SECTION XVI.

I shall finish these remarks with some reflections on this herb,

considered in another light.

As luxury of every kind has augmented in proportion to the increase

of foreign superfluities, it has contributed more or less its share

towards the production of those low nervous diseases, which are now

so frequent. Amongst these causes, excess in spirituous liquors is

one of the most considerable; but the first rise of this pernicious

custom is often owing to the weakness and debility of the system,

brought on by the daily habit of drinking Tea[100]; the trembling

hand seeks a temporary relief in some cordial, in order to refresh

and excite again the enfeebled system; whereby such almost by

necessity fall into a habit of intemperance, and frequently intail

upon their offspring a variety of distempers, which otherwise

probably would not have occurred.

Another bad consequence resulting from the universal custom of

Tea-drinking, particularly affects the poor labouring people, whose

daily earnings are scanty enough to procure them the necessary

conveniences of life, and wholesome diet. Many of these, too

desirous of vying with their superiors, and imitating their luxuries,

throw away their little earnings upon this foreign herb, and are

thereby inconsiderately deprived of the means to purchase proper

wholesome food for themselves and their families. In the words of

Persius we may here justly exclaim,

O curas hominum quantum est in rebus inane!

I have known several miserable families thus infatuated, their

emaciated children labouring under various ailments depending upon

indigestion, debility, and relaxation. Some at length have been so

enfeebled, that their limbs have become distorted, their countenance

pale, and a marasmus has closed the tragedy[101].

These effects are not to be attributed so much to the peculiar

properties of this costly vegetable, as to the want of proper

food, which the expence of the former deprived these poor people

from procuring. I knew a family, confiding of a mother and several

children, whose fondness for Tea was so great, that three times

a day, as often as their meals, which generally confided of the

same articles, they regularly sent for Tea and sugar, with a

morsel of bread to support nature; by which practice, and the want

of a due quantity of nutritious food, they grew more enfeebled;

thin, emaciated habits and weak constitutions characterised this

distressed family, till some of the children were removed from this

baneful nursery, by which they acquired tolerable health.

My valuable friend, Dr. Walker, of Leeds, in Yorkshire, has noticed,

in several parts of that extensive and commercial county, and

particularly in Leeds; that, “since the more plentiful introduction

of Tea into the families of the industrious poor, by the late

reduction of its price, the Atrophia Lactantium, or Tabes Nutricum,

a species of decline, has made an unusually rapid progress. The

difficulty with which animal food is procured by the lower ranks of

society, in quantity sufficient for daily nutriment, has led many

of them to substitute, in the place of more wholesome provisions, a

cheap infusion of this foreign vegetable, whose grateful flavour (and

perhaps narcotic quality, which it possesses in a small degree in

common with most other ever-greens) is found to create an appetite

for itself, in preference to all other kinds of aliment that the

scanty income of poverty allows these deluded objects to procure;

though I am sorry to have occasion to add, that the lowering effects

of tea-drinking lead too many of these to seek relief from spirits,

and other pernicious cordials, at the expence of health, and the sure

consequences of penury and want.

“As this change, in the article of diet, has been very generally

made, especially by the females, and the younger branches of the

families of the manufacturing poor, their constitutions have been

rendered much less able to bear evacuations of any sort, and

particularly that of lactation. I may, with great truth, aver, that

more than two hundred patients of this denomination have, within the

last two years, come under my notice: upon their application for

relief, and the consequent enquiry which I have been led to make

respecting the nature of their diet, their almost invariable reply

has been, that they have chiefly depended upon Tea for their support,

at the same time that they were permitting an apparently healthy

child to draw the whole of its nourishment from them.

“That it is debility, and an impoverished state of the whole

system, arising from a deficiency in the due supply of proper and

sufficiently nutritious aliment, at a time when the constitution

particularly requires it, in consequence of the continual waste which

the mother sustains from the suckling of her infant, which lay the

foundation of this disease, and that the lungs are but secondarily or

symptomatically affected, is clearly evinced from an attention to the

symptoms.

“The patient first complains of languor, and general weakness; loss

of appetite; fatigue after exercise, though it be of the gentlest

kind; wearisome pains in the back and limbs; soon after which,

symptoms of general atrophy come on; the face, in particular, grows

thin, and is marked by a certain delicacy of complexion; paleness

about the nose; but with a small degree of settled redness in the

cheeks. In a short time, if the patient still continues to give

suck, she is seized with transitory stitches in the sides, under

the sternum, or in some other part of the thorax; accompanied with

a short dry cough, and slight dyspnæa, upon any muscular exertion;

the pulse also becomes frequent, but seldom so hard as in the

inflammatory state of the genuine phthisis pulmonalis; morning sweats

next make their appearance; abscesses and ulcers are often formed in

the lungs; pus mixed with mucus is expectorated; the general weakness

increases; the emaciated patient is unable to support an erect

posture; and at last dies literally exhausted.”

An ingenious author observes, that as much superfluous money is

expended on Tea and Sugar in this kingdom, as would maintain four

millions more of subjects in bread[102]. And the author of the

Farmer’s Letters calculates, that the entertainment of sipping Tea

costs the poor each time as follows:

_d._

The tea ¾

The sugar ½

The butter 1

The fuel and wear of the Tea equipage ¼

----

2½

When Tea is used twice a day, the annual expence amounts to 7l.

12s. a head. And the same judicious writer estimates the bread,

necessary for a labourer’s family of five persons, at 14l. 15s. 9d.

per annum[103]. By which it appears, that the yearly expence of Tea,

Sugar, &c. for two persons, exceeds that of the necessary article of

bread, sufficient for a family of five persons.

It appears also, from a moderate calculation, that twenty-one

millions of pounds of Tea[104] are annually imported into England.

In the beginning of the present century the annual public sales by

the East-India Company did not much exceed 50,000 pounds weight,

independently of what little might be clandestinely imported. The

Company’s annual sales about this time, 1797, approach to twenty

millions of pounds; being an increase of four hundred fold in less

than 100 years, and answers to the rate of more than a pound weight

each in the course of the year, for the individuals of all ranks,

sexes, and ages, throughout the British dominions in Europe and

America[105].

Since the year 1797, it is probable, that the import of Tea has

increased in a much greater ratio; for the East-India Company, at

their sale in September 1798, put up 1,300,000 pounds of bohea;

3,500,000 pounds of congou and campoi; 400,000 pounds of souchong and

pekoe; 600,000 pounds of singlo and twankay; 400,000 of hyson; hyson

skin 100,000; making, in the whole, 6,300,000 pounds, the quantity

sold in the autumnal quarterly sale: and it may be presumed, from the

table annexed, (p. 1. Section IV.) and other documents, that at least

30,000,000 of pounds are annually imported into Europe and America!

FINIS.

DIRECTIONS FOR THE PLATES.

Green Tea, to front the title page.

Bohea Tea Page 41

Olea fragrans 43

Camellia Sesanqua 46

Boxes for conveying plants by sea 55

ERRATUM.

P. 41. l. 10. for _than that_ read _as_.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Among several hundred specimens of dried Tea-flowers that I have

examined, scarcely one in twenty was perfect. Some had three petals

only, some nine, and others the several intermediate numbers. The

greatest number consisted of six large petals, and externally three

lesser ones of the same form. But the flowers, which blossomed on the

Tea-plant belonging to the duke of Northumberland, from which this

description is taken, consisted in general of six petals. One of the

flowers indeed appeared to have eight petals; however, the number in

the flowers in most plants vary considerably, which may account for

the mistake of Dr. Hill, and professor Linnæus (who described this

plant on Dr. Hill’s authority), who make the green and bohea Tea two

distinct species, giving nine petals to the former, and six to the

latter. See Amœn. Acad. Vol. VII. p. 248. Hill. Exot. t. 22. Kæmpfer.

Amœn. Exot. p. 607. Breyn. Exot. Plant. Cent. 1. p. 111. Hist. de.

l’Acad. des Sciences, 1776, p. 52.

[2] In a flower I received from that accurate naturalist, J. Ellis,

F. R. S. &c. I counted upwards of 280 filaments; and, in another I

had from Dr. Fothergill, there appeared to be nearly the same number.

[3] Kæmpfer describes the Antheræ as being single.

[4] Authors differ widely respecting the size of this tree. Le Compte

says, it grows of various sizes from two feet to two hundred, and

sometimes so thick, that two men can scarcely grasp the trunk in

their arms: though he afterwards observes, that the Tea-trees, he saw

in the province of Fokien, did not exceed five or six feet in height.

Journey through the empire of China, London, 1697, 8vo. p. 228. Du

Halde quotes a Chinese author, who describes the height of different

Tea-trees, from one to thirty feet. Description génerale historique,

chronologique, politique, et physique de la Chine, Paris, 1755. Fol.

4 Tom. History of China, London, 1736. 8vo. Vol. IV. page 22. See

also Guil. Piso in Itinere Brasilica.

But Kæmpfer, who is chiefly to be depended upon, confines the full

growth to about a man’s heighth. Amœn. Exot. Lemgov. 1712, 4to. pag.

605. Probably this may be a just medium; for Osbeck says, that he saw

Tea-shrubs in flower-pots, not above an ell high. Voyage to China,

Vol. I. p. 247. See also Eckeberg’s account of the Chinese husbandry,

Vol. II. p. 303.

[5] When the peduncles increase in thickness towards their

extremities.

[6] No author has hitherto remarked this obvious circumstance; even

Kæmpfer himself says, that the leaves terminate in a sharp point.

Amœn. Exot. p. 611.

[7] When the upper surface of the leaf rises in several places in

roundish swellings, hollow underneath.

[8] Whether the word TEA is borrowed from the Japanese _Tsjaa_, or

the Chinese _Theh_, is not of much importance. By this name, with

very little difference in pronunciation, the plant here treated of is

well known in most parts of the world.

[9] I have examined several hundred flowers, both from the bohea

and green Tea countries, and their botanical characters have always

appeared uniform. See Directions for bringing over seeds and plants

from distant countries, by John Ellis, Esq. Sir George Staunton’s

Embassy, Vol. II. p. 464, says, “Every information received

concerning the Tea plant concurred in affirming that its qualities

depended upon the soil in which it grew, and the age at which the

leaves were plucked off the tree, as well as upon the management of

them afterwards.”

[10] See Jac. Breynii Exotic. Cent. I. p. 114, 115.

[11] Vol. I. p. 734.

[12] Amœnit. Exotic. p. 618, et seq. See also his history of Japan by

Scheuchzer. Lond. 2 Vol. Fol. App. p. 3. Geoffr. Mat. Med. Vol. II.

p. 276. Other figures of this shrub are represented in Piso Itinere

Brasilico, Kircher’s China Illustrata, and Dutch Embassy.

[13] Osbeck, in his voyage to China, speaking of the Camellia, says,

“I bought one of a blind man in the street, which had fine double

white and red flowers. But, by farther observing it in my room, I

found that the flowers were taken from another; and one calyx was

so neatly fixed in the other with nails of bamboo, that I should

scarce have found it out, if the flowers had not begun to wither. The

tree itself had only buds, but no open flowers. I learned from this

instance, that whoever will deal with the Chinese, must make use of

his utmost circumspection, and even then must run the risk of being

cheated.” Vol. VII. p. 17. Mocquet in his Travels and Voyages, An.

1606, l. 4. p. 264, relates a curious piece of deception practised by

a Chinese of Canton. “A Portuguese,” he says, “bought a roasted duck

at a cook’s shop in Canton. Seeing it look well, and appearing to be

very fat, he carried it with him on-board his vessel, to eat it; but,

when he had put his knife within it to cut it up, he found nothing

but the skin, which was upon some paper, ingeniously fitted up with

little sticks, which made up the body of the duck; the Chinese

having very dexterously plucked away the flesh, and then so well

accommodated this skin, that it seemed to be a true duck.”

[14] This writer observes, that the Chinese have also an herb, out

of which they press a delicate juice, which serves them for a drink

instead of wine: it also preserves their health, and frees them from

all those evils “that the immediate use of wine doth breed unto us.”

By the use the modern Chinese make of Tea (who are a sober people) it

can be nothing else. Anderson’s Chronolog. Deduction of Commerce.

[15] Some authors add Siam also. Vid. Sim. Pauli Comment. et Wilh.

Leyl. epist. apud Simon. Pauli comment. Nich. Tulpius observ.

Medicin. lib. IV. cap. lx. Lond. 1641.

[16] Le Compte’s Journey through the Empire of China, p. 112.

Staunton’s Embassy, Vol. II. p. 96. and particularly p. 68.

[17] Kalm’s Travels into North America, Vol. II. p. 314. The

following note is added by the ingenious English translator in the 2d

edition, Vol. II. p. 141:

“On my travels through the desart plains, beyond the river Volga, I

have had several opportunities of making the same observations on

Tea; and every traveller in the same circumstances will readily allow

them to be very just.” Forster, ibid.

See Brydone’s Tour through Sicily and Malta, Let. 6. In letter 20, he

says, “We have travelled all night on mules; and arrived here about

ten o’clock, overcome with sleep and fatigue. We have just had an

excellent dish of tea, which never fails to cure me of both; and I am

now as fresh as when we set out.” Captain Forrest, in his Voyage to

New Guinea, relates several instances wherein the sailors experienced

the exhilarating effects of this infusion.

[18] Fischer’s Libirische Geschichte, Vol. II. p. 694-697. Monthly

Magazine, Vol. VI. p. 60.

[19] Hanway’s Journal of Eight Days Journey, Vol. II. p. 21. The

same author observes, that Tea sold at this time for sixty shillings

a pound. Anderson, in his “Chronological Deduction of Commerce,”

remarks, that the first European author that mentions Tea wrote in

the year 1590. However, by the preceding catalogue, it will appear,

that this subject had been considered much earlier.

In Renaudot’s anciennes Relations, Paris, 1718, p. 31, mention is

made of two Arabian travellers who visited China about the year 850;

and related, that the inhabitants of that empire had a medicinal

beverage, named chah or sah, which was prepared by pouring boiling

water on the dried leaves of a certain herb, which infusion was

reckoned an efficacious remedy in various diseases.

[20] By an act made this year, the duties of Excise on malt liquor,

cyder, perry, mead, spirits, or strong waters, coffee, tea, sherbet,

and chocolate, were settled on the King during his life. Then it was

that Coffee, Tea, and Chocolate, were first mentioned in the statute

book. Noorthouck, in his History of London, remarks, that King

Charles II. issued a proclamation for shutting up the coffee-houses,

&c. about a month after he had dined with the Corporation of London,

at Guildhall, on their Lord-Mayor’s day, Oct. 29, 1675. At this feast

the King afforded the Citizens abundant matter for animadversion, in

which they indulged themselves so much to his dissatisfaction, and

that of his _cabal_ ministry, that a proclamation was issued December

20, for shutting up and suppressing all coffee-houses; “because, in

such houses, and by occasion of the meeting of disaffected persons in

them, divers false, malicious, and scandalous reports were devised

and read abroad, to the defamation of his Majesty’s government, and

to the disturbance of the quiet and peace of the realm.” The opinions

of the judges were taken on this great point of stopping people’s

tongues, when they sagely resolved, “that retailing of Coffee and Tea

might be an innocent trade; but as it was used to nourish sedition,

spread lies, and scandalize great men, it might also be a common

nuisance.” In short, on a petition of the merchants and retailers of

Coffee and Tea, permission was granted to keep open the coffee-houses

until the 24th of June next, under an admonition, that the masters

of them should prevent all scandalous papers, books, and libels,

from being read in them; and hinder every person from declaring,

uttering, or divulging all manner of false or scandalous reports

against government or the ministers thereof. Thus, by a refinement

of policy, the simple manufacturer of a dish of Coffee or Tea was

constituted licenser of books, corrector of manners, and arbiter of

the truth or falsehood of political intelligence over every company

he entertained! And here the matter ended. Chap. 15.

In May 1784 an act was passed, called the Commutation Act, “for

repealing the several duties on Tea, and for granting to his Majesty

other duties in lieu thereof; and also several duties on inhabited

houses.”

[21] The second edition was published under the title of Van The,

Coffy, en Chocolate. Haag. 1685. 8vo. The late Baron Van Swieten

censures this physician for his remarkable bias in favour of this

exotic. Comment. Vol. V. p. 587. Est modus in rebus, may be as aptly

applied to Dr. Bontekoe as to Dr. Duncan.

[22] In this province, this shrub is called Thee, or Te; and as the

Europeans first landed here, that dialect has been preserved. Le

Compte’s Journey through the Empire of China, p. 227. Du Halde’s

History of China, Vol. IV. p. 21.

[23] The best Tea grows in a mild temperate climate; the country

about Nankin producing better Tea than either Pekin or Canton,

between which places it is situated. It has been asserted, that no

Tea-plants have yet died in England through excess of cold; but the

contrary, I know, has happened. The plant in the Princess Dowager’s

garden at Kew flourished under glass windows, with the natural

heat of the sun, as now do those at Mile-end, in the possession of

the intelligent Botanist J. Gordon. The Tea-plant belonging to Dr.

Fothergill thrives in his garden at Upton, exposed to the open air,

and the plant introduced into the Botanic garden at Chelsea had one

leaf which measured five inches and a quarter in length.

[24] Du Halde and other authors have observed, that the degree of

cold in some parts of China is very severe in winter. In the inland

parts of North America, and on extensive continents, the degrees of

heat and cold are found to be much more violent than in islands or

places bordering on the sea in the same latitude, as the air that

blows over the sea is liable to less variation in these respects,

than that which blows over large tracts of land.

[25] Amœnitat. Exotic. p. 618, et seq. History of Japan. Appendix to

Vol. II. p. 6, et seq.

[26] The same cautions are not used previous to collecting other

sorts of Tea.

[27] This cannot be the sort to which also the Dutch give that name,

as it is sold upon the spot to the princes of the country, for much

more than the common bloom Tea is sold for in Europe. Kæmpfer,

Amœnit. Exotic. p. 617. History of Japan, Appendix, p. 9. Neumann’s

Chemistry by Lewis, p. 373.

[28] In this case the under leaves, which are harsh and less

succulent, are probably left upon the trees. See Eckeberg’s Chinese

Husbandry in Osbeck’s Voyage, Vol. II. p. 303.

[29] Du Halde’s History of China, Vol. IV. p. 21.

[30] Du Halde, Vol. II. p. 300. Kæmpfer observes, in his History

of Japan, that the trade between these nations has continued from

remotest antiquity; formerly the Chinese had a much more general

intercourse with the Japanese than they have at present; the affinity

in the religion, customs, books, learned languages, arts and sciences

of the Chinese with the latter, procured them a free toleration in

Japan. History of Japan, Vol. I. p. 374.

[31] Some writers mention copper pans, and suppose that the green

efflorescence which appears on copper may increase the verdure of

green Tea; but, from experiments that I made, there does not appear

any foundation for this supposition. See SECT. VIII.

[32] Sir G. Staunton, Embassy to China, observes that the Tea leaves

are each rolled separately between the fingers of a female, Vol. II.

p. 465.

[33] This should be carefully attended to, in curing the fine green

Teas, to preserve their verdure and perishable flavour. See SECT.

VIII. ad finem.

[34] This is also done in China. See Eckeberg’s Chinese Husbandry in

Osbeck’s Voyage, Vol. II. p. 303.

[35] Journey through the Empire of China.

[36] Upon this subject, see SECT. VII. and VIII. It may be doubted

also whether the conclusion of Le Compte’s relation is not erroneous,

as it is improbable that any leaves should of themselves take so

perfect a curl as that in which Tea is brought into Europe. No

materials are used but iron and earthen for drying Tea, as observed

in note 1, p. 33.

[37] There are several disgusting circumstances attending the

preparation of Tea. Osbeck says, the Chinese servants tread the Tea

into the chests with their naked feet. Voyage to China, Vol. I. p.

252. Sir George Staunton makes a similar remark, Vol. II. p. 466.

[38] Du Halde’s History of China, Vol. IV. p. 21. Osbeck’s Voyage to

China, Vol. I. p. 246, et seq.

[39] The Chinese have another kind of Hyson Tea, which they call

Hyson-utchin, with narrow short leaves. Another sort of green Tea

they name Go-bé, the leaves of which are narrow and long.

[40] Padre sutchong has a finer taste and smell than the common

sutchong. The leaves are large and yellowish, not rolled up, but

expanded, and packed up in papers of half a pound each. It is

generally conveyed by caravans into Russia. Without much care, it

will be injured at sea. This Tea is rarely to be met with in England.

[41] There is a sort of Tea called lin-kisam, with narrow rough

leaves. It is seldom used alone, but mixed with other kinds. By

adding it to congo, the Chinese sometimes make a kind of pekoe Tea.

Osbeck’s Voyage to China, Vol. I. p. 249.

[42] The best bohea Tea is named by the Chinese tao-kyonn. An

inferior kind is called An-kai, from a place of that name. In the

district of Honam near Canton, the Tea is very coarse, the leaves

yellow or brownish, and the taste the least agreeable of any. By the

Chinese it is named Honam té, or Kuli té.

[43] This renders what has been observed at the conclusion of SECT.

I. more probable.

[44] A certain moderate degree of heat preserved the verdure and

flavour better than a hasty exsiccation. In the first case, it is

necessary to repeat the roasting oftener.

[45] Infusions of fine bohea Teas do not differ a great deal in

colour from those of green. To spirit they equally impart a fine deep

green colour.

[46] I am informed by intelligent persons, who have resided some

time at Canton, that the Tea about that city affords very little

smell whilst growing. The same is observed of the Tea plants in

England; and also of the dried specimens from China. We are not hence

to conclude, that art alone conveys to Teas when cured the smell

peculiar to each kind; for our vegetables, grasses for instance, have

little or no smell till dried, and made into hay.

[47] See Thunberg’s Flora Japonica, from which work the Botanic

History of the Olea Fragrans is chiefly taken.

[48] The hundredth part of a grain of copper, dissolved in a pint of

liquor, strikes a sensible blue with volatile alkalies. Neumann’s

Chemistry, by Lewis, p. 62. The finest imperial and bloom Teas shewed

no sign of the presence of this metal by experiment.

[49] See Short on Tea, p. 16. Boerhaave attributed the verdure of

green Tea to this substance.

[50] “It is confidently said in the country, that no plates of copper

are ever employed for that purpose. Indeed, scarcely any utensil used

in China is of that metal, the chief application of which is for

coin. The earthen or iron plates are placed over a charcoal fire,

which draws all remaining moisture from the leaves, rendering them

dry and crisp.” Sir G. Staunton’s Embassy, Vol. II. p. 465.

[51] Kæmpfer, Amœnit. Exot. p. 625. History of Japan, Vol. II. App.

p. 10. 16.

[52] Osbeck’s Voyage to China, Vol. I. p. 299.

[53] This is called koitsjaa, that is, thick Tea, to distinguish it

from that made by infusion.

[54] An inferior kind of Tea is infused, and drank in the Chinese

manner. SECT. VI. II. and SECT. IX. I.

[55] History of China, Vol. IV. p. 22.

[56] In public roads, and in all places of much resort in Japan, and

even in the midst of fields and frequented woods, Tea booths are

erected; as most travellers drink scarcely any thing else upon the

road. Kæmpfer’s History of Japan, by Scheuchzer, Fol. Vol. II. p. 428.

[57] Myrica Gale. Goule, Sweet Willow, or Dutch Myrtle. Hudson’s

Fl. Angl. p. 368. Linn. System. Natur. Vol. III. p. 651. A plant of

peculiar fragrance, found in the North of England, Brabant, and other

Northern countries. Simon de Molingriis was the first who opposed

this opinion of Simon Paulli, by shewing the difference betwixt this

species of myrtle and the oriental Tea. See also Wilh. Leyl. epist.

apud Sim. Paulli comment. &c.

[58] Figures of the same were published in the Acta Haffniensia, and

German Ephemerides, Dec. 11. Ann. IV.

[59] Nouveau Voyage aux Iles de l’Amerique, Paris, 1721, 12mo. 6 vol.

[60] This shrub I have frequently met with in the West-Indies.

[61] Two specimens of this plant are now in the physic garden at

Upsal. About the year 1755, they were brought over from China by

M. Lagerstrom, a director of the Swedish East-India Company, under

the supposition of being Tea-plants, till they appeared in blossom,

when they proved to be this species of Tsubakki, called by Linnæus,

Camellia. Spec. Plant, p. 982. This celebrated Naturalist says, “That

the leaves of his Camellia are so like the true Tea, that they would

deceive the most skilful botanist; the only difference is, that

they are a little broader.” Amœnit. Academ. Vol. VII. p. 251. See

also Ellis’s Directions for bringing over foreign Plants, p. 28. A

Camellia was brought in 1771 from China in good health; the leaves

of this shrub end in a double obtuse point (obtusely emarginated)

like those of the Tea tree, which makes them still more liable to be

mistaken for those of the latter. Kæmpfer observes, that the leaves

of a species of Tsubakki are preserved, and mixed with Tea, to give

it a fine flavour. Amœnit. Exotic. p. 858. It is now a common plant

in the green-houses about London.

[62] Mich. Frid. Lochner, de novis Theæ et Coffeæ Succedaneis. Hall.

1717. 4to. Veronica officinalis. Flor. Suec. p. 12. Veronica Chamædr.

Fl. Suec. p. 18. Pechlin Theophilus bibaculus, Franckfort. 1684.

Francus, de Veronica vel Theezantem. Coburg. 1690. 12mo. 1700. 12mo.

Paris, sub titulo, le Thè de l’Europe. 1704 and 1707, 12mo. Frid.

Hoffman de infusi Veronicæ efficacia præferenda herbæ Theæ, Hall. an.

1694. 4to.

[63] Fr. Afforty & Jos. de Tournefort ergo potus ex Salvia salubris,

1695. Wedel, de Salvia, 4to. 1707. Jena. Paulini nobilis salvia Ang.

Vindel. an. 1688. 8vo.

[64] Simon Paulli de abusu Theæ et Tabaci. Strasburg, 1665. Lond.

1746.

[65] Botanical writers celebrate this herb for its many virtues;

hence arose the Italian proverb, “_Vende la tonica, et compra la

Betonica_.”

[66] In the year 1776, an act was passed for the more effectual

prevention of the manufacturing of ash, elder, sloe, and other

leaves, in imitation of Tea; and to prevent frauds in the revenue of

Excise in respect to Tea, 17 George III. chap. 29, being an amendment

of the act 4 George II. intituled, “An Act to prevent Frauds in

the Revenue of Excise with respect to Starch, Coffee, Tea, and

Chocolate.” In the Appendix, from Sir George Staunton’s Embassy to

China, this is particularly detailed.

[67] Joseph Serer Lettera sopra la bevanda del Caffé Europæo,

Veron. An. 1730. Rose leaves are here substituted for those of Tea.

Godofred. Thomasius Thea ex Rosis in Cent III. Nat. curiosor. n. 199.

See also Cent. vij. obs. 15. by J. A. Fischer.

[68] See Neumann’s Chemistry, by Lewis, p. 375. J. Adrian. Slevogt,

De Thea Romana et Silesiaca, an. 1721. Aignan. le prêtre Medecin,

avec un Traité du Caffé, et du Thé de France. Paris. an. 1696. 12mo.

This author, whose name is probably corrupted, prefers balm leaves to

those of the Asiatic Tea.

M. Fr. Lockner, de novis et exoticis Thee et Cafe succedaneis

Noriberg. 1717. 4to. Et in Eph. Nat. Cur. Cent. vj.

J. Franc. Nic. Faber, de Thea Helvetica, Basil. 1715. 4to.

J. Georg. Siegesbeck, de Theæ et Caffeæ succedaneis in Kanoldiana

collectione, an. 1722. Jan.

Zanichelli obzervazioni intorno all abusodella Coffea ed alla vertute

di innuovo Te-Venegiano. Venez. 1755. 4to.

K. Collegii medici Rundgiorelse om den misbruk som Thee, och Caffe

drickande är unders kastot, samt anwisning pa Swenka örter, at Brucka

i stâlle for Thee Stokholm, 1746. 4to.

Conf. Murray, appar. Medicam. Vol. IV. p. 232. & seq.

[69] In some parts of Europe, however, Tea is yet a stranger. See

Brydone’s Tour through Sicily and Malta, Let. 6.

[70] See Directions for bringing over seeds and plants from the

East-Indies, by J. Ellis, F. R. S. &c. in which particular directions

are given, both to choose the proper seeds, and to preserve them

in the best manner for vegetation. See also the Naturalist’s and

traveller’s companion, containing instructions for discovering and

preserving objects of natural history, SECT. III. We may observe

here, that the best method of bringing over the parts of flowers

intire is to put them in bottles of spirit of wine, good rum, first

runnings, or brandy. In the directions, &c. above-mentioned the

learned naturalist has not recommended this easy method of preserving

the parts of fructification; but in a future edition, I am informed

he purposes to do it. Flowers of the Illicium Floridanum, or starry

anniseed tree, published in the last volume of Philosophical

Transactions (LX.) were sent to him in this manner.

In a paper by John Sneyd, Esq. inserted in the Transactions of the

Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Vol. XVI. p. 265, a method

of preserving seeds is related, which appears to have been highly

successful; this is merely by packing up seeds in absorbent paper,

and surrounding the same by raisins, or brown moist sugar; which,

by experiment, seems to afford that genial moisture requisite to

preserve the seeds in a state fit for vegetation.

Thouin, in his directions to the unfortunate navigator Pèrouse,

recommends the seeds to be placed “in alternate layers of earth or

sand, in tin boxes, which must be closed up exactly, and placed in

solid cases, which should be covered with waxed cloth; the boxes

should be put in a part of the ship the least accessible to moisture,

and the most sheltered from extreme heat or cold.” Vol. I. p. 278.

[71] “The carrying of trees cannot be done, with any hope of success,

except in boxes, wherein they may vegetate during the voyage. For

this purpose it is necessary to have a box forty inches long by

twenty broad, and as much in depth, with a dozen holes bored through

the bottom, for the superabundant water to run off. Its upper part

must be composed of a triangular frame, upon which lattice work of

iron wire must be fitted, with glazed frames and window shutters,

to keep up a free circulation of air, encrease the warmth when

necessary, and keep out the cold.” Pèrouse’s Voyage, Vol. I. p. 283.

[72] Another method has succeeded with some North American seeds, by

putting them into a box, not made too close, upon alternate layers of

moss, in such a manner as to admit the seeds to vegetate, or shoot

their small tendrils into the moss. In the passage, the box may be

hung up at the roof of the cabin; and, when arrived here, the seeds

should be put into pots of mold, with a little of the moss also about

them, on which they had lain. This method has procured us seeds in

a state fit for vegetation, which had often miscarried under the

preceding precautions; and therefore might be tried at least with Tea

and other oriental seeds. In order to succeed more certainly, some

of the Tea seeds, in whatever manner they may have been preserved,

should be sown when the vessel arrives at St. Helena, and also after

passing the tropic of Cancer, near the latitude of 30 degrees North.

[73] The high price of labour in this country may prove the principal

objection to this prospect. In China provisions are very cheap.

Osbeck says, that a workman who lives upon plucking of Tea-leaves,

will scarce be able to get more than one penny a day, which is

sufficient to maintain him. Voyage to China, Vol. I. p. 298.

[74] The following extract from Gerard’s Herbal, p. 780. ed. 1636.

though foreign to the subject of this Essay, is so curious, that

it may not be deemed improper to transcribe it. “Potatoes grow in

India, Barbarie, Spaine, and other hot regions, of which I planted

diuers rootes (that I bought in the Exchange in London) in my garden,

where they flourished untill winter, at which time they perished and

rotted.” At this date, he adds, “they were roasted in the ashes;

some, when they be so roasted, infuse them, and sop them in wine;

and others, to give them the greater grace in eating, do boile them

with prunes, and so eate them. And likewise others dresse them (being

first roasted) with oile, vinegar, and salt, every man according to

his own taste and liking.”

“These rootes (he observes) may serue as a ground or foundation

wheron the cunning confectioner, or sugar-baker, may worke and frame

many comfortable delicate conserves, and restorative sweete meates.”

In 1664 J. Foster published his “England’s Happyness increased by a

Plantation of Potatoes,” 4to.

“Captain Hawkins is said to have brought this root from Santa Fè, in

New Spain, A. D. 1565. Sir Walter Rawleigh soon after planted it on

his lands in Ireland; but, on eating the apple, that it produced,

which is nauseous and unwholesome, he had nearly consigned the whole

crop to destruction. Luckily the spade discovered the real potatoe,

and the root became rapidly a favourite eatable. It continued,

however, for a long time to be thought rather a species of dainty

than of provision; nor, till the close of the 18th century, was it

supposed capable of guarding the country where it was fostered, from

the attacks of famine.” Andrews’s History, Vol. I. p. 408. Comp.

Mocquet’s Travels, p. 54.

Shakespeare, very early also in this century, mentions this root in

the Merry Wives of Windsor, one edition of which, in 4to. was printed

in 1619. Vide Scene III. Falstaff.

[75] Compare Joh. Ludov. Hannemane de potu calido in Miscell. curios.

Simon Paulli de abusu Theæ et Tabaci. Tissot on the diseases of

literary and sedentary persons, &c. with Waldsmick in Disput. var.

argum. &c.

[76] See Percival’s Experimental Essays, p. 119, et seq. wherein many

ingenious experiments and observations are related.

[77] In this experiment, four ounces of infusion were drawn from two

drachms of each kind of Tea, and one grain of sal martis added to the

respective infusions.

See Neumann’s Chemistry by Lewis, page 377. Short, on the Nature and

Properties of Tea, p. 29. The first author I have met with, that

tried this experiment, was J. And. Hahn, who wrote in the year 1722.

De herbæ exoticæ Theæ infuso, ejusque usu et abusu, Erford, 4to.

Though it should be premised, that Nic. de Blegny, who published his

work, intituled, _Le bon usage du Thé_, &c. in 1680, takes notice of

the astringency of Tea, from which quality he deduces many of its

virtues. Vid. Act. Eruditor. V. vi. page 49. Ann. 1688.

[78] J. Andr. Hahn takes notice also of the odour of the water

distilled from Tea.

[79] The same author prepared an extract from this Tea, though in a

less proportion than my experiment afforded, or what Neumann relates

from his.

[80] Theæ infusum, nervo musculove ranæ admotum, vires motrices

minuit, perdit. Smith, Tentamen inaugurale de actione musculari.

Edinburgh, p. 46. Exper. 36.

[81] Two drachms of this odorous water were given to a delicate

person. He was soon after affected with a nausea, sickness, general

lowness, and debility, which continued for some hours, which he

observes usually follows the use of superfine green Tea.

Smelling forcibly at the same has occasioned similar effects upon

some delicate people. Dr Blegny, who wrote in 1680, attributes

considerable virtues to this fragrant odour, which he recommends to

be breathed into the lungs, where it acts as a sedative, according

to his own relation, producing sleep, and relieving pains of the

head. Agreeable to Counsellor De Blegny’s experience, I know a lady,

frequently troubled with a nervous head ache, who used to hold her

head over a hot infusion of Tea, and thus receive the fragrant

exhalation, which always affords her the most instantaneous and

effectual relief.

[82]

Arboribus primum certis gravis umbra tributa est

Usque adeo, capitis faciant ut sæpe dolores,

Si quis eas subter jacuit prostratus in herbis.

Est etiam in magnis Heliconis montibus arbos

Floris odore hominem tetro confueta necare.

LUCRETIUS, B. 6.

[83] Vol. I. p. 282. Ed. 2.

[84] In some parts of Scotland the common people give children large

draughts of sugar and water to destroy worms. See also Boerhaav.

Elem. Chemiae, Tom. II. p. 160. Historisch Verhaal. &c. inde

Voorreeden Bezoar. London, 1715, 8vo. Slare de Sacchar. et lapid.

Van. Swieten Commen. v. V. p. 586. Duncan, in his Avis Salutaire,

frequently introduces sugar as an agreeable poison, though he offers

no proof in support of this epithet. Dr. Robertson, in his History of

Charles V. Vol. I. p. 401, 8vo. observes, that “some plants of the

Sugar-cane were brought from Asia; and the first attempt to cultivate

them in Sicily was made about the middle of the 12th century. From

thence they were transplanted into the southern provinces of Spain.

From Spain they were carried to the Canary and Madeira Isles, and at

length into the New World. Ludovico Guicciardini, in enumerating the

goods imported into Antwerp, about the year 1560, mentions the sugar

which they received from Spain and Portugal as a considerable article

of import. He describes that as the product of the Madeira and Canary

islands. Deseritt. de Paesi Bassi, p. 180, 181. The sugar-cane was

either not introduced into the West-Indies at that time, or the

cultivation of it was not so considerable as to furnish an article

in commerce. In the middle ages, though Sugar was not raised in such

quantities, or employed for so many purposes, as to become one of the

common necessaries of life, it appears to have been a considerable

article in the commerce of the Italian States.” It is, however, well

ascertained, that the Sugar Cane is indigenous to South America, and

the West Indies. Moseley on Sugar, p. 29.

[85] Granger’s Sugar Cane, 4to. p. 109. See also p. 9.

Dulces bibebant ex arundine succos. LUCAN.

Μελι καλαμινον το λεγομενον σακχαρι. ARRIAN.

[86] Whytt’s Works, 4to. p. 642.

[87] From these instances of the deleterious effects of Tea, one

might be led to suppose that the same unhappy consequences would

frequently attend those who are employed in examining and mixing

different kinds of Tea in China; but there the Teas are mixed under

an open shed, through which the air has a free current, by which the

odour and the dust are dissipated: but in London this business is

usually done in a back room, confined on every side.

[88] Van Swieten, in his Commentaries on Boerhaave’s aphorisms,

speaks of the effects of Tea and Coffee in the following manner.

“Vidi plurimos, his potibus diu abusos, adeo enervatum corpus

habuisse, ut vix languida membra traherent, ac plures etiam apoplexia

et paralysi correptos suisse.” Tom. III. § 1060, p. 362, de paralysi.

[89] Vide Trattato di Medicina preservation: Scritto da Carlo

Gianella. Veron. 1751. p. 112. Simon Pauli, who took a pleasure in

opposing the use of Tea, indulges himself with the irony of the

following lines:

_Drinct Wiin and warff_,

_Drinct Beer and verdarff_,

_Drinct Waater and starff_:

Or;

Drink Wine, and profit;

Drink Beer, and grow thin;

Drink Water, and die.

[90] See Du Halde’s history of China, V. III. p. 362. He observes

here, that bleeding is not entirely unknown amongst the Chinese.

[91] The late Owen Salusbury Brereton, Esq. a gentleman well known

among the learned, had in his possession a MS. dated “apud Eltham,

mense Jan. 22, Hen. viij.” intituled, “Articles devised by his

Royal Highness (the title of Majesty was not given to our Kings

till a reign or two after), with Advice of his Council, for the

Establishment of good Order and Reformation of sundry Errors and

Misuses in his Household and Chambers.” In p. 85, “The queen’s maids

of honour to have a chet loaf, a manchat, a gallon of ale, and a

chine of beef, for their breakfasts.” Compare the Archæologia,

published by the Society of Antiquaries of London, Vol. III. p. 157.

Hume’s History of England, Vol. IV. p. 499. Historia delle cose

occorse nel regno d’Inghilterra in materia del Duca di Notomberlan

dopo la morte di Odvardo vi. Venice, 1538.

[92] Philosophical Transactions, Vol. LX. 1770. p. 368, & seq.

[93] Sistens Observationes ad vires Theæ pertinentes. Lugd. Batav.

1769.

[94] See Anson’s Voyage round the World, 8vo. p. 366, and many later

authorities.

[95] See likewise Du Halde’s History of China, Vol. II. p. 75, 130,

et seq. Les Lettres Curieuses et Edifiantes des Jesuites.

[96] Milton’s Paradise Lost.

[97] Vid. Alex. Rhod. Sommaire, &c. J. N. Pechlin. Obs. xxvii. de

Remed. Arthr. Prophylact. p. 276. Baglivius in doloribus calculosis

et podagricis eam specialiter commendavit, p. 117. Vogel. Mat. Med.

Thee Folia. Sir G. Staunton, Vol. II. p. 68, 69.

[98] By long boiling, water is certainly freed from some of the

earthy and saline substances it may contain, and thereby rendered

considerably softer; but it is by no means altered in these respects

by infusing with Tea. See Percival’s Experiments and Observations on

Water, p. 27 et 33.

[99] This is particularly remarked, as one of the good effects of

Tea, by De Blegny, who wrote in 1680, which he probably copied from

Alex. Rhod. Sommaire des divers Voyages, &c. printed in 1653. See

also Chamberlayn on Coffee, Tea, and Chocolate, p. 40. Le Compte’s

Memoirs and Observations, p. 227. Home’s Principia Medicinæ, p. 5.

Cheynæi Tractatus, p. 89. Percival’s Experimental Essays, p. 130.

Tissot on the Diseases of Literary and Sedentary persons, p. 145, &

seq. Dr. Kirkpatrick, in his notes upon this Work, relates the case

of a Lawyer, who had been troubled for some time with the gravel and

stone, and taken many medicines in vain; till at length he resolved

to try the effects of Tea, an account of which is given by himself

in the following words. “I had never used myself to Tea, so that

the drink was new to me. I took a quarter of an ounce of fine bohea

Tea, and, pouring a quantity of boiling water upon it, suffered the

infusion to stand till it grew cold. I then poured it off clear,

and drank three cups of it in the morning, at the distance of about

an hour between each, two cups fasting, one after breakfast, and

a fourth two hours after dinner. The first day, the only effect

produced was a more plentiful discharge of urine; but the second day

I voided in the morning twelve large fragments, a nucleus of the size

of a small pea, with some gravel; and what gave me more satisfaction

was, that the use of the Tea kept my body open as in perfect health.”

[100] See Percival’s Experimental Essays, p. 126. Duncan, in his Avis

Salutaire, takes occasion to be merry upon the use and influence of

Tea and hot liquors; whilst he would not deprive voluptuous persons

of their idol, he would prevent it from burning its adorers, as

_Moloch_ did. Methuselah, he observes, who lived near 1000 years, was

a water-drinker; but, since the time of Noah, the first wine-drinker,

the life of man is contracted, and diseases augmented.

[101] See Dr. Walker’s excellent Remarks, in Memoirs of the Medical

Society, Vol. II. p. 43.

[102] Essays on Husbandry, p. 166.

[103] Vol. I. p. 202, and 299.

[104] If we include the quantity smuggled into this kingdom, the

consumption might be calculated at half a million more.

[105] Compare Sir George Staunton’s Embassy, vol. I. p. 22.

* * * * * *

Transcriber’s note:

The change noted in the ERRATUM at the end of the book has been

applied to the etext.

In the original text the latin and english botanical descriptions

were placed side by side in two columns. In this etext the english

description has been indented and placed under the latin one.

(Part I Section I and Section VIII).

Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been

corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within

the text and consultation of external sources.

The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in

the public domain.

Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,

and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.

Pg 8: ‘ .147’ replaced by ‘p. 147’.

Pg 35: ‘earthern pots’ replaced by ‘earthen pots’.

Pg 51 Footnote [59]: ‘Iles d l’Amerique’ replaced by

‘Iles de l’Amerique’.

Pg 65 Footnote [81]: ‘head-ach’ replaced by ‘head ache’.

Pg 75: ‘head ach’ replaced by ‘head ache’.

The Natural History of the Tea-Tree, with Observations on the Medical Qualities of Tea, and on the Effects of Tea-Drinking · 第 16 / 16 章