from hunting-expeditions; arms, prisoners, plunder, have all to

be subjected to a process of cleansing; whoever has touched a corpse

must be purified; women after childbirth have to live apart from their

husbands from one to three months, according to their means; a period

of seclusion is prescribed for all who have been seriously ill; in

all these cases the linyakas are invariably consulted and receive

substantial rewards, one of the most common directions which they give

consisting, as I have said, in ordering the woolly hair to be cut off

with a knife or small sharpened horn.

We left Shoshong for the Marico district on the 16th of February. The

weather was still unpropitious, and our progress was retarded by the

miry state of the soil; in many places the water was two feet deep, and

the dense growth of the woods did not permit us to make a détour to

avoid it. The entire district south-eastwards between Shoshong and the

Limpopo was one great forest. In some places the soil continued salt,

and salt-pans were of not unfrequent occurrence; towards the south, on

the banks of the Sirorume, it became rather undulated and very sandy.

The journey occupies three days; and in the winter there are only two

places where fresh water can be obtained.

In the course of the next day’s march I made my first acquaintance

with a bird that throughout South Africa is known as “det fasant.”

Hearing a sharp, shrill cackle in the underwood, I turned and saw a

brown bird (_Francolinus nudicollis_) perched on a tree-stump.

It belongs to the partridge tribe, and is to be found in many of the

wooded and well-watered districts that I afterwards visited. It is

common likewise in Central South Africa. The francolins live either

in pairs or in small coveys, and the cock would appear to be a most

watchful guardian, not only calling out upon any approach of danger,

but even whilst scratching the ground for food, and on retiring to a

tree to roost; the habit of crying out whenever it perches, makes it an

easy prey to the sportsman.

On the 18th we passed a shallow saltpan, nearly elliptical in shape,

about two feet deep, and some hundred yards in its greater length; it

contained a very salt, milky-looking fluid. When the weather is dry,

fresh water is only to be found in some pools in the rocks at the

northern end. The lake lay still and silent in a slight depression in

the forest, surrounded by a broad band of bright green sward; neither

rushes nor water-lilies rose above its surface, but its shores, sloping

gently down, were covered by trees and bushwood, in some parts so

impenetrable that only the fleet little duykerbock would have a chance

of making its way between the stems; in other places low acacia bushes

sprouted up below the underwood from a single stock; flowers were

abundant everywhere, and the whole scene was like a dead sea set in the

midst of a fragrant and richly-wooded tract of land.

As a mark of esteem for the magnanimous king of the Bamangwatos, I

gave this lake the name of Khame’s Salt-pan. On the shore I found

fragments of greenstone and chalcedony, and further back, amongst the

thorn-bushes, quartzite and limestone. There were numerous vestiges of

the smaller gazelles, gnus, zebras, and giraffes, all of which, find

rich pasturage on the plains extending east and west of the Limpopo.

[Illustration: KHAME’S SALT-PAN.]

Amongst the trees I was particularly struck by one, the wood of

which I afterwards learned was of great value; this was a mimosa,

known amongst the Boers as the “Knopi-dorn;” it often grows straight

up to the height of fifty feet, without a single bifurcation; its

yellowish-grey bark is covered by excrescences sometimes two inches

long, with sharp, hooked thorns at their ends. The timber is in use for

building purposes, but it is considered a material especially adapted

for making waggons.

In the afternoon we passed some salt-pools, in which I was surprised

to find some half-starved fish. The fish themselves were not of any

uncommon kind; to me the perplexing thing was how they could have made

their way to so great a height above the table-land, and the only

explanation I could give was that they had been carried thither by

birds.

Evening overtook us in the valley of the upper Sirorume, just at

the spot where the stream makes its way over interesting shelves of

sandstone, thence to turn south, and then south-south-east to join the

Limpopo.

While proceeding through the sandy forest in the inner bend of the

Sirorume, we noticed from the waggon an appearance in the ground as

though the long grass had been flattened by a heavy roller six or seven

feet wide. It proved to be an elephant-track, and two Bamangwatos on

their way to the Transvaal informed us that it was made by a herd of

the great small-tusked elephants that were known to be wandering about

the boundaries of Sekhomo’s and Sechele’s territory. I entertained no

doubt that it was the same herd of which I had heard before, and which

continued to haunt the same region for two years afterwards, when it

was destroyed by the Damara emigrants.

At no great distance ahead of us the river-valley made a turn, above

which, westwards and southwards as far as the eye could reach,

stretched a dense underwood. Soon afterwards we descended for the

second time into the river-valley of the Sirorume, designated by the

English as the “brack reeds.” Here for miles both ways the river-bed

is flat, and forms a sort of fen overgrown with rushes. I crossed this

no less than three times, on each occasion finding it very prolific

in puff-adders. Our search for drinking-water proved unavailing, and

as our stock of meal was rapidly diminishing, we felt the necessity

of hurrying on as quickly as possible; but on the 21st we came on the

top of the table-land upon one of those unexpected rain-pools, which I

described in my account of my first journey.

Three days before, I had shot two specimens of the puff-adder

(_Vipera arietans_), each over three feet long, and as thick as

my arm; they had heart-shaped heads, and two very long and crooked

fangs. The scaly skin of this snake varies in colour from yellow to

dark brown, consisting of alternate light and dark bands. It is to

be met with almost everywhere between the sea and the Zambesi, but

is far more abundant in some districts than in others; especially

frequenting places overgrown by thorns, as less liable to be visited

by snake-eagles. Most of the specimens I saw were lying dormant on the

margins of thickets, or on the edges of pathways, coiled round and

round, and flat as a platter; their sluggishness is quite remarkable,

and I noticed more than one in pools of water from which they could

never escape. So sharply are the fangs bent backward, that the

puff-adder does not inflict a wound in the same way as the ordinary

species; it has to turn the front part of its body quite back, lower

its head, and in this position to fling itself at its victim; this it

is capable of doing from a distance of several feet, and I have been a

witness of this mode of attack both in Cape Colony and in Natal.

There is another peculiarity about this kind of adder which has been

noticed particularly in the western parts of Cape Colony. When any

one comes across one of them, his attention is very often attracted

to it in the first instance by the singular noise it makes between

hissing and spitting; and on looking at the creature more closely, he

occasionally finds its body all perforated, and a number of little

snakes issuing from the orifices; it has hence been concluded that

the brood of the puff-adder thus eats its way into the world. For

my own part, I do not concur with this theory, and I would offer an

explanation of the phenomenon, in which I am supported by the testimony

of an eye-witness. I believe that of all the South African snakes, none

more than this is distinguished by devotion to its young; and whenever

danger approaches, I think it inflates itself, and in its agitation

rushes upon its foe with expanded jaws, and, whether designedly or not

I do not say, swallows some portion of its teeming brood. These are

prevented by another inflation of the mother’s jaws from escaping where

they had entered, and so force for themselves an exit where they can.

After descending the Puff-adder heights on the lower Sirorume, we

entered the valley of the Limpopo, known also as the Crocodile River;

the hilly district on the left shore terminated in a woody table-land

to the west, the right shore being quite flat, and enclosed by

prairie-like plains. The river-bed was sandy, and varied from thirty to

ninety feet in width; the bank was steep, and covered with impenetrable

bush or long grass. On the shore I found frequent traces of crocodiles,

and a few of hippopotamuses; in the more open and clayey parts I also

noticed the tracks of lions and leopards. In the adjacent places we

observed indications of the existence of koodoos, pallahs, waterbocks,

bushbocks, hartebeests, gnus, giraffes, and zebras.

On the 22nd we reached the mouth of the Notuany, a river that rises

in the Transvaal, in the western Marico district; it flows only after

very heavy rain, and even then not over the whole of its course, which

is 150 miles long; it is deep, and lies, as it were, in a trench;

ever and again pools occur along its shores, which always contain

fish, and sometimes crocodiles. From the west, the Notuany takes up a

considerable number of sand-rivers. The stream was now flowing, and as

its mouth was much blocked up by reeds, we felt pretty sure that no

crocodiles would have made their way overland to the water, and so we

ventured to enjoy a bath at the ford, which was moderately deep.

On the southern side of the river-mouth we found one of the

“dornveldts” common in the Limpopo valley, a wide tract of rich soil,

densely overgrown with bushes of the _Acacia horrida_, six feet

in height. These are districts which might well rejoice the heart of a

European landowner; but for years to come no doubt they are destined to

lie fallow.

For two days I remained on the banks of the Notuany, finding both in

the animals and plants most interesting material for study. I shot a

grey-horned owl and a carrion kite.

Just as we were approaching the mouth of the Marico, while we were

crossing one of the numerous rain-channels that make their way down,

our axle broke, but we managed to make it hold together till we reached

a farm at no great distance.

I had the good fortune next day to meet with two herds of pallahs.

These creatures appear to range over the whole country, thence to

Central Africa, and hereabouts take the place of the blessbocks of the

southern grass plains.

Our progress began now to be very considerably retarded by the rains;

for some weeks it had been as wet as it was in Shoshong, so that we

had to go through a succession of marshes for nearly half the distance

along the Limpopo and Marico valley, being perpetually unable to find a

dry spot for our encampment at night.

During the morning march of the 26th, our attention was arrested by

a brilliant scene. On the left bank of the Marico, spreading out over

the best half of a large meadow, was a carpet of fiery red, set in a

frame of verdant sward, and enclosed with the dark green foliage of

the mimosa. This spectacle of beauty was caused by masses of flowering

aloes, which sent forth their gorgeous spikes of blossom some three or

four feet above the cluster of prickly leaves. Where the aloes were

thickest, I noticed that they were not unfrequently overhung by a

beautiful sulphur-coloured creeper.

An attack of illness on the 28th made me discontinue our march.

Whether it was the result of my continuous exertions, or the effect

of the miasma of the district, or whether I had taken a chill from

the dampness of the places in which we had camped, I cannot tell,

but certain it was that I found myself quite unable to move, and had

to be lifted out of the waggon; a violent sickness came on, my head

became as heavy as lead, and I was quite incapable of answering the

numerous questions which my friends in their anxiety kept putting to

me. My senses soon quitted me altogether, and for two hours I lay in a

condition of delirium, from which I was only roused by being vigorously

bathed with cold water. Boly sobbed aloud in his distress. F. ran

hither and thither like a madman, and Eberwald showed me such sympathy

and unremitting attention as endeared him to me more than ever.

Recovering my consciousness, I resolved to bleed myself. I was quite

satisfied that no gentler measure could relieve the extreme pressure of

blood on the head. The operation was quite successful, and immediate

relief followed. Nature did the rest, and in three days’ time I had so

far recovered, that we were able to proceed on our way.

Leaving the actual valley of the Marico on the 3rd of March, we crossed

the saddle, and entered a valley intersected by the Bechuana-spruit,

and enclosed on the southern side by the interesting Bertha heights. On

their south-western spurs lies Chwhene-Chwene, the town belonging to

the Batlokas, under Matlapin, their chief; it is situated in Sechele’s

territory, which extends from the mouth of the Sirorume to the Dwars

mountains. In the underwood in the hollow I found some morula-trees

bearing ripe fruit.

As soon as we could on the following day we made our way towards the

town, which was tolerably clean, the farmsteads and huts being larger

and more commodious than those of most Bechuanas; in some cases they

were surrounded by gardens. The fields were sown, but only partially,

with corn, maize, and Kaffir sugar-cane. Just outside the town I

came to a halt, because some of the Batlokas told me that there were

merry-makings going on within, and the Morena was tipsy.

Descending the slope from the table-land, we found several deep holes

in the hard grey limestone containing cool spring water. The view from

the springs was very striking. The thinly-wooded valley in front of us

was several miles in width, and stretched away eastwards to the Marico.

It was bounded on the south by the countless summits of the chain of

the Dwars hills. To the pass by which we crossed these heights, I gave

the name of “Schweinfurth’s Pass,” whilst the next one, further to the

west, I called “Rohlf’s Pass.” From the top of the hills we could see

the first of the farms on the plain; on reaching the bottom, we met a

Boer migrating into the Damara country.

It was satisfactory, on arriving at Brackfontein Farm, to find that

its owner was a smith, and able to repair our broken waggon. His two

sons asked me to join them on a hunting excursion, but I did not feel

myself sufficiently convalescent to accept their invitation, although

the abundance of game in the locality made it very enticing. In the

densely-wooded parts of the Dwars mountains there were gazelles and

koodoo-antelopes, and in the more open parts at the base, and on the

eastern and southern grass-plains were both kinds of gnus, zebras, and

springbocks; other antelopes and ostriches were likewise occasionally

to be seen.

When I left Brackfontein on the 12th, I turned to the south, crossing

the Bushveldt, in order to reach Linokana, the native town in the

Marico highlands.

Without entering into a minute description of the Bushveldt, I may here

simply mention that it is a wooded hill-country, consisting of low

ridges, sandy eminences, and isolated peaks, the soil being covered

with rich grass.

[Illustration: BUISPORT, ROCKY CLEFT IN THE BUSHVELDT.]

I left the district by the Buisport or Buispass, passing the

Markfontein, Sandfontein, and Witfontein farms. Zwart, the owner of the

first of these, bought it for 300_l._; it is of very considerable

size. Zwart had previously been an elephant-hunter, and had visited the

Damara country and the falls of the Zambesi before he settled down to

farming. At a hartebeest-hunt at Sandfontein we met with a Dutchman,

who sold goods on account of Mr. Taylor, the merchant at Sechele.

Although, he only stayed here for a few days in each month, we were

most hospitably entertained by him and his kind old mother.

The Buisport, through which we passed the next morning, is one of the

most charming spots in the Marico highlands; it is traversed by a

spruit, that retains water all through the year in the deep hollows of

its rocky beds. We crossed the spruit several times; the travelling

was very rough, and we had to proceed with the greatest caution, but

all our trouble was amply repaid by the enjoyment of the picturesque

scenery of the glen. Enclosed on every hand by the most diversified

rocks, sometimes wooded, sometimes perpendicular, and sometimes running

in terraces, it presents a prospect singularly attractive.

It likewise offers no little interest to the student of natural

history. Bushbocks, pallahs, klippspringers, apes and baboons, and

some smaller animals of the feline race are amongst the most common

mammals, while leopards, lynxes, and koodoos are by no means rare. The

variety of birds, snakes, insects, and plants is most remarkable. With

the exception of the two kinds of bustard, I found nearly all the birds

that I have hitherto mentioned, and besides these, I saw some quails,

two new species of thrushes, a wryneck and two rollers.

[Illustration: BAHARUTSE DRAWING WATER.]

The plateau upon which we entered at the farther end of the pass

was splendid meadow-land, cultivated in many places. On the east and

west it sloped towards the foot of the Notuany and Zeerust heights. We

followed these hills for some distance in a south-westerly direction,

until we came to the valley of the upper Notuany, that was only

divided by one ridge from the Matebe valley just in front of us, being

cultivated over about half its area. This was a token of the proximity

of Linokana, a Baharutse town, of the agriculture of which I had

already heard very glowing reports.

At the distance of only a few miles from its source the Notuany was

flowing in a deep entrenched bed, across which a few trunks of trees

had been thrown, forming a primitive bridge, over which we had no

alternative but to take our waggon. Once through the valley, we were

at the Linokana hollow, in the centre of which, and extending up its

northern and eastern sides, lay the town of the same name.

The reeds in the Matebe teemed with animal life. Morning and evening

were the best opportunities of watching their movements, but at those

times we could see the grey wild cat creeping stealthily after snipes

and long-tailed cape-finches; the water-lizard lying craftily in wait

for its prey; or occasionally the caracal driven by hunger from its

rocky lair to seek a meal in the security of the reeds of the river-bed.

In the eastern portion of the valley, our attention was directed to a

group of trees near some well-cultivated fields, conspicuous among them

being some eucalyptus, two feet in diameter, and certainly not much

less than sixty feet high. Beneath their shade stood several houses

built in European style. These were the quarters of a missionary, whose

instruction and example have had such a beneficial influence upon the

Baharutse, that they have become the most thriving agriculturists of

all the Transvaal Bechuanas. The name of this missionary is Thomas

Jensen, and he is a representative of the Hermannsburg Society. He

received us most kindly, and introduced me to Moilo (or Moiloa) the

chief, as well as to Chukuru and other chiefs who resided on the hills.

Moilo was a tall, grey-headed man, with hard features, but of a kindly

disposition; he was a faithful vassal of the Transvaal Republic,

considerate for his followers, and in many respects superior to most of

the neighbouring rulers. He introduced me to his sons, none of whom,

however, he considered competent to succeed him as chief; the son of a

relative living in Moshaneng, a scion of the old Bechuana royal family,

being, with his sanction, universally regarded as the rightful heir.

[Illustration: CHUKURU, CHIEF OF THE BAHARUTSE.]

Each of the larger farms in the town possessed a plough, and waggons

could be seen in considerable numbers, standing amidst the cone-shaped

huts. Following Mr. Jensen’s advice, the people have turned the Matebe

springs to good account; not only have they conducted the water into

the town so as to ensure a good supply for domestic purposes, but they

have cut trenches through their fields and orchards, thereby securing

a thorough irrigation. The adult male population, besides paying a

poll-tax of ten shillings to the Transvaal, pledged themselves to

provide a certain number of beasts of burden in times of war. Mr.

Jensen was entrusted with the collection of the tax, but, although he

handed over as much as 400_l._ annually to the Government, he

received no remuneration whatever for his trouble.

In the fields round the mission-building maize and wheat were growing,

and in the gardens adjacent to the dwelling peaches, apricots, pears,

figs, oranges, and citrons were thriving admirably, and, together with

the vegetables, contributed a welcome addition towards the support of

the modest establishment. The little flower-garden revived pleasant

recollections by the abundance of old favourites it contained; there

were roses, both as standards and climbers, irises, lilacs with their

graceful bloom, and carnations with their pleasant fragrance; tulips

and hyacinths had been in bloom, but had now gone off.

[Illustration: BAHARUTSE VILLAGE.

_Page 419._]

The family life of the missionary beneath the blue-gum trees on the

Matebe was quite idyllic in its peacefulness; nothing could surpass the

excellence of the pattern which it set to the dusky population which

surrounded it. My own pleasure for the time, however, was seriously

damped by the intelligence which Mr. Jensen said he had received from

Zanzibar on good authority, that Livingstone had fallen a victim to

dysentery by the Bangweolo Lake. At the same time he told me that the

companion of Livingstone’s first journey was still alive.

The Baharutse possess large herds of cattle, but the periodic

recurrence of lung-disease is so fatal, that they lose very large

numbers of them.[14]

Linokana (from li = _the_ and nokana = a _little river_),

during the lifetime of Moilo, was called by his name in his honour. As

Karl Mauch has already observed, it is a place where a naturalist may

spend weeks with advantage. With the exception of mammalia, nearly all

kinds of animals abound. The heights (the eastern of which is called

the To, or Elephant hill, and the northern the Po, or Buffalo hill),

as well as the meadows and marshes on the Matebe, and the woods on the

Notuany, exhibit an immense variety of birds, amongst which birds of

prey, long-tailed finches, bee-catchers, green doves, and purple herons

especially predominate.

On the 16th we turned our backs upon the hospitable fields of

Moilo, proceeding southwards towards Zeerust. The next farm of any

considerable extent that we came to was that belonging to Martin Zwart,

whom we found engaged in distilling peach-brandy; he was the owner of

two farms here, and had purchased several others on the frontier, but

nevertheless he was by no means in flourishing circumstances; his love

of hunting had prevented him from ever steadily devoting himself to

farm life and, like many others, he had failed to get on. During the

twenty-one years in which he had been a hunter, he had killed as many

as 294 elephants.

Near the sources of the Notuany I took an excursion up the valley to

Oosthuisen’s farm. He resides in a lovely hollow, with several of his

relations. His property contains a certain quantity of copper ore,

which is collected by the natives, and, after being smelted, is made

into bracelets and other ornaments. He cultivated maize, wheat, and

tobacco, and spent a good deal of his time in tanning skins purchased

from hunters coming back from the interior. Returning by Zwart’s farm,

we proceeded for two hours, and reached Zeerust, the headquarters of

the local government for the Marico district. Though containing little

more than forty houses, the little town possessed a Dutch church,

surrounded by high walls, behind which, during the recent unsettled

state of things, the population sought refuge.

Zeerust is situated on the Little Marico, which wends its way

eastwards through the hills to join the Great Marico. Nearly the whole

of the district is highland, traversed by a multitude of brooks, and

broken by some exceedingly fertile valleys; in comparison with the

rest of the Transvaal, it may be said to be fairly cultivated; a part

of it is covered with mimosas and various kinds of underwood; good

pasturage for cows and horses may be seen almost everywhere. The farms

lie close together, but although garden produce appeared to occupy a

certain amount of attention, it was only in a few instances that we saw

anything like abundance, the farmers, being, as I have said, addicted

to elephant-hunting, and giving all their profits to that expensive

amusement. The prohibition of hunting decreed by the Bechuana chiefs

may probably compel these enthusiasts to stay at home, and by inducing

them to mind their farms, may tend to bring about a more prosperous

condition of the district.

Quitting Zeerust on the 19th, we made our way up the valley of the

Little Marico. After passing several farms in the main valley and

side valleys, and on the slopes, bearing the names of Quarifontein,

Quaggafontein, Kaffirkraal, and Denkfontein, we emerged on to the

Hooge-Veldt (high field), which is one of the most extensive grass

plains on the South African plateau. The Zwart Ruggens (black ridges)

were visible on the east. The plain abounds with game, and forms

the eastern portion of the high land between the Molapo and the

Harts River, where both of them, as well as the Marico and many of

their affluents, take their rise; its subsoil consists of the grey

limestone which I have so frequently mentioned. We only passed two

farms hereabouts, Pitfontein and Witfontein, and these lay in small

depressions that seemed to lead down to the Harts River.

On the 22nd we commenced a gradual descent, and entered the valley

of the Makokspruit, in which the Makokskraal is situated. In this

valley was a farm, the owner of which was a relative of a man whom I

had attended in the diamond-fields. Although they were very poor, the

people were very anxious to treat us hospitably. Next day we came to

the valley of the upper Schoenspruit; the stream was flowing freely,

and all along its shores farm followed farm in close succession.

Between the Schoenspruit and Potchefstroom we had to cross several low

ridges, the south-western spurs of the Hooge Veldt lying parallel to

the Mooi and to the affluents of the Schoen.

I discovered an interesting rocky pass on the first ridge on the way to

Potchefstroom, with walls of quartzite nearly semicircular, and rising

almost perpendicularly. The farm shut in by them was called Klip-port;

another, a little further on, was called Klipfontein, the quartzite

veins in the ferruginous slate being here also quite apparent.

Arrived at Potchefstroom, I carried out my intention of selling two

of my bullocks, as I had come to the end of my resources. Here, too, I

said goodbye to my three companions, two of whom, Eberwald and Boly,

went off to the Lydenburg gold-diggings, trusting to be rewarded with

better fortune than they had found in the diamond-fields.

I travelled thirty-four miles the next day, meeting on my route a large

number of waggons containing emigrants, merchants, and canteen-keepers,

all on their way to Lydenburg, their thirst for gold being now as

ardent as once it had been for diamonds. I halted at Klerksdorp only

till evening, when I hurried on to the Estherspruit. On the 1st of

April I forded the Bamboespruit, and after crossing the Vaal, seventeen

miles below Christiana, at Blignaut’s Pont, I arrived in Dutoitspan on

the 7th.

Of all my curiosities, of which I brought back forty cases closely

packed, I considered my ethnographical specimens, 400 in number, the

most valuable; but in addition to these I had a great collection of

insects, horns, plants, reptiles, skins of quadrupeds and birds,

minerals, skeletons, spiders, crustaceans, mollusks, and fossils.

Although I had succeeded somewhat better than during my former journey

in making a cartographical survey of the route, many obstacles with

which the reader has been made acquainted in the previous pages,

prevented me from making a map as complete as I desired.

* * * * *

My pecuniary position was now very much what it had been on my first

appearance in Dutoitspan; to say the truth, it was rather worse,

for immediately on my arrival, an attorney called upon me to fulfil

my obligations with respect to the bond into which I had entered on

behalf of the young man who absconded; and very shortly afterwards I

was obliged to pay off the 117_l._ which had been advanced to me

before starting. My necessities compelled me forthwith to dispose of

the greater portion of my skins and ostrich feathers, and I had to

part with my waggon and team for whatever prices they would fetch. For

a time my difficulties seemed to increase, as it was at least a month

before I could work up anything like a remunerative practice.

I took the smallest of houses, consisting only of a single room, in one

of the side streets: it was built of clay, and had a galvanized iron

roof; there was a shed of the same materials close to its side; and the

whole stood in a little yard containing a well, two sides of which were

blocked up by a stable. For this accommodation I had to pay a rent of

5_l._ a month.

By June, however, I had succeeded in working up so much practice that

I was obliged to keep a saddle-horse, and very shortly had to procure

a chaise and a couple of ponies in addition. The winter of 1874 was

a bad time in the central diggings; the measles broke out, and for

several weeks I had to pay as many as forty visits a day; and, when the

sickness was at its height, the average number was fifty-two.

From the very commencement of the increase in my business, I set about

the preparations for my third and most important journey. I purchased

a new waggon, and gradually got together a team of ten picked oxen.

Offers to accompany me were freely volunteered on all sides, but my

experience made me aware that I could not be too particular in the

choice of my associates. I had a half-caste Cape-servant, Jan Van

Stahl, who soon proved a great comfort to me; he could not only write

both Dutch and English, but very quickly fell into the way of helping

me in my preparation of medicines; he was, moreover, a very excellent

accountant. I made the acquaintance, too, of a young man engaged as

a clerk in one of the stores, who was manifestly superior both in

education and manners to the generality of his order; and having

thoroughly satisfied myself as to the integrity of his character, I

made him the offer of accompanying me. His employers were at that time

relinquishing their business, and he came and resided with me. His name

was Theunissen. He became a good friend, and remained with me more than

a year, until we reached the Zambesi, where he quitted me on account of

his fear of fever.

It was a disappointment to me that Van Stahl’s dread of lions prevented

his going with me; but Pit Dreyer, the shepherd, decided to accompany

me in his place.

Previous to this time, and throughout my stay, the general state of

things in the diggings had been undergoing very considerable change.

More than a quarter of the white population had left, returning

either to the colony, to their homes in the Orange Free State, or to

Europe, except that many of them had migrated to the gold-diggings in

the Transvaal. Much greater care, too, was being bestowed upon the

buildings, iron and wooden, that were being put up in Kimberley.

A great many of the people, moreover, were expressing themselves

dissatisfied with the Governor in a way that led to an open revolt very

soon after my departure.

Since 1872 the diamonds themselves had depreciated in value, although

the “claims” had grown into higher demand, as they were worked with

larger capital and improved machinery.

In November I took a fortnight’s holiday, in anticipation of my

prolonged absence. I went to the Vaal, and pitched my camp at the

mouth of the Harts River, where the time sped rapidly away in

hunting-excursions, and in seeking new materials for my scientific

collection.

END OF VOL. I.

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