CHAPTER XIV.

THE CONFEDERATE SERVICE.

The leaders at the South in preparing for hostilities showed the people

of the North, and the authorities at Washington, that they intended to

carry on the war with no want of spirit; that every energy, every nerve,

was to be taxed to its utmost tension, and that not only every white

man, but, if necessary, every black man should be made to contribute to

the success of the cause for which the war was inaugurated.

Consequently, with the enrollment of the whites began the employment of

the blacks.

Prejudice against the negro at the North was so strong that it required

the arm of public authority to protect him from assault, though he

declared in favor of the Union. Not so at the South, for as early as

April, 1861, the free negroes of New Orleans, La., held a public meeting

and began the organization of a battalion, with officers of their own

race, with the approval of the _State_ government, which commissioned

their negro officers. When the Louisiana militia was reviewed, the

Native Guards (negro) made up, in part, the first division of the State

troops. Elated at the success of being first to place negroes in the

field together with white troops, the commanding general sent the news

over the wires to the jubilant confederacy:

"NEW ORLEANS, Nov. 23rd, 1861.

"Over 28,000 troops were reviewed to-day by Governor Moore,

Major-General Lovell and Brigadier-General Ruggles. The line

was over seven miles long; _one regiment comprised 1,400

free colored men_."

The population of the city of New Orleans differs materially from that

of any other city on this side of the Atlantic Ocean. It has several

classes of colored people: the English, French, Portuguese and

Spanish,--all a mixture of the African,--and the American

Negro,--mulatto,--numerically stronger than either of the others, but

socially and politically less considered and privileged; the former

enjoyed distinctive rights, somewhat as did the mulattoes in the West

Indies before slavery was abolished there. Of these foreign classes many

were planters, and not a few merchants, all owning slaves. It was from

these classes that the 1,400 colored men, forming the Native Guard

regiment, came, and which recruited to 3,000 before the city was

captured by the Union fleet. This brigade was placed at the United

States Mint building, under command of a creole, who, instead of

following the confederate troops out of the city when they evacuated it,

allowed his command to be cut off, and surrendered to General Butler.

Of course, prior to this date, the negro at the South had taken an

active part in the preparations for war, building breastworks, mounting

cannon, digging rifle-pits and entrenchments, to shield and protect his

rebelling master.

January 1st, 1861, Hon. J. P. Walker, at Mobile, Ala., received from R.

R. Riordan, Esq., of Charleston, S. C., a dispatch rejoicing that--

"Large gangs of negroes from plantations are at work on the

redoubts, which are substantially made of sand-bags and

coated with sheet-iron."

These doubtless were slaves, and mere machines; but the Charleston

_Mercury_ of January 3rd, brought the intelligence that--

"One hundred and fifty able-bodied free colored men

yesterday offered their services gratuitously to the

governor, to hasten forward the important work of throwing

up redoubts, wherever needed, along our coast."

Only the fire-eaters based their hope of success against the North,--the

National Government,--upon the stubborn energies of the white soldiery;

the deliberate men rested their hopes,--based their expectations, more

upon the docility of the negro, than upon the audacity of their white

troops.

The legislature of Tennessee, which secretly placed that State in the

Southern Confederacy, enacted in June, 1861, a law authorizing the

governor--

"To receive into the military service of the State all male

free persons of color, between the age of 15 and 50, who

should receive $8 per month, clothing and rations."

And then it further provided--

"That in the event a sufficient number of free persons of

color to meet the wants of the State shall not tender their

service, the Governor is empowered, through the sheriffs of

the different counties, to _press_ such persons until the

requisite number is obtained."

A few months after, the Memphis _Avalanche_, of September 3rd, 1861,

exultingly announced the appearance on the streets of Memphis, of two

regiments of negroes, under command of confederate officers. On the 7th

of September, again the _Avalanche_ said:

"Upwards of 1000 negroes armed with spades and pickaxes have

passed through the city within the past few days. Their

destination is unknown, but it is supposed that they are on

their way to the 'other side of Jordan.'"

Nor were the negroes in Virginia behind those of the other Southern

States. In April, the Lynchburg _Republican_ chronicled the enrollment

of a company of free negroes in that city, also one at Petersburg.

Thus instead of revolts among the negroes, slaves and free, as predicted

by some Union men at the North, many became possessed of a

fervor,--originating generally in fear,--stimulated by an enthusiasm of

the whites, that swept the populace like a mighty sea current into the

channel of war. The negro who boasted the loudest of his desire to fight

the Yankees; who showed the greatest anxiety to aid the confederates,

was granted the most freedom and received the approval of his master.

The gayly decked cities; the flags, bunting and streamers of all colors;

the mounted cavalry; the artillery trains with brazen cannons drawn by

sturdy steeds; followed by regiments of infantry in brilliant uniforms,

with burnished muskets, glittering bayonets and beautiful plumes;

preceeded by brass bands discoursing the ever alluring strains of the

quick-step; all these scenes greatly interested and delighted the negro,

and it was filling the cup of many with ecstasy to the brim, to be

allowed to connect themselves, even in the most menial way, with the

demonstrations. There was also an intuitive force that led them, and

they unhesitatingly followed, feeling that though they took up arms

against the National Government, freedom was the ultimatum. Many of

those who enlisted feared to do otherwise than fight for slavery, for to

refuse would have invited, perchance, torture if not massacre; to avert

which many of the free blacks, as well as some of the slaves, gave an

apparent acquiescence to the fervor of their lesser informed comrades,

who regarded any remove from the monotony of plantation life a respite.

The readiness with which they responded to the call was only astonishing

to those who were unacquainted with the true feelings of the unhappy

race whose highest hope of freedom was beyond the pearly gates of the

celestial domain. One thing that impressed the blacks greatly was the

failure of Denmark Vesy, Nat Turner and John Brown, whose fate was ever

held up to them as the fate of all who attempted to free themselves or

the slaves. Escape to free land was the only possible relief they saw on

earth, and _that_ they realized as an individual venture, far removed

from the field-hand South of Delaware, Maryland and Virginia.

It was not unnatural, then, for some to spring at the opportunity

offered to dig trenches and assist Beauregard in mounting cannon, and

loading them with shot and shell to fire upon Fort Sumter.

[Illustration: DOING MILITARY DUTY FOR THE CONFEDERATES.

Negroes building fortifications for the Confederates at James Island, S.

C., under direction of General Beauregard, to repel the land attack of

the Federal troops.]

The negro did not at first realize a fight of any magnitude possible, or

that it would result in any possible good to himself. So while the

_free_ negroes trembled because they _were_ free, the slaves sought

refuge from suspicion of wanting to be free, behind, _per se_, an

enthusiasm springing, not from a desire and hope for the success of the

confederates, but from a puerile ambition to enjoy the holiday

excitement.

Later on, however, when the war opened in earnest, and the question of

the freedom and slavery of the negro entered into the struggle; when

extra care was taken to guide him to the rear at night; when after a few

thousand Yankee prisoners, taken in battle, had sought and obtained an

opportunity of whispering to him the _real_ cause of the war, and the

surety of the negroes' freedom if the North was victorious, the slave

negro went to the breastworks with no less agility, but with prayers for

the success of the Union troops, and a determination to go to the

Yankees at the first opportunity; though he risked life in the

undertaking. When the breastworks had been built and the heavy guns

mounted, when a cordon of earthworks encircled the cities throughout the

South, and after a few thousand negroes had made good their escape into

the Union lines, then those who had labored upon the fortifications of

the South were sent back to the cotton-fields and the plantations to

till the soil to supply the needs of the confederate soldiers who were

fighting to keep them in bondage. But when the policy of the North was

changed and union and _liberty_ were made the issues of the struggle, as

against slavery and disunion, and the Union forces began to slay their

enemies, the Confederate Government realized the necessity of calling

the negroes from the hoe to the musket,--from the plantations to the

battle-fields.

In the incipiency of the struggle, many of the States made provision for

placing the negro at the disposal of the Confederate Government; but

elated at their early victories, the leaders deemed the enforcement of

the laws unnecessary, negro troops not being needed. As the change came,

however, and defeats, with great losses in various ways depleted the

armies, the necessity of the aid of the negroes became apparent.

Stronghold after stronghold, city after city, States in part, fell

before the march of the Union troops. The negro had become a soldier in

the Union army, and was helping to crush the rebellion. President

Lincoln had declared all slaves in rebeldom free, and thousands of black

soldiers were marching and carrying the news to the slaves.

This state of affairs lead President Davis and his cabinet to resign to

the inevitable, as had the North, and to inaugurate the policy of

emancipating and arming the slaves, knowing full well that it was sheer

folly to expect to recruit their shattered armies from the negro

population without giving them their freedom.

It was therefore in the last days of the confederate authorities, and it

was their last hope and effort for success. Despair had seized upon

them. The army was daily thinned more by desertion than by the bullets

of the Union soldiers, while Sherman's march from Atlanta to the sea had

awakened the widest alarm. In the winter of 1864 and 1865 the question

of arming the slaves was presented as a means of recruiting the depleted

and disordered ranks of the army, and it soon assumed an importance that

made it an absorbing topic throughout the Confederacy. There was no

other source to recruit from. The appeal to foreigners was fruitless.

"The blacks had been useful soldiers for the northern army, why should

they not be made to fight for their masters?" it was asked. Of course

there was the immediate query whether they would fight to keep

themselves in slavery. This opened up a subject into which those who

discussed it were afraid to look; nevertheless it seemed unavoidable

that a black conscription should be attempted, and with that in view,

every precaution was taken by those who supported the scheme to avoid

heightening the dissensions already too prevalent for good. The

newspapers were advised of the intended change of policy, to which not a

few of them acquiesced. General Lee was consulted, as the following

letter, afterward printed in the Philadelphia _Times_, shows:

"HEADQUARTERS ARMY NORTHERN VIRGINIA,

"January 11th, 1865.

"HON. ANDREW HUNTER: I have received your letter of the 7th

instant, and, without confining myself to the order of your

interrogatories, will endeavor to answer them by a

statement of my views on the subject.

"I shall be most happy if I can contribute to the solution

of a question in which I feel an interest commensurate with

my desire for the welfare and happiness of our people.

"Considering the relation of master and slave controlled by

human laws, and influenced by Christianity and an

enlightened public sentiment, as the best that can exist

between the white and black races, while intermingled as at

present in this country, I would deprecate any sudden

disturbance of that relation, unless it be necessary to

avert a greater calamity to both. I should, therefore,

prefer to rely on our white population to preserve the ratio

between our forces and that of the enemy, which experience

has shown to be safe. But in view of the preparations of our

enemies it is our duty to prepare for continued war and not

for a battle or a campaign, and I own I fear we can not

accomplish this without overtaxing the capacity of our white

population.

"Should the war continue under existing circumstances the

enemy may in course of time penetrate our country, and get

access to a large part of our slave population. It is his

avowed policy to convert the able-bodied men among them into

soldiers, and emancipate all. The success of the federal

arms in the south was followed by a proclamation from

President Lincoln for two hundred and eighty thousand men,

the effect of which will be to stimulate the northern states

to procure as substitutes for their own people the negroes

thus brought within their reach. Many have already been

obtained in Virginia, and should the fortunes of war expose

more of her territory the enemy will gain a large accession

of strength. His progress will thus add to his numbers, and

at the same time destroy slavery in a manner most pernicious

to the welfare of our people. Their negroes will be used to

hold them in subjection, leaving the remaining force of the

enemy free to extend his conquest.

"Whatever may be the effect of our employing negro troops it

can not be as mischievous as this. If it end in subverting

slavery it will be accomplished by ourselves, and we can

devise the means of alleviating the evil consequences to

both races. I think, therefore, we must decide whether

slavery shall be extinguished by our enemies and the slaves

be used against us, or use them ourselves at the risk of the

effects which may be produced upon our social institutions.

My own opinion is that we should employ them without delay.

I believe that, with proper regulations, they can be made

effective soldiers. They possess the physical qualifications

in an eminent degree. Long habits of obedience and

subordination, coupled with that moral influence which in

our country the white man possesses over the black, furnish

the best foundation for that discipline which is the surest

guarantee of military efficiency. Our chief aim should be to

secure their fidelity. There have been formidable armies

composed of men having no interests in the country for which

they fought beyond their pay or the hope of plunder. But it

is certain that the best foundation upon which the fidelity

of an army can rest, especially in a service which imposes

peculiar hardships and privations, is the personal interest

of the soldier in the issue of the contest. Such an interest

we can give our negroes by granting immediate freedom to all

who enlist, and freedom at the end of the war to the

families of those who discharge their duties faithfully,

whether they survive or not, together with the privilege of

residing at the south.

"To this might be added a bounty for faithful service. We

should not expect slaves to fight for prospective freedom

when they can secure it at once by going to the enemy, in

whose service they will incur no greater risk than in ours.

The reasons that induce me to recommend the employment of

negro troops at all render the effect of the measures I have

suggested upon slavery immaterial, and in my opinion the

best means of securing the efficiency and fidelity of this

auxiliary force would be to accompany the measure with a

well-digested plan of gradual and general emancipation. As

that will be the result of the continuance of the war, and

will certainly occur if the enemy succeed, it seems to me

most advisable to adopt it at once, and thereby obtain all

the benefits that will accrue to our cause.

"The employment of negro troops under regulations similar to

those indicated would, in my opinion, greatly increase our

military strength, and enable us to relieve our white

population to some extent. I think we could dispense with

the reserve forces, except in cases of emergency. It would

disappoint the hopes which our enemies have upon our

exhaustion, deprive them in a great measure of the aid they

now derive from black troops, and thus throw the burden of

the war upon their own people. In addition to the great

political advantages that would result to our cause from the

adoption of a system of emancipation, it would exercise a

salutary influence upon our negro population, by rendering

more secure the fidelity of those who become soldiers, and

diminishing the inducements to the rest to abscond.

"I can only say in conclusion that whatever measures are to

be adopted should be adopted at once. Every day's delay

increases the difficulty. Much time will be required to

organize and discipline the men, and action may be deferred

till it is too late.

"Very respectfully,

"Your obedient servant,

"A true copy. J. B. W." "(Signed,) R. E. LEE, _General._"

This letter was intended for members of Congress to read, and it was

circulated among them, but all was not harmony. Many members were

bitterly opposed to arming the slaves, some of them denounced General

Lee for writing the letter, and prepared to oppose the measure when it

should be introduced into Congress.[41]

At length the period for its introduction arrived. Lee in his attempted

invasion of the north made no more careful preparations than did Mr.

Davis and his cabinet to carry through Congress the bill enrolling

slaves and to emancipate them. Finally the hour was at hand, and amid

the mutterings of dissenters, and threats of members to resign their

seats if the measure was forced through, the administration began to

realize more sensibly its weakness. However, it stood by the carefully

drawn bill.

Of course the negro people about the city of Richmond heard of the

proposition to arm and emancipate them if they would voluntarily fight

for their old masters. They discussed its merits with a sagacity wiser

than those who proposed the scheme, and it is safe to say that they

concluded, in the language of one who spoke on the matter, "It am too

late, de Yankees am coming." There were those among them, however, known

as the free class, who stood ever ready to imitate the whites, believing

that course to be an evidence of their superiority over the slaves. They

were very anxious to enlist.

On February 8th Senator Brown, of Mississippi, introduced a resolution

which, if it had been adopted, would have freed 200,000 negroes and put

them into the army; but on the next day it was voted down in secret

session. Upon this very February 9th, when Senator Brown's resolution

was lost, Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State, addressed a large public

meeting at Richmond. He made a very extraordinary speech, setting forth

the policy of President Davis and his cabinet. Emissaries of Mr. Davis

had just returned from the Peace Conference at Fortress Monroe, where

they met representatives of the United States government, and learned

that the conditions upon which the Southern States could resume their

relations were those which they were compelled to accept finally. During

Mr. Benjamin's speech he said:

"We have 680,000 blacks capable of bearing arms, and who

ought now to be in the field. Let us now say to every negro

who wishes to go into the ranks on condition of being free,

go and fight--you are free. My own negroes have been to me

and said, 'Master, set us free and we'll fight for you.'

You must make up your minds to try this or see your army

withdrawn from before your town. I know not where white men

can be found."

Mr. Benjamin's speech created an intense excitement among the

slave-holders. The situation seemed to have narrowed itself down to a

disagreeable alternative. They must either fight themselves or let the

slaves fight. Doubtless many would have preferred submission to Lincoln,

but then they could not save their slaves. Immediately following Mr.

Benjamin's speech on the 11th, a bill was introduced into the House of

Representatives authorizing the enlistment of 200,000 slaves, with the

consent of their owners. As a test of its strength a motion was made for

the rejection of this bill, and the vote not to reject it was more than

two to one. There was every indication that the bill would pass. It was

while this measure was under discussion that General Lee wrote the

letter which follows in answer to one of inquiry from a member of the

House:

"HEADQUARTERS CONFEDERATE STATE ARMIES,

"February 18th, 1865.

"Hon. Barksdale, House of Representatives, Richmond.

"SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your

letter of the 12th inst. with reference to the employment of

negroes as soldiers. I think the measure not only expedient

but necessary. The enemy will certainly use them against us

if he can get possession of them, and as his present

numerical superiority will enable him to penetrate many

parts of the country, I can not see the wisdom of the policy

of holding them to await his arrival, when we may, by timely

action and judicious management, use them to arrest his

progress. I do not think that our white population can

supply the necessities of a long war without overtaxing its

capacity, and imposing great suffering upon our people; and

I believe we should provide resources for a protracted

struggle, not merely for a battle or a campaign.

"In answer to your second question I can only say that, in

my opinion, under proper circumstances the negroes will make

efficient soldiers. I think we could at least do as well

with them as the enemy, and he attaches great importance to

their assistance. Under good officers and good instructions

I do not see why they should not become soldiers. They

possess all the physical qualifications, and their habits of

obedience constitute a good formulation for discipline. They

furnish a more promising material than many armies of which

we read in history, which owed their efficiency to

discipline alone. I think those employed should be freed.

It would be neither wisdom nor justice, in my opinion, to

require them to serve as slaves. The best course to pursue,

it seems to me, is to call for such as are willing to come

with the consent of their owners. Impressment or draft would

not be likely to bring out the best class, and the use of

coercion would make the measure distasteful to them and to

their owners. I have no doubt if Congress would authorize

their reception into service, and empower the President to

call upon individuals or States for such as they are willing

to contribute with the condition of emancipation to all

enrolled, a sufficient number would be forthcoming to enable

us to try the experiment.

"If it proves successful, most of the objections to the

matter would disappear, and if individuals still remained

unwilling to send their negroes to the army, the force of

public opinion in the States would soon bring about such

legislation as would remove all obstacles. I think the

matter should be left as far as possible to the people and

the States, which alone can legislate as the necessities of

this particular service may require. As to the mode of

organizing them, it should be left as free from restraint as

possible. Experience will suggest the best course, and would

be inexpedient to trammel the subject with provisions that

might in the end prevent the adoption of reforms, suggested

by actual trial.

"With great respect,

"ROBERT E. LEE, _General._"

Meanwhile the measure, to forward which this letter was written, was

progressing very slowly. J. B. Jones, clerk of the War Department of the

Confederate Government, entered in his diary from day to day such scraps

of information as he was able to glean about the progress of this

important matter. These entries are significant of the anxiety of this

critical time. Under February 14th we find this entry:

"Yesterday some progress was made with the measure of

200,000 negroes for the army. Something must be done and

soon."

"February 16th.--Did nothing yesterday; it is supposed,

however, that the bill recruiting negro troops will pass. I

fear when it is too late."

"February 17th.--A letter from General Lee to General Wise

is published, thanking the latter's brigade for resolutions

recently adopted declaring that they would consent to

gradual emancipation for the sake of independence and peace.

From all signs slavery is doomed. But if 200,000 negro

recruits can be made to fight and can be enlisted, General

Lee may maintain the war, very easily and successfully, and

the powers at Washington may soon become disposed to abate

the hard terms of peace now exacted."

"February 21st.--The negro bill has passed one house and

will pass the other to-day, but the measure may come too

late. The enemy is enclosing us on all sides with great

vigor and rapidity."

"February 22nd.--Yesterday the Senate postponed action on

the negro bill. What this means I cannot conjecture, unless

there are dispatches from abroad with assurance of

recognition, based on stipulations of emancipation, which

can not be carried into effect without the consent of the

States, and a majority of these seem in a fair way of

falling into the hands of the Federal generals."

"February 24th.--Yesterday the Senate voted down the bill to

put 200,000 negroes into the army. The papers to-day contain

a letter from General Lee, advocating the measure as a

necessity. Mr. Hunter's[42] vote defeated it. He has many

negroes, and will probably lose them; but the loss of

popularity and fear of forfeiting all chance of the

succession may have operated upon him as a politician. What

madness! 'Under which king, Benzonian?'"

"February 25th.--Mr. Hunter's eyes seem blood-shot since he

voted against Lee's plan of organizing negro troops."

"February 26th.--Mr. Hunter is now reproached by the

slave-holders he thought to please for defeating the negro

bill. They say his vote will make Virginia a free State,

inasmuch as General Lee must evacuate it for want of negro

troops."

"March 2d.--Negro bill still hangs fire in Congress."

"March 9th.--Yesterday the Senate passed the negro troops

bill--Mr. Hunter voting for it under instruction."

"March 10th.--The president has the reins now, and Congress

will be more obedient; but can they leave the city?

Advertisements for recruiting negro troops are in the papers

this morning."

"March 17th.--We shall have a negro army. Letters are

pouring into the department from men of military skill and

character asking authority to raise companies, battalions,

and regiments of negro troops. It is a desperate remedy for

the desperate case, and may be successful. If 200,000

efficient soldiers can be made of this material there is no

conjecturing when the next campaign may end. Possibly 'over

the border;' for a little success will elate our spirits

extravagantly, and the blackened ruins of our towns, and the

moans of women and children bereft of shelter, will appeal

strongly to the army for vengeance."

"March 19th.--Unless food and men can be had Virginia must

be lost. The negro experiment will soon be tested. Curtis

says that the letters are pouring into the department from

all quarters asking authority to raise and command negro

troops. 100,000 troops from this source might do wonders."

So ends the entries on this interesting subject in Mr. Jones' diary.

Though the conscientious war clerk ceased to record, the excitement and

effort of the advocates of the measure by no means slackened. Grant's

cordon around the city drew closer and tighter each day and hour,

continually alarming the inhabitants. Governor Smith gave the negro

soldier scheme his personal influence and attention. The newspapers

began clamoring for conscription. No little effort was made to raise a

regiment of free blacks and mulattoes in the latter days of January, and

early in February a rendezvous was established at Richmond, and a

proclamation was issued by the State authorities. A detail of white

officers was made, and enlistment began. The agitation of the subject in

Congress, though in secret session, gave some encouragement to the many

despairing and heart-sick soldiers of the Army of Northern Virginia.[43]

Their chief commander, Lee, perhaps dreamed nightly that he commanded

200,000 negro troops _en masse_, and was driving the Yankees and their

Black Phalanx like chaff from off the "sacred soil" of the Old Dominion,

but, alas, such a dream was never to be realized.

About twenty negroes,[44] mostly of the free class, enlisted, went into

camp, and were uniformed in Confederate gray. These twenty men, three of

whom were slaves of Mr. Benjamin, Confederate Secretary of State, were

daily marched into the city and drilled by their white officers in the

Capitol Square, receiving the approving and congratulatory plaudits of

the ladies, who were always present.[45] However, no accessions were

gained to their ranks, consequently the scheme, to raise by enlistment a

regiment of blacks, was a failure, for the few volunteers secured in

Virginia and a company in Tennessee are all that the writer has been

able to obtain any account of. The Confederate authorities then sought

to strengthen the army by conscripting all able-bodied negroes, free and

slave, between the age of eighteen and fifty. Monday, April 3d, was

appointed as the day to begin the draft. The Virginia State Legislature

had come to the rescue of the Davis-Lee-Benjamin scheme, and so had the

local authorities of Richmond, but all was to no purpose. It was too

late; they had delayed too long.

With a pitiable blindness to the approach of his downfall, only a few

days before he became a fugitive, Jefferson Davis wrote the following

letter:[46]

"RICHMOND, Va., March 30th, 1865.

"His Excellency William Smith, Governor of Virginia:

"Upon the receipt of your letter of the 27th inst. I had a

conference with the Secretary of War and Adjutant-General in

relation to your suggestion as to the published order for

the organization of negro troops, and I hope that the

modification which has been made will remove the objection

which you pointed out. It was never my intention to collect

negroes in depots for purposes of instruction, but only as

the best mode of forwarding them, either as individuals or

as companies, to the command with which they were to serve.

The officers in the different posts will aid in providing

for the negroes in their respective neighborhoods, and in

forwarding them to depots where transportation will be

available, and aid them in reaching the field of service for

which they were destined. The aid of gentlemen who are

willing and able to raise this character of troops will be

freely accepted. The appointment of commanders, for reasons

obvious to you, must depend on other considerations than the

mere power to recruit.

"I am happy to receive your assurance of success as well as

your promise to seek legislation to secure unmistakably

freedom to the slave who shall enter the army, with a right

to return to his old home when he shall have been honorably

discharged from the military service.

"I remain of the opinion that we should confine our first

efforts to getting volunteers, and would prefer that you

would adopt such measures as would advance that mode of

recruiting, rather than that of which you make enquiry, to

wit: by issuing requisitions for the slaves as authorized by

the State of Virginia.

"I have the honor to be, with much respect,

"Your obedient servant,

JEFFERSON DAVIS."

[Illustration: UNION SOLDIERS BEFORE YORKTOWN BRINGING DOWN A SOUTHERN

ALLY.

This negro being a good marksman was induced by the confederates to

become a sharpshooter for them, and greatly annoyed the Union pickets

before Yorktown by firing upon them from trees, in the branches of which

he would perch himself at early morning and remain there through the

day, shooting at such Union soldiers as happened come within his range.

His hiding place was finally discovered however, and after refusing to

surrender, thinking himself safe, he was brought down by a bullet

through his head.]

The appointed time came, but instead of the draft, amid blazing roofs

and falling walls, smoke and ashes, deafening reports of explosions, the

frenzy of women and children, left alone not only by the negro

conscripting officers and President Davis and his Cabinet, but by the

army and navy; in the midst of such scenes, almost beyond description,

the Black Phalanx of the Union army entered the burning city, the

capitol of rebeldom, scattering President Lincoln's Proclamation of

Emancipation to the intended confederate black army. For twelve squares

they chanted their war songs, "The Colored Volunteers" and "John Brown,"

in the chorus of which thousands of welcoming freed men and freed women

joined, making the welkin ring with the refrain,

"Glory, glory hallelujah,

Glory, glory hallelujah,

Glory, glory hallelujah,

We is free to-day!"

The decisive events of the next few days, following in rapid succession,

culminating with Lee's surrender, on the 9th of April, at Appomattox,

left no time for further action, and when the war was over, with the

important and radical changes that took place, it was almost forgotten

that such projects as arming and freeing the negro had ever been

entertained in the South by the Confederate Government.

FOOTNOTES:

[41] General William C. Wickham led the opponents of the project in a

very bitter pro-slavery speech.

[42] It was upon the discussion of this bill that Mr. Hunter, of

Virginia, made these significant statements and admissions:

"When we left the old government we thought we had got rid forever of

the slavery agitation; but, to my surprise, I find that this (the

Confederate) Government assumes power to arm the slaves, which involves

also the power of emancipation. This proposition would be regarded as a

confession of despair. If we are right in passing this measure, we are

wrong in denying to the old government the right to interfere with

slavery and to emancipate slaves. If we offer the slaves their freedom

as a boon we confess that we are insincere and hypocritical in saying

slavery was the best state for the negroes themselves. I believe that

the arming and emancipating the slaves will be an abandonment of the

contest. To arm the negroes is to give them freedom. When they come out

scarred from the conflict they must be free."

[43] Of these twenty volunteers six of them are frequently to be met on

the streets of Richmond, while some of them are members of the Colored

State Militia of Virginia.

[44] The veterans of General Henry A. Wise's Legion adopted resolutions

commending the scheme.

[45] On April 1st, 1865, quite a company of negroes, most of whom were

pressed into the service, paraded the streets of Richmond.

[46] This letter is a copy of the original now in possession of Senator

George A. Brooks. It has never before been published.

PART III.

MISCELLANY.

CHAPTER I.

THE BLACK PHALANX AT SCHOOL.

The esteem in which education was held by the soldiers of the Black

Phalanx, can be judged of best by the efforts they made to educate

themselves and to establish a system of education for others of their

race. Doubtless many persons suppose that the negro soldier elated with

his release from slavery, was contented; that his patriotism was

displayed solely upon the field of battle, simply to insure to himself

that one highest and greatest boon, his freedom. Such a supposition is

far from the truth. The Phalanx soldiers had a strong race pride, and

the idea that ignorance was the cause of their oppression gave zest to

their desire to be educated.

When they found following the United States Army a large number of

educated people from the North, establishing schools wherever they could

in village, city and camp, and that education was free to all, there was

awakened in the black soldier's breast an ambition, not only to obtain

knowledge, but to contribute money in aid of educational institutions,

which was done, and with liberal hands, during and subsequent to the

war.

Unlettered themselves, they became daily more and more deeply impressed,

through their military associations, and by contact with things that

required knowledge, with the necessity of having an education. Each

soldier felt that but for his illiteracy he might be a sergeant, company

clerk, or quartermaster, and not a few, that if educated, they might be

lieutenants and captains. This was not an unnatural conclusion for a

brave soldier to arrive at, when men no braver than himself, were being

promoted for bravery.

Generally there was one of three things the negro soldiers could be

found doing when at leisure: discussing religion, cleaning his musket

and accoutrements, or trying to read. His zeal frequently led him to

neglect to eat for the latter. Every camp had a teacher, in fact every

company had some one to instruct the soldiers in reading, if nothing

more. Since the war I have known of more than one who have taken up the

profession of preaching and law making, whose first letter was learned

in camp; and not a few who have entered college.

The negro soldier was not only patriotic in the highest sense but he was

a quick observer of both the disadvantages and opportunities of his

race. He recognized the fact that the general education of the white men

who composed the Union army in contra-distinction to so many of those of

the confederate army, gave them great prestige over the enemy. The

ingenuity of the Yankee he attributed to his education, and he readily

decided that he lacked only the Yankee's education to be his equal in

genius. Great was the incentive given him by example, arousing his

latent hope to be something more than a free man; if not that, his

children might rise from the cornfield to the higher walks of life.

Their thirst for a knowledge of letters was evinced in more ways than

one, as was their appreciation of the opportunity to assist in providing

for coming generations.

Colonel G. M. Arnold says:

"Aside from the military duties required of the men forming

the Phalanx regiments, the school teacher was drilling and

preparing them in the comprehension of letters and figures.

In nearly every regiment a school, during the encampment,

was established, in some instances female teachers from the

North, impulsed by that philanthropy which induced an army

of teachers South to teach the freedmen, also brought them

to the barracks and the camp ground to instruct the soldiers

of the Phalanx. Their ambition to learn to read and write

was as strong as their love of freedom, and no opportunity

was lost by them to acquire a knowledge of letters. So

ardent were they that they formed squads and hired

teachers, paying them out of their pittance of seven dollars

per month, or out of the bounty paid to them by the State to

which they were accredited. In a number of instances the

officers themselves gave instructions to their command, and

made education a feature and a part of their duty, thereby

bringing the soldier up to a full comprehension of the

responsibility of his trust. "Taps" was an unpleasant sound

to many a soldier, who, after the fatigue and drill of the

day was over, sat himself down upon an empty cracker box,

with a short candle in one hand and a spelling book in the

other, to study the ab, eb, ob's. When the truce was sounded

after a day or night's hard fighting, many of these men

renewed their courage by studying and reading in the 'New

England Speller.' And where they have fought,--died where

they fell, and their bodies left to the enemy's mercy, they

often found in the dead soldier's knapsack a spelling-book

and a Testament. At the siege of Port Hudson and Charleston,

and of Richmond, agents of the Christian Commission and of

various other societies, made a specialty of the

spelling-book for distribution among the soldiers of the

Phalanx, and upon more than one occasion have these soldiers

been found in the trenches with the speller in hand,

muttering, bla, ble."

The historian of the 55th Regiment says:

"A great desire existed among those who had been deprived of

all educational privileges to learn to read and write, and

through the kindness and labors of Dr. Bowditch and others,

a school was established to teach those who desired to

learn. Many availed themselves of this, and many were

assisted by their company officers and their better informed

fellow-soldiers, so that a decided improvement in this

respect was effected among the men during their stay at

Readville."

But it is not necessary to dwell upon the subject to show the eagerness

of these soldiers to learn to read and write, as many of them did.

Lieutenant James M. Trotter,[47] in an article published in Mr.

Fortune's paper, gives this graphic description of "The School-master in

the Army":

"Of the many interesting experiences that attended our

colored soldiery during the late war none are more worthy of

being recounted than those relating to the rather improvised

schools, in which were taught the rudimentary branches. One

would naturally think that the tented field, so often

suddenly changed to the bloody field of battle, was the last

place in the world where would be called into requisition

the schoolteacher's services; in fact it would hardly be

supposed that such a thing was possible. Yet in our colored

American army this became not only possible but really

practicable, for in it frequently, in an off-hand manner,

schools were established and maintained, not only for

teaching the soldiers to read and write but also to sing,

nor were debating societies, even, things unheard of in the

camp life of these men. Besides in quite a number of the

colored regiments military bands were formed, and under the

instruction of sometimes a band teacher from the north, and

at others under one of their own proficient fellow-soldiers,

these bands learned to discourse most entertaining music in

camp, and often by their inspiriting strains did much to

relieve the fatigue occasioned by long and tiresome marches.

But we are speaking now mainly of the work of the

school-teacher proper. And what shall we say of the halls of

learning in which were gathered his eager pupils? Well,

certainly these would not compare favorably with those of

civil life, as may well be imagined. As says Bryant, truly

and beautifully, speaking of primitive religious worship:

'The groves were God's first temples.'

So, too, in the groves and fields of their new land of

liberty, these men found their first temples of learning,

and in spite of all inconveniences these school tents were

rendered quite serviceable. Of the text books used there is

not much to say, for these were generally 'few and far

between.' Books were used at times, of course, but quite as

often the instruction given was entirely oral. That these

spare facilities did not render the teacher's efforts

ineffective was abundantly proven in the service, and has

been proven since in civil life. Scattered here and there

over this broad country to-day are many veteran soldiers who

are good readers and writers, some of them even fair

scholars, who took their first lessons from some manly

officer or no less manly fellow-soldier in the manner

mentioned, during such camp intervals as were allowed by the

dread arbitrament of war. In a number of regiments these

fortunate intervals were quite frequent and of long

duration, and in such cases, therefore, much progress was

made.

"It must, of course, be remembered that in our colored

regiments a very large percentage of the men were

illiterate, especially in those composed of men from the

south and so lately escaped from under the iron heel of

slavery. Indeed, in many of them there could scarcely be

found at the commencement of the service a man who could

either read or write. Many an officer can recall his rather

novel experience in teaching his first sergeant enough of

figures and script letters to enable the latter to make up

and sign the company morning report. All honor to those

faithful, patient officers, and all honor, too, give to

those ambitious sergeants who after a while conquered great

difficulties and became educationally proficient in their

lines of duty.

"In this connection I readily call to mind one of the most,

if not the most, unique figures of all my experience in the

army. It was Colonel James Beecher, of the famous Beecher

family, and a brother of Henry Ward Beecher. He was in

command of the First North Carolina Colored Regiment. In

this position it would be hard to overestimate the variety

and value of his services, for he became for his soldiers at

once a gallant fighter, an eloquent, convincing preacher,

and a most indefatigable and successful school-teacher.

Preaching had been his vocation before entering the army,

and so it was but natural for him to continue in that work.

At one time our regiment lay encamped near his in South

Carolina, and I well remember how, on one Sabbath morning,

the two commands formed a union service, all listening with

deep, thrilling interest to the inspiring words of this

"fighting parson." That he was indeed a fighting parson we

fully learned not long after this Sabbath service. For again

we met on the bloody field of battle, where in the very

front of the fight we saw him gallantly leading his no less

gallant men, even after he had been wounded, and while the

blood almost streamed down his face. Seeing him thus was to

ever remember him and his noble work with his regiment.

"Colonel Beecher when encamped neglected no opportunity to

form schools of instruction for his men, in order that they

might become not only intelligent, efficient soldiers, but

also intelligent, self-respecting citizens, should they

survive the perils of war. I do not know what are his

thoughts to-day, but judging from the grand work of Colonel

Beecher in his black regiment, I can not doubt that he looks

back to it all with satisfaction and pride, and as forming

the richest experience of his life.

"I know another ex-colonel and scholar, of high rank as a

man of letters and in social life, who yielding to the call

of duty, not less to country than to a struggling race, left

his congenial studies and took command of a colored

regiment, becoming not only their leader, but, as chance

afforded, their school-teacher also. However, as he has

given to the world his army experience in a book abounding

in passages of thrilling dramatic interest, I need only in

this connection make mention of him. I refer to that true

and tried friend of the colored race, Colonel T. W.

Higginson.

"But let it not be supposed for a moment that only officers

and men of another race were engaged in this noble work of

school-teaching in our colored army. Not a few of the best

workers were colored chaplains, who wisely divided their

time between preaching, administering to the sick by reason

of wounds or otherwise, and to teaching the old 'young idea

how to shoot;' while many non-commissioned officers and

private soldiers cheerfully rendered effective service in

the same direction. Nor must we close without expressing

warm admiration for those earnest, ambitious soldier pupils

who, when finding themselves grown to man's estate, having

been debarred by the terrible system of slavery from

securing an education, yielded not to what would have been

considered only a natural discouragement, but, instead,

followed the advice and instruction of their comrade

teachers, and, bending themselves to most assiduous study,

gained in some cases great proficiency, and in all much that

fitted them for usefulness and the proper enjoyment of their

well-earned liberty. And so we say, all honor to teachers

and taught in the Grand Army that made a free republic,

whose safe foundation and perpetuity lies in the general

education of its citizens."

FOOTNOTES:

[47] Now Registrar at Washington, D. C.

CHAPTER II.

BENEVOLENCE AND FRUGALITY.

The negro troops gave striking evidence of both benevolence and

frugality with the money they received. They needed but to be shown an

opportunity to contribute to some object, when they quickly responded.

Frequently, too, they fell easy victims to the crafty camp bummers and

speculators, who were ever collecting means for some charitable object

for the benefit of the negro race. However, here it will be a pleasing

duty to name some of the more conspicuous instances where their charity

was well and nobly bestowed. At the same time they deposited a vast

aggregate sum of savings in different banks established for this

purpose.

The 62nd Regiment contributed to a commendable project gotten up by its

officers, who gave, themselves, $1,034.60, the regiment giving

$3,966.50. With this money the founding of a school was commenced, which

eventually became a college known as the Lincoln Institute, situated at

Jefferson City, Mo. To this sum of $5,001.10, the 65th Regiment

contributed $1,379.50, through the efforts of their officers. The sum

was soon increased to $20,000, and the Institute stands to-day a

monument to the 62nd and 65th Phalanx Regiments.

Professor Foster, in his history of this Institute, gives these

interesting details:

[Illustration: U.S. PAYMASTERS PAYING OFF PHALANX SOLDIERS.]

"Dr. Allen, a man of high character and influence, gave the

scheme standing ground by declaring that he would give $100.

Both our field officers, Colonel Barrett and

Lieutenant-Colonel Branson, though neither was with us at

the time, afterwards subscribed a like amount. Others

responded in the same spirit. Officers and men entered into

the work with enthusiasm. The lieutenants gave $50 each;

officers of higher rank, $100. First Sergeant Brown, Co D,

gave $75; Sergeants Curd, Bergamire, Alexander and Moore

each gave $50, while the number who gave 25, 20, 15, 10, and

5 dollars apiece is too great for me to recall their names

on this occasion, but they are all preserved in our records.

The total result in the 62nd Regiment was $1,034.60,

contributed by the officers, and $3,966.50 by the colored

soldiers. The soldiers of the 65th Regiment afterwards added

$1,379.50. One of them, Samuel Sexton, gave $100 from his

earnings as a private soldier at $13 per month, an example

of liberality that may well challenge comparison with the

acts of those rich men who, from their surplus, give

thousands to found colleges."

Colonel David Branson, late of the 62nd Regiment, in his dedicatory

speech, said:

"MY FRIENDS:--This, with one exception, has been the

happiest 4th of July in my life. That exception was in 1863,

when I saw the rebel flag go down at Vicksburg. I felt the

exultation of victory then, and I feel it to-day as I look

upon this splendid building. Looking in the faces of my old

comrades of the 62nd Regiment here to-day, memory goes back

to the past, when hundreds of you came to me at Benton

Barracks, ragged, starving, and freezing--some did freeze to

death--and emotions fill me that no language can express. I

cannot sit down and think of those scenes of suffering

without almost shedding tears. But happily those days are

passed. No more marching with sluggish step and plantation

gait through the streets of St. Louis, Mo., amid the jeers

of your enemies; no more crossing the Mississippi on ice; no

more sinking steamers, and consequent exposure on the cold,

muddy banks of the river; no more killing labor on

fortifications at Port Hudson, Baton Rouge and Morganza; no

more voyages over the Gulf of Mexico, packed like cattle in

the hold of a vessel; no mere weary marches in the burning

climate of Texas; no more death by the bullet, and no more

afternoons on the banks of the Rio Grande, deliberating on

the future education of yourselves when discharged from the

army; but peace and prosperity here with the result of those

deliberations before us. Our enemies predicted, that upon

the disbanding of our volunteer army--particularly the

colored portion of it--it would turn to bands of marauding

murderers and idle vagabonds, and this Institute was our

answer."

When Colonel Shaw, of the 54th Regiment, fell at Fort Wagner, the brave

soldiers of that regiment gladly contributed to a fund for a monument to

his memory, but which, upon reflection, was appropriated to building

the Shaw School at Charleston, S. C. And yet all these sums sink into

insignificance when compared to that contributed by the negro soldiers

to the erection of a monument to the memory of President Lincoln, at the

capitol of the nation; seventeen hundred of them gave _ten thousand

dollars_. But let the record speak for itself, for it is only a people's

patriotism that can do such things:

CORRESPONDENCE AND STATEMENTS OF JAMES E. YEATMAN,

PRESIDENT OF THE WESTERN SANITARY COMMISSION, RELATIVE

TO THE EMANCIPATION MONUMENT.

"ST. LOUIS, April 26th, 1865.

"_James E. Yeatman, Esq._:

"MY DEAR SIR; A poor negro woman, of Marietta, Ohio, one of

those made free by President Lincoln's proclamation,

proposes that a monument to their dead friend be erected by

the colored people of the United States. She has handed to a

person in Marietta five dollars as her contribution for the

purpose. Such a monument would have a history more grand and

touching than any of which we have account. Would it not be

well to take up this suggestion and make it known to the

freedmen?

"Yours truly, T. C. H. SMITH."

Mr. Yeatman says:

"In compliance with General Smith's suggestion I published

his letter, with a card, stating that any desiring to

contribute to a fund for such a purpose, that the Western

Sanitary Commission would receive the same and see that it

was judiciously appropriated as intended. In response to his

communication liberal contributions were received from

colored soldiers under the command of General J. W.

Davidson, headquarters at Natchez, Miss., amounting in all

to $12,150. This was subsequently increased from other

sources to $16,242."

"MARIETTA, OHIO, June 29th, 1865.

"_Mr. James E. Yeatman, President Western Sanitary Commission, St. Louis_:

"MY DEAR SIR: I have learned, with the greatest

satisfaction, through Brigadier-General T. C. H. Smith and

the public press that you are devoting your noble energies

in giving tone and direction to the collection and

appropriation of a fund for the erection of the Freedmen's

National Monument, in honor and memory of the benefactor and

savior of their race.

"The general also informs me that you desire, and have

requested through him that the five dollars deposited with

the Rev. C. H. Battelle, of this city, by Charlotte Scott,

should be used as the _original and foundation subscription_

for this most praiseworthy purpose; and Mr. Battelle assures

me that he will most cheerfully remit it to you this day. As

a slave-holder by inheritance, and up to a period after the

outbreak of the rebellion, and as an ardent admirer of our

lamented president, the author of universal emancipation in

America, I feel an enthusiastic interest in the success of

the Freedmen's National Monument. I hope it may stand

unequalled and unrivalled in grandeur and magnificence. It

should be built _essentially_ by _freedmen_, and should be

_emphatically national_. Every dollar should come from the

former slaves, every State should furnish a stone, and the

monument should be erected at the capital of the nation.

Nothing could be better calculated to stimulate this

downtrodden and abused race to renewed efforts for a moral

and national status.

"Charlotte Scott, whose photograph General Smith will

forward, was born a slave in Campbell County, Virginia. She

is about sixty years old, but is very hale and active. Her

reputation for industry, intelligence, and moral integrity,

has always been appreciated by her friends and

acquaintances, both white and colored. She was given, with

other slaves, to my wife, by her father, Thomas H. Scott.

When we received the news of Mr. Lincoln's assassination,

the morning after its occurrence, she was deeply distressed.

In a conversation with Mrs. Rucker, she said: '_The colored

people have lost their best friend on earth. Mr. Lincoln was

our best friend, and I will give five dollars of my wages

towards erecting a monument to his memory._' She asked me

who would be the best person to raise money for the purpose.

I suggested Mr. Battelle, and she gave him the five dollars.

"I am, my dear sir, truly and respectfully,

"WILLIAM P. RUCKER."

"MARIETTA, OHIO, June 29th, 1865.

"_Mr. J. E. Yeatman._

"DEAR SIR: I was providentially called upon by Charlotte

Scott, formerly a slave of Dr. W. P. Rucker, now living in

this place, to receive the enclosed $5, as the commencement

of a fund to be applied to rearing a monument to the memory

of Hon. Abraham Lincoln.

"I received her offering, and gave notice through the press

that I would receive other donations, and cheerfully do what

I could to promote so noble an object. Other persons have

signified their willingness to give when the measure is

fully inaugurated.

"By the advice of General T. C. H. Smith I herewith forward

you her contribution, and I hope to here from you upon its

receipt, that I may show to Charlotte and others that the

money has gone in the right direction. After hearing from

you I hope to be able to stir up the other colored folks on

this subject.

"I rejoice, dear sir, that I have some connection with this

honorable movement in its incipiency. I shall not fail to

watch its progress with thrilling interest, and hope to live

until the top stone shall be laid amid the jubilant

rejoicing of emancipated millions crying 'Grace, grace unto

it.'

"Very respectfully yours,

"C. D. BATTELLE."

"The publication of the note of Mr. Yeatman, and the first communication

received concerning the colored woman's proposed offering, brought the

following letters and contributions, showing how generously the

proposition of Charlotte Scott was responded to by the colored troops

stationed at Natchez, Miss. These contributions have been duly deposited

for safe keeping towards the Freedmen's National Monument to Mr.

Lincoln.

"HEADQUARTERS 6TH U. S. COLORED HEAVY ARTILLERY,

"FORT MCPHERSON, Natchez, May 19th, 1865.

"_James E. Yeatman, President Western Sanitary Commission, St. Louis_:

"DEAR SIR: I hereby transmit to you, to be appropriated to

the monument to be erected to the late President Lincoln,

the sum of four thousand two hundred and forty-two dollars,

the gift from the soldiers and freedmen of this regiment.

Allow me to say that I feel proud of my regiment for their

liberal contribution in honor of our lamented chief. Please

acknowledge receipt.

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"JOHN P. COLEMAN,

"_Lieutenant-Colonel commanding 6th U. S. Colored Heavy Artillery._"

"Amounts as donated by their respective companies: Company

A, $515; Company B, $594; Company C, $514; Company D, $464;

Company E, $199; Company F, $409; Company G, $284; Company

H, $202; Company I, $423; Company K, $231; Company L, $142;

Company M, $354. Total, $4,242."

"HEADQUARTERS 70TH U. S. COLORED INFANTRY,

"RODNEY, MISS., May 30th, 1865.

"Brevet Major-General J. W. Davidson, commanding

District of Natchez, Miss.:

"GENERAL: I have the honor to enclose the sum of two

thousand nine hundred and forty-nine dollars and fifty cents

as the amount collected, under your suggestion, for the

purpose of erecting a monument to the memory of President

Lincoln. Every dollar of this money has been subscribed by

the black enlisted men of my regiment, which has only an

aggregate of six hundred and eighty-three men. Much more

might have been raised, but I cautioned the officers to

check the noble generosity of my men rather than stimulate

it. Allow me to add that the soldiers expect that the

monument is to be built by black people's money exclusively.

They feel deeply that the debt of gratitude they owe is

large, and any thing they can do to keep his 'memory green'

will be done cheerfully and promptly.

"If there is a monument built proportionate to the

veneration with which the black people hold his memory, then

its summit will be among the clouds--the first to catch the

gleam and herald the approach of coming day, even as

President Lincoln himself first proclaimed the first gleam

as well as glorious light of universal freedom.

"I am, general, most respectfully, your obedient servant,

"W. C. EARLES,

"_Colonel 70th United States Colored Infantry._"

"DISTRICT OF NATCHEZ, May 21st, 1865.

"_Hon. James E. Yeatman_:

"Upon seeing your suggestions in the _Democrat_ I wrote to

my colonels of colored troops, and they are responding most

nobly to the call. Farrar's regiment, 6th United States

Heavy Artillery, sent some $4,700. The money here spoken of

has been turned over to Major W. C. Lupton, Pay-master U. S.

A., for you. Please acknowledge receipt through the Missouri

_Democrat_. The idea is, that the monument shall be raised

to Mr. Lincoln's memory at the national capital exclusively

by the race he has set free.

"Very truly yours,

"J. W. DAVIDSON, _Brevet Major-General._"

"HEAD PAY DEPARTMENT, NATCHEZ, MISS., June 15th, 1865.

"_James E. Yeatman, Esq., President Western Sanitary Commission,

St. Louis_:

"SIR: The colored soldiers of this district, Brevet

Major-General Davidson commanding, feeling the great

obligations they are under to our late president, Mr.

Lincoln, and desiring to perpetuate his memory, have

contributed to the erection of a monument at the national

capital, as follows:

73th. United States Colored Infantry, Colonel W. C. Earle $2,949.50

Three Companies 63d U. S. Colored Infantry--A, C, and E--

Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell 263.00

Freedmen of Natchez 312.38

---------

Total $3,529.85

"Added to this Major John P. Coleman, of the 6th United

States Colored Heavy Artillery, (those that Forrest's men

did not murder at Fort Pillow), stationed here, has sent you

nearly five thousand dollars for the same fund, and the 57th

United States Colored Infantry desire me, at the next

pay-day, to collect one dollar per man, which will swell the

amount to nearly ten thousand dollars. This is a large

contribution from not quite seventeen hundred men, and it

could have been made larger--many of the men donating over

half their pay, and in some instances the whole of it--but

it was thought best to limit them.

"Will you please publish this, that the colored soldiers and

their friends may know that their money has gone forward,

and send me a copy of the paper.

"I am, sir, with regard,

"W. C. LUPTON, _Pay-master United States Navy._"

"These noble contributions are a striking evidence of the

favor with which this movement is regarded by the colored

people, and especially the brave soldiers (the Phalanx who

fought to maintain their freedom) of this oppressed race who

have been fighting to carry out the proclamation of their

benefactor, securing them their liberty."

There is still another evidence of the appreciation of freedom by the

negro soldiers in their frugality. After the enlistment of colored

troops became general, and they began to receive pay and bounties, the

officers commanding them readily discovered the necessity of providing a

better place for keeping the money paid them than in their pocket-books

and in the soldier's knapsack. Every payday these soldiers would carry

sums of money to their officers for safe keeping, until thousands of

dollars were thus deposited, which were often lost in battle. In August,

1864, General Rufus Saxton, military governor of South Carolina, after

mature deliberation as to the best means to be adopted for the safe

keeping of these soldiers' monies, established a bank in his department.

General Butler established a similar one at Norfolk, Va., about the same

time. At the organization of the Freedmen's Savings and Trust company,

chartered by act of Congress, these institutions transferred to the

Freedmen's Bank all the monies on deposit in them, as the war had

ceased, and the troops and officers were being mustered out of the

United States service. The Butler Bank at Norfolk in July, 1865,

transferred $7,890. In December the Saxton Bank at Beaufort transferred

$170,000. Thus the sum of $177,890, belonging to soldiers in two

departments only, was placed to their credit, subject to their order, in

the new national bank, called into existence by like motives. This bank

had branches at these places. Had similar banks been established in the

other departments an enormous sum would have been collected. The

Freedmen's bank, however, took the place of these military banks, and

had the confidence of the soldiers who continued to deposit in its

various branches throughout the south. When that institution collapsed

in 1874, of the many millions of dollars deposited in it, it is

estimated that two-thirds of the amount was the savings of the Phalanx.

There is now in the vaults of the national government more than a

quarter of a million of dollars belonging to the Phalanx, held as

unclaimed bounty and pay--an ample sum from which to erect a suitable

monument to commemorate the heroic devotion and patriotic endeavor of

those who fell in Freedom's cause. This money doubtless belongs to those

who on the battle-fields and in hospitals died for the country's honor.

These are some of the lessons taught by the history of the Black

Phalanx.

CHAPTER III.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

The following publications have been of service in the preparation of

this volume:

Goodrich's History of the U. S.

The Great Rebellion.--Headley.

Record of the Seventh U. S. C. T.

War of 1812.--Rossiter.

Negro in the Rebellion.--Brown.

Butler in New Orleans--Parton.

American Conflict.--Greeley.

Historical Research.--Livermore.

Record 55th Regt. Mass. Vols.

Patriotism of Colored Americans.

Boys of 61.--Coffin.

Record of 37th U. S. C. T.

History of Virginia.--Magill.

Atlanta.--Cox.

March to the Sea.--Cox.

Lincoln and Slavery.--Arnold.

Ramsey's History of America.

Grimshaw's History of the U. S.

Attack on Petersburg.--Congress.

Fort Pillow Massacre.--Congress.

Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac.--Swinton.

Army Life in a Black Regiment.--Higginson.

Anti-Slavery Measures in Congress.--Wilson.

Principles and Acts of the Revolution.--Niles.

Military History of U. S. Grant.--Badeau.

First and Second Year of the War.--Pollard.

Report of the Conduct of the War.--Congress.

Bryant's Popular History of the United States.

Virginia Campaigns of '64 and '65.--Humphrey.

Life and Public Service of Charles Sumner.--Lester.

Boys and Girls Magazine, 1869.--Oliver Optic.

Burnside and the Ninth Army Corps.--Woodbury.

Military History of Kansas.--J. B. McAfee.

History of the Great Rebellion.--Kettell.

APPENDIX.

HISTORY OF THE 29TH CONNECTICUT NEGRO VOLUNTEERS.

"HEADQUARTERS 29TH CONNECTICUT COLORED VOLUNTEERS,

HARTFORD, CONN., November 29th, 1865.

"Brigadier-General H. J. MORSE,

_Adjutant-General, State of Connecticut._

"GENERAL: In obedience to your request I have the honor to submit the

following as the history of the 29th Regiment Connecticut Volunteers

(Colored):

"Recruiting for this regiment began early in the autumn of 1863, and by

the latter part of January, 1864, the maximum number had been enlisted.

During its organization the regiment was stationed at Fair Haven, Conn.

On the 8th of March, 1864, the regiment was formally mustered into the

service of the United States.

"No field officer had as yet reported, but on the 12th of March William

B. Wooster, formerly lieutenant-colonel of the 20th Connecticut

Volunteers, reported to the regiment, and soon after assumed command.

"On the 19th day of March the regiment formed in line, and after the

presentation of a flag by the colored ladies of New Haven, marched on

board the transport "Warrior."

"On the 20th we steamed out of New Haven harbor, and after a pleasant

voyage disembarked at Annapolis, Md.

"The regiment was as yet unarmed, but on the 7th of April we received

the full complement of the best Springfield rifled muskets.

"At this time the 9th Corps was assembling at Annapolis, and to it we

were assigned, but on the 8th of April the regiment received orders to

proceed to Hilton Head, S. C., and on the 9th of April we left Annapolis

for that place. Arriving at Hilton Head we were ordered to Beaufort, S.

C., where we disembarked on the 13th of April. The regiment had, up to

this time, learned nothing of drill or discipline, so that there was

plenty of work to be done.

"After a fine camp had been laid out the work of converting the raw

material of the regiment into good soldiers was vigorously and

systematically commenced. The men learned rapidly, and were faithful in

the performance of their duties. While here, although the utmost

attention was paid to all that pertained to the health of the regiment,

much sickness prevailed, the change of climate telling severely upon the

untried soldiers. In less than two months a decided improvement in drill

and discipline had been effected, and our dress parades began to attract

marked attention. But as yet our soldiers had not fired a shot at the

rebellion, and had still to be tried in the fiery ordeal of battle. At

last events on the bloody fields of Virginia determined our destiny.

"The battles fought during the summer campaign had demonstrated that

negro troops could fight well; they had also shown that more men were

required in Virginia, and that we could not await the slow process of a

draft to get them. The success of the entire campaign seemed dubious,

and the army, after all its gigantic toils and losses, found itself

confronted by strong lines of works, manned by a brave and resolute foe.

Under these circumstances the only policy was concentration in Virginia.

Accordingly all the troops that could be spared from other points were

ordered to Virginia.

"Among the number was the 29th Connecticut Volunteers (colored). On the

8th day of August, 1864, the regiment left Beaufort, S. C., and

disembarked at Bermuda Hundreds, Va., on the 14th of the same month.

This regiment was brigaded with the 7th, 8th, and 9th United States

Colored Troops, forming with other colored regiments a division of the

10th Army Corps. We arrived just as the active movements terminating in

the capture of the Weldon Railroad had commenced. That railroad being on

the then extreme left of our line it was deemed advisable, as a feint,

to keep the enemy well engaged on our right. For this purpose the 2d and

10th Army Corps had been assembled, as secretly as possible, near

Bermuda Hundreds, and on the morning of August 14th had advanced upon

the enemy's works near Deep Bottom.

"This regiment accompanied the force as far as Deep Bottom, where, with

the 7th United States Colored Troops and one light battery, it was left

to defend the post, under command of Colonel Wooster. The two corps

moved farther to the right and front, and soon became warmly engaged.

During the fighting General Butler, desirous to ascertain the strength

and position of the enemy immediately in our front, ordered Colonel

Wooster to make a reconnoissance with this regiment and the 7th United

States Colored Troops.

"This was successfully accomplished, the men in this their first

encounter with the enemy, displaying great coolness and bravery. Soon

after this we were relieved and ordered to join our brigade, then

actively engaged at the front.

"We set out in a drenching rain storm, and after a tiresome march

reached the battle-field about dark. Our forces had suffered a bloody

repulse, and had just finished burying our dead under a flag of truce.

The burial parties with their bloody stretchers were returning, and the

sharp crack of the rifle began again to be heard, and so continued with

more or less fierceness during the night.

"At daylight hostilities, except on the picket line, were not resumed.

The opposing forces lay and narrowly watched each other's movements.

Towards night, however, it was discovered that the enemy was massing in

our immediate front, and just before sunset they commenced the attack.

The contest was sharp and short; a fierce roar of musketry, mingled with

wild yells and the deep bass of cannon; a fainter yell and volleys less

steady; finally a few scattering shots and the attack was repulsed. As

this movement of the two corps on the right was merely a feint to cover

more active operations on the left, it was resolved to withdraw the

forces during the night. The movement began just after dark. We marched

to the Bermuda Hundreds front, and pitched our camp near Point of Rocks.

On the 24th of August, 1864, the 10th Corps relieved the 18th Corps in

front of Petersburg. Here we remained, doing duty in the trenches, until

the 24th of September, at which time the 10th Corps marched to the rear

to rest a few days preparatory to an advance upon Richmond then in

contemplation. While here our ragged, dirty, and shoeless men were clad,

washed, and shod as rapidly as possible.

"At length, at about sundown, September 28th, the corps broke camp, and

we once more started for Deep Bottom, which place we reached about four

A. M., September 29th.

"Just as the first faint glimmerings of light were visible the movement

against Richmond commenced. After pushing through a deep wood our

brigade formed in line of battle near the New Market Road, under fire of

a rebel battery. We had scarcely formed when it was found that the rebel

lines had been broken further to the left, and we were ordered forward

in pursuit of the flying foe. Three successive lines had been carried by

impetuous charges, and during that summer forenoon the enemy on all

sides was pressed steadily back. By noon Fort Harrison, a large powerful

work, and a key to a large portion of the rebel line, had been carried

at the bayonet point by the 18th Corps, and we found ourselves in front

of the strongest line of the outer defenses of Richmond. An assault was

immediately ordered. Two regiments of the brigade to which this regiment

was attached,--the 7th Maryland and 8th Pennsylvania--were selected to

make the attack on Fort Gilmer, the 29th Connecticut and 9th Maryland

being held in reserve. A charge was made on the double-quick through a

felled forest, half a mile in extent. They were met by a murderous

enfilading fire, and after an obstinate struggle were forced back. They

re-formed quickly and again charged, this time up the very guns of the

fort. After a most heroic fight they were again compelled to retire.

Some of the companies sprang into the ditch, and refused to surrender

even after their companions had been driven back. They continued the

unequal contest until dark, when we were forced to leave the brave men

to their fate.

"After the repulse of the second charge, the brigade formed under a

galling fire, preparatory to another charge, but after a careful survey

of the enemy's position, it was deemed advisable to delay the attack for

the present. Darkness soon after coming on, the troops were quietly

withdrawn to one of the captured lines a short distance in our rear.

Next morning vigorous measures were at once taken to reverse this line,

and to render it impregnable against a counter attack, which was

constantly expected. While busily engaged in this work the rebels opened

upon us with a fierce artillery fire. A powerful force, said to be under

the direction of General Lee in person, had been silently massed in

front of Fort Harrison, screened from our view by the inequality of the

ground. They soon made their presence known, however, and advanced with

determination. They were met by a fire that sent them reeling back with

immense loss. Again they formed, and were again driven back. Another

charge more furious, and another repulse more bloody, finally convinced

them that the attempt was useless, and we were left in possession of our

victories of the previous day. After this, comparative quiet reigned for

a few days, but they were not days of idleness; the captured lines had

to be reversed and heavy picket duty to be done, and of these duties

this regiment had its full share.

"On the 7th of October, the enemy made a dash on our right, and at first

met with considerable success. This regiment was detached from the

brigade, and ordered to the right to assist in repelling the attack.

Before reaching that point the attack had been repulsed and the fighting

was nearly over. We formed a skirmish line and remained until midnight,

when we returned to the brigade.

"On the 13th of October a reconnoissance was made upon the enemy's lines

in front of our right, in which this regiment took an active part. The

fighting was severe, and the loss considerable. The men behaved like

veterans: but the wary foe behind his strong works bade defiance to our

small force, and so, after fifteen hours of fighting, at night we

returned to camp. On the 27th of October a movement commenced on our

extreme left which required the active co-operation of the Army of the

James, that the enemy might be kept busily engaged at all points. This

regiment, as part of the force selected for this purpose, set out early

on the morning of the 27th, and came in contact with the outposts of the

enemy. Deploying as skirmishers, after a short, sharp action, we drove

the enemy within entrenchments. After driving in the skirmish line, we

remained in front of the enemy's works, picking his men as opportunity

offered, and keeping him engaged generally. We were in an open field,

exposed to the fire of an enemy protected by strong earthworks. The men

behaved very well; for twenty-three hours they held this position,

exposing themselves with the most reckless indifference, taking the

ammunition from the bodies of their dead and wounded companions when

their own was exhausted, and in all respects, if valor be any criteron

of manhood, proving themselves to be 'good men and true.' At length on

the morning of the 28th, the troops were withdrawn, and we returned to

camp.

"On the 19th day of November, the regiment was ordered to garrison

certain detached forts on the New Market road, which were considered of

great importance on account of the relation they bore to the whole line

north of the James. That this regiment was sent to hold them, was

certainly a marked tribute to its valor and efficiency, and was

expressly given to it on that account. We remained here until the

formation of the 25th Army Corps, when on the 5th day of December, 1864

we removed to the left of Fort Harrison, forming a part of the 2nd

Brigade, 1st Division of that Corps.

"Here we remained during the rest of the winter, picketing, drilling,

building forts, and making roads, and preparing for the spring campaign.

One division had been sent to Fort Fisher, and but two were with the

Army of the James. At length, late in the month of March, 1865, one of

the remaining divisions was sent to the left, while the division to

which this regiment was attached, together with one division of the 24th

Army Corps, was left to guard the defences north of the James. The

campaign opened vigorously. The last week in March brought a series of

splendid victories to the Union armies, and we began to feel that the

'end' so ardently desired was near at hand. This regiment had been

placed in Fort Harrison, the most important position on our line. The

fort was said to be mined, and it was feared that the rebels would make

an attack in force near that point. On Saturday and Sunday, April 1st

and 2nd, the fighting on the left had been terrific but generally

favorable to us. We were ordered to observe with great care all

movements of the enemy in our front.

"At sunset of April 2nd, we witnessed the last rebel dress parade in

Virginia from the magazine of Fort Harrison. Early on the morning of

April 3rd, 1865, the picket fires of the enemy began to wane, and an

ominous silence to prevail within his lines. Very soon deserters began

to come within our lines who reported that the lines in our front were

being evacuated. In a little while we saw the barracks of Fort Darling

in flames, and tremendous explosions followed each other in rapid

succession. The earliest dawn revealed to us the deserted lines, with

their guns spiked and their tents standing. We were ordered to advance

at once, but cautiously. The troops jumped over the breastworks, and,

avoiding the torpedoes, filed through the rebel abbatis, and then began

the race for Richmond.

"No words can describe the enthusiasm of the troops as they found

themselves fairly within the rebel lines, and tramping along the bloody

roads leading to the 'capitol of secessia.' The honor of first entering

that city was most earnestly contested; many regiments threw away

everything but their arms, while this regiment 'double-quicked' in heavy

marching orders. Two companies of this regiment--G and C--had been sent

forward as skirmishers reaching the city close on the heels of our

cavalry, and were, without the slightest doubt, the first companies of

infantry to enter the city. Through the heat and dust the troops

struggled on, and at last, as we came in full view of the city, the air

was rent with such cheers as only the brave men, who had fought so long

and so nobly for that city could give. Since that time our history has

been blessedly unfruitful in stirring events. We remained in Richmond

for a few days, and were then ordered to Petersburg; from here we went

to Point Lookout, Md., where we remained until the 25th Corps was

ordered to Texas. We embarked for Texas on the 10th day of June 1865,

arriving at Brazos de Santiago July 3rd, 1865. From Brazos we marched to

Brownsville, on the Rio Grande, where we continued until ordered to

Hartford, Conn., to be mustered out. On the 26th day of October, 1865,

we left Brownsville for Hartford, where the regiment was discharged and

paid on the 25th day of November, 1865.

"The following is a report of changes and casualties in the 29th

Regiment Connecticut Volunteers, (colored), from date of organization to

date of discharge:

Gain by recruits 8 officers, 210 enlisted men.

Loss " discharge 5 " 121 "

" " dismissal 1 " -- "

" " desertion -- " 103 "

" died of disease 1 " 153 "

" " wounds 1 " 21 "

" by killed in battle -- " 24 "

Promotion into other organizations 5 " -- "

Total gain 8 " 210 "

" loss 13 " 422 "

Wounded, officers, 6; men, 102. Captured, officer, 1; missing, none.

"It will be necessary to remark here that fully one hundred per cent of

our desertions occurred while at New Haven, and during the organization

of the regiment very few desertions occurred after we left the State.

Our total of killed and wounded was--enlisted men, 123; officers, 6. The

officer who was captured eventually re-joined us. The officers lost by

promotion into other organizations were--Lieutenant-Colonel H. C. Ward,

promoted to be colonel of the 31st United States Colored Troops; Major

F. E. Camp, promoted to be lieutenant-colonel of the 29th United States

Colored Troops; Captain E. W. Bacon, promoted to be major of the 117th

United States Colored Troops; Assistant Surgeon Crandall, promoted to be

surgeon of the 33d United States Colored Troops; 1st Lieutenant H. H.

Brown, promoted to be captain of the 1st United States Colored Troops;

2d Lieutenant Edward Coe, promoted to be 1st lieutenant and adjutant of

the 27th United States Colored Troops.

"Thus have I attempted to trace the history of this regiment. I have

done this with some degree of minuteness, owing to the fact that, as we

were considered a United States organization less can be learned

concerning us from the reports of the adjutant-general of the State than

concerning any other Connecticut organization. And as the employment of

colored troops was at first tried as a grand experiment, the people of

Connecticut may be desirous to know how far, in the case of their

colored regiment, that experiment has been successful. Justice, too,

demands that those who are the most competent judges--those who have

been with the colored troops on the march and in the battle--should give

their testimony to the loyalty and valor of this despised race. They

went forth to fight the battles of the Union when there was every thing

to discourage even the bravest. Both officers and men knew, that should

they escape death on the battle-field a fate awaited them, if captured,

from which death on the battle-field would have been a glorious relief.

The poor rights of a soldier were denied to them. Their actions were

narrowly watched, and the slightest faults severely commented upon. In

spite of all this the negro soldier fought willingly and bravely, and

with his rifle alone he has vindicated his manhood, and stands confessed

to-day as second in bravery to none.

"I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"DAVID TORRANCE,

"(_Late_) _Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding 29th C. V._"

DIARY OF THE THIRD REGIMENT DURING THE SIEGE OF PORT HUDSON.

"May 1st, 1863.--Regiment broke camp at Fort William, Baton Rouge, at 5

A. M.; marched out of Bayou Monticino on the road to Port Hudson. In the

evening Company G, under Lieutenant Quinn, was detailed for picket duty

on the Clinton Road. Colonel promised to encamp close by with the rest

of the regiment, but instead of doing so he fell back to the junction of

the Clinton and Port Hudson Roads, thus leaving the rebels a fine chance

to cross the bayou and cut off Company G from all support. Lieutenant

Quinn was doubtful of the colonel, and to satisfy himself sent 2d

Lieutenant Frederick Dame with twenty men back to the woods to see how

things were. Lieutenant Dame found that Colonel Nelson had retreated

back to Baton Rouge and reported. Lieutenant Quinn, feeling that if

attacked during the night he would not receive aid from the regiment,

changed his position from the place assigned in the woods by Colonel

Nelson, to one 300 yards further down in the woods, and on the

road-side. He then threw out his pickets in all directions, but only a

short distance from the remainder of the company who were held in

reserve. Every man was on that night. Occasionally horsemen were seen in

the clearing, but as they did not appear to know of our company's

proximity the pickets did not fire on them.

"12th.--Had a slight skirmish.

"13th.--Companies G and E, under Lieutenant Quinn, went on a

reconnoissance; returned at midnight.

"14th.--All quiet in camp.

"15th.--Fell back to Bayou Monticino.

"16th.--Commenced to build a second bridge at Monticino Bayou.

"17th.--Company G, Lieutenant Dame, and Company E, Lieutenant John

Keefe, went on a scout under command of Lieutenant Quinn, captured one

horse, cattle, and had a skirmish with rebel pickets.

"18th.--Company G on picket ordered to block the road with felled trees,

connecting the Clinton and Bayou Sara roads, to prevent the rebel

cavalry and artillery getting in the rear of Dudley's brigade, who were

camped near Plains Store.

"19th.--Colonel Nelson and Lieutenant Quinn rode to Dudley's

headquarters. The regiment marched two miles nearer to Port Hudson in

the evening; were ordered back and bivouacked that night.

"20th.--At 10 P. M. again for Port Hudson. After hours of hard marching

in heavy order in a hot sun on dusty roads and very little water to

drink, the regiment camped at dark in the left of the Union line on the

road leading to Springfield landing.

"21st.--Battle of Plains Store. During the morning there were rumors of

a fight, as the rebels were determined to prevent a junction of the

force under Augur and Grover, of Banks' army, who were moving down from

St. Francis. This brought on the above-named battle, in which the negro

regiment held the extreme left, and thus prevented the rebels getting in

the rear of the Union troops.

"22d.--Companies A and G drove back some rebel pickets, capturing one

man, horse, equipments, and two rifles. The man was thrown by his horse

and was badly hurt, his head striking against a tree.

"23d.--We formed a junction to-day with Banks, and Port Hudson is

invested.

"24th.--Companies E and G, under Captain Blake, on a scout.

"25th.--To-day the regiment marched from the extreme left to the extreme

right of the Union line, a hard long tramp again in heavy order. At

night we encamped near Sandy Creek, close to the Mississippi. Each man

had to carry his own baggage. This regiment was never given any wagons.

"26th.--At Sandy Creek protecting men laying the pontoon bridge.

Skirmishing all day with the rebels. The boys are getting used to

fighting.

"27th.--Storming the batteries. The negro soldiers prove the bravest of

the brave. To-day was fought one of the most desperate battles on

record. Our brigade, six companies of the 1st, and nine companies of 3rd

Regiment Louisiana Native Guards, commenced fighting at quarter of an

hour before 6 A. M. The 1st, under Lieutenant-Colonel Bassett, advanced

in skirmish line up through the wood and soon drew the enemy's fire. The

3rd under Lieutenant-Colonel Finnegass, were in line of battle about

fifty yards in rear of the first, the whole command under Colonel John

A. Nelson, of the 3rd Regiment. The rebels opened with infantry fire and

shells at short range, and their fire was very effective and for a short

time the first, which was in danger of utter destruction, wavered, when

Colonel Bassett and his colored officers moved among the men encouraging

them by their own fearless examples. At this crisis, Colonel Finnegass

sent forward his four left companies, under Captain John E. Quinn, to

support the 1st. Captain Quinn moved up in good order, placing his left

company under Lieutenant John O'Keefe so as to face the bridge on his

left, held by the rebels in rifle-pits, Finnegass keeping the other five

companies well in hand, to use them when most needed. When within pistol

shot of the fortifications, to their dismay they were stopped--not by

the rebels, but by a back flow of the river. The water was not more than

forty feet across, but over eight feet deep. To cross this without boat

or bridge was impossible, particularly under such a terrible fire as the

rebels poured upon them in front and on both flanks. On the left the

rebels were actually in their rear so far had the gallant fellows

advanced. The slaughter was now becoming fearful. Colonel Finnegass at

this juncture asked Captain Quinn if he could cross the water; Quinn

called on volunteers to follow him. The whole that was left of his own

company, G, and Lieutenant O'Keefe with Company E, responded to his

call, and in they plunged, the men holding their rifles and cartridge

boxes above their heads. In the mean time Bassett and Finnegass (whose

men were lying down) kept a continual fire on the rebel gunners and

drove them from their guns, but the water was too much for the men, and

only 35 or 40--with Quinn and O'Keefe and Lieutenants Burnham and

Dame--succeeded in crossing. This handful actually followed their

reckless leader up to the very cannon's mouth, and for 15 or 20 minutes

held the whole rebel battery in their hands. Colonel Finnegass seeing

that in a few minutes more his brave men would be destroyed, rushed into

the water and ordered Quinn to fall back, as a regiment of rebels were

clambering over the works to get in their rear. The brave fellows fell

back, but alas, few of them ever answered roll-call again. Out of the

band but six re-crossed alive, and of these, Lieutenants O'Keefe,

Burnham and Sergeants Vincent and Taylor, who were wounded; Quinn and

Dame were the only ones unhurt. The whole regiment now fell back about

600 yards, in the shelter of the woods. Six times we advanced, hoping to

find some spot where the men could cross, but in vain. We entered this

fight with 1080 men, and lost 371 killed and 150 wounded; total loss,

421. The rebels shelled us with their heavy guns. On our front were

artillery and infantry; on our left a wooded ridge full of riflemen. We

had two six-pounders; one of them was dismounted early in the fight, and

the other the gunners ran out of range, it being of no use.

"Now, why were the colored troops left unsupported? Why were they sent

on such hopeless missions? Why were the officers informed by General

Dwight that there were clear grounds beyond Sandy Creek? There were

white troops who could have been sent to their support; the officers

expected to fight the rebels but met the river. Colonel Nelson played

General to perfection; during the whole battle he remained on the safe

side of Sandy Creek, and had his corps of orderlies to attend him; in

plain words he kept his men under fire from quarter before six A. M.,

till seven P. M. During the day he never saw a rebel's face or back.

* * * The heroes of the day were the men; not one of them showed the "white

feather." Colonel Bassett and his colored officers of the 1st were as

brave as any men who ever drew a sword, and so were Finnegass,

Lieutenant-Colonel of the 3rd, and Captains Smith, Daly, Masterson and

others. Lieutenants O'Keefe, Burnham, Wiley, Griggs, Emory, Westervelt

and Dame of the 3rd, and Captain Quinn, who commanded the left wing and

led the storming column of the 3rd. Lieutenant-Colonel Bassett was

formerly of the 4th Mississippi Regiment; Colonel Nelson and

Lieutenant-Colonel Finnegass, were both of Irish parentage; Captain

Daily and Lieutenant Emory, of the 31st Massachusetts, Lieutenant

O'Keefe of the 9th and Burnham, of the 13th Connecticut, Masterson and

Wiley, of the 26th Massachusetts, Company A, of the 3rd, were on

detached service. Captain John E. Quinn is a native of Lowell, Mass.;

born April 22nd, 1837 came from the 30th Massachusetts, in which he was

orderly of Company B."

* * * *

A correspondent of the New York _Tribune_ writing, says:

"The more I see of our colored regiments, and the more I

converse with our soldiers, the more convinced I am that

upon them we must ultimately rely as the principle source of

our strength in these latitudes. It is perfect nonsense for

any one to attempt to talk away the broad fact, evident as

the sun at noonday, that these men are capable not only of

making good soldiers, but the very best of soldiers. The

Third Louisiana Native Guard, Colonel Nelson, are encamped

here, and a more orderly, disciplined, robust, and effective

set of men I defy any one to produce.

"An old European officer, one who has followed the

profession of arms from his very boyhood, said to me to-day:

'In one essential respect, sir, I believe that in a short

time these colored soldiers will surpass any we have in our

army--I mean in subordination--without which no army can be

effective. We are in the habit of carrying our citizenship

with us into the field, and that begets an amount of undue

familiarity between officers and men that is often

destructive of obedience. Toward the black man we feel none

of these delicate sentiments of equality, and he, on his

part, has always been accustomed to be commanded. Beside

this he is acclimated, knows the country thoroughly, and if

called upon to fight will fight in earnest, for he knows

that if taken prisoner he will meet no mercy.'

"Colonel Nelson, anxious to have an opportunity of

exhibiting to the world what his command is capable of, and

thus put their manhood beyond all question, has implored

General Banks to put him in the foremost point of danger in

the coming struggle, and says that his men are as ready as

himself to stake their lives upon the result; but the

general--doubtless acting upon explicit orders--says they

must, at present at least, be confined to manning the

fortifications here.

"I am happy to say that the feeling toward these colored

regiments throughout the army is undergoing the most rapid

and extraordinary changes. Soldiers that only a few months,

nay, weeks ago, would have flown into a furious passion at

the bare idea of a black man carrying a musket like

themselves, now say, 'O, if you are going to give them white

officers that is another affair altogether.'"

* * * *

The following letter gives some interesting recollections of the

military events of the Department of the Gulf:

"NEW ORLEANS, January 18th, 1883.

"_To Colonel J. T. Wilson, Norfolk, Va._:

"FRIEND: Your two circulars issued from Cailloux Post No. 2

on the 13th inst. are received. It is quite a compliment to

Louisiana to have named your Post after the hero of Port

Hudson, who immortalized himself in those celebrated charges

in May, 1863.

"It is over twenty years ago that I took a commission in the

3d Louisiana Native Guard as a senior lieutenant of Company

H. I was quite intimate with Captain Andre Cailloux.

"Grave doubts had been expressed by Banks, the nominal

commander, and his officers regarding the fitness of colored

men as soldiers. The perplexing question was, 'Will they

stand their christening under such a hail storm as will come

from those bristling Port Hudson heights?' In fact those

three colored regiments--the 1st, 2d, and 3d Louisiana

Native Guards, organized in 1862, and afterward incorporated

in the Ullman Brigade as the 73d, 74th, and 75th--had become

more a subject of test than of real dependence at the

critical juncture of trial.

"General Osterhaus solved the mystery by taking command of a

division, including the 1st and 3d Native Guards. Those

magnificent series of charges were made by these two

regiments. The first charge was made on a Sunday, the 27th

day of May, 1863, supported on the right by the celebrated

Duryea's Zouaves, of New York, which were mowed down like

grass before a scythe. It was then and there that Captain

Cailloux gloriously died in advance of his company while

cheering his men. It was also on that day that the immortal

color-bearer, Anselino, was killed, and fell within the

folds of his regimental flag, which was besmeared with his

blood, with the broken flag-staff in his hand. Other strong

arms came to the rescue of the flag only to meet death until

the honor of the flag alone cost the lives of sixteen men or

more. The gallant Lieutenant Crowder was killed on the field

of honor at the flower of his age. Captain Sauer was wounded

in the foot while charging. The 3d Native Guards also

sustained its reputation, and many deeds of valor were

performed by its officers and men. But when after those

engagements the roll-call was made we had many friends to

mourn. You are aware, I suppose, of an historical fact.

Jefferson Davis had issued a proclamation that any colored

officer captured at the head of black troops would not be

exchanged, but immediately hung. It was thus that Lieutenant

Oscar Orillion, when captured at Jackson, La., was hung and

shot to pieces.

"Port Hudson was surrendered by General Pemberton the 8th of

July, 1863. General Osterhaus became very proud of his

colored regiments after what he had seen at Port Hudson.

"Had these two regiments failed, or destiny betrayed their

courage, the colored troops would have been universally

condemned, and would not have been employed as soldiers, but

used as servants, drivers, and laborers, on fortifications,

bridges, and ditches. To the 2d Louisiana Native Guards

belongs the honor of having had the first colored major in

the army, and it is Major Ernest Dumas, now living and

actually in New Orleans.

"The most terrible engagement (1st and 2d) was at Spanish

Fort in Mobile Bay, Ala., shortly after Fort Pillow's

massacre. General Osterhaus told the colored troops the

night previous to the attack that at break of day they had

to charge and take Spanish Fort. It was customary with the

general to tell the troops by what regiments they would be

sustained. The men did not seem to be very enthusiastic, but

when they were told how the rebels had murdered men of their

own color and their white fellow-soldiers without mercy,

they sprang to their guns and called unanimously for

'revenge.' Great God! they had their revenge, sure enough!

The charge was made, the fort taken, and nearly every rebel

slaughtered amid the deafening yells of the colored and

white troops of 'Remember Fort Pillow.' The 1st and the 3d

regiments cleared Alabama up to Selina.

"As it is impossible for me to devote my time any longer,

and to turn over the leaves of the past in my clouded

memory, which is quite impaired lately on account of my

declining years, besides the metacarpal bone of my right

hand, which was broken by a musket in the army, is always

painful when I write too much, I will refer you to Sergeant

Calice Dupie, of Company H, 1st Louisiana Native Guards,

Captain Sauer, who is employed in the custom house. I am

told that Captain R. H. Isabell, of the 2d Louisiana Native

Guards, has taken a memorandum of all the historical

incidents of those three regiments. They are all

Louisianians, and reside in New Orleans. As for the officers

of my regiment (the 3d Native Guards) they are all dead

nearly, which makes me think that my time soon will be on

hand.

"Though my information is limited, I have strictly confined

myself to facts which I am sure will be corroborated by

others, I court investigation upon my statements, and will

always be glad to furnish witnesses to sustain them.

"Fraternally yours, E. LONGPIE,

"_Ex-1st Lt. Co. H 3d L. N. G., Ex-officer of

Anselino Post No. 6 G. A. R._"

FINIS.