The marvellous and living mythology in the glorious old poetry of Greece

justly occupies here the first place, for all arts, even the plastic

arts, had their origin in this first Homeric source. And this fresh

living stream of mythic fictions and heroic traditions which has flowed,

and continues to flow, through all ages and nations in the West, proves

to us, by a mighty historical experience, which determines even the most

difficult problems (and this has been universally acknowledged in

Christian Europe), that all classical education--all high intellectual

refinement, is and should be grounded on poetry--that is to say, on a

poetry which, like the Homeric, springs out of natural feelings, and

embraces the world with a clear, intuitive glance. For there can be no

comprehensive culture of the human mind,--no high and harmonious

development of its powers, and the various faculties of the soul; unless

all those deep feelings of life--that mighty, productive energy of human

nature, the marvellous imagination, be awakened and excited, and by that

excitement and exertion, attain an expansive, noble and beautiful form.

This the experience of all ages has proved, and hence the glory of the

Homeric poems, and of the whole intellectual refinement of the Greeks,

which has thence sprung, has remained imperishable. Were the mental

culture of any people founded solely on a dead, cold, abstract science,

to the exclusion of all poetry; such a mere mathematical people--with

minds thus sharpened and pointed by mathematical discipline, would and

could never possess a rich and various intellectual existence; nor even

probably ever attain to a living science, or a true science of life. The

characteristic excellence of this Homeric poetry, and in general of all

the Greek poetry, is that it observes a wise medium between the gigantic

fictions of oriental imagination, even as the purer creations of Indian

fancy display; and that distinctness of view, that broad knowledge and

observation of the world, which distinguish the ages of prosaic

narrative, when the relations of society become at once more refined and

more complicated. In this poetry, these two opposite, and almost

incompatible, qualities are blended and united--the fresh enthusiasm of

the most living feelings of nature--a blooming, fertile, and captivating

fancy, and a clear intuitive perception of life, are joined with a

delicacy of tact, a purity and harmony of taste, excluding all

exaggeration--all false ornament--and which few nations since the

Greeks, none perhaps in an equal degree, certainly none before them,

have ever possessed to a like extent.

This poetry was most intimately interwoven with the whole public life of

the Greeks--the public spectacles, games, and popular festivals were so

many theatres for poetry: nay music and the gymnastic exercises were the

ground-work, and formed almost the whole scope, of a high, polite, and

liberal education among the Greeks. Both were so in a very wide,

comprehensive and significant sense of the term. The gymnastic

struggles, the peculiar object of the public games, and where the human

frame attained a beautiful form and expansion by every species of

exercise--the gymnastic struggles had a very close connection with, and

may be said to have formed the basis for, the imitative arts, especially

sculpture, which, without that habitual contemplation of the most

exquisite forms afforded by these games, could never have acquired so

bold, free, and animated a representation of the human body. Music, or

the art of the Muses, included not only the art of melody, but the

poetry of song. Still the plan of Grecian education and refinement was

ever of too narrow and too exclusive a character; and when, at a later

period, rhetoric came to form one of its elements, the Greeks considered

it (what indeed it never should be considered) as a sort of gymnastic

exercise for the intellect, a species of public spectacle, where

eloquence, little solicitous about the truth, only sought to display its

art or address in the combat. And in the same way philosophy, when the

Greeks attained a knowledge of it, came to be regarded, according to the

narrow and exclusive principles of their system of education, as nothing

more than a species of intellectual melody, the internal harmony of

thought and mind--the music of the soul; till later, by means of the

sophists and popular sycophants that deluded their age, it sunk into the

all-destructive abyss of false rhetoric, which was the death of true

science and genuine art, and which, in the shape of logic and

metaphysics, had as injurious an influence on the schools as a false

political eloquence had on the state and on public life. That principle

of harmony which formed the leading tenet of the primitive philosophy of

Greece before the introduction of sophistry, was not an ignoble,--it was

even a beautiful, idea, although it might be far from solving the high

problems and questions of philosophy, or satisfying the deeper enquiries

of the human mind.

It was from these public games, popular festivals, and great poetical

exhibitions, which had such a mighty and important influence on the

whole public life of the Greeks, and which served to knit so strongly

the bonds of the Hellenic confederacy, that, by means of the odes,

specifically designed for such occasions, the theatre, and the whole

dramatic art of the Greeks, derived their origin. This poetry, which is

less generally intelligible to other nations and times than the Homeric

poems, because it enters more deeply into the individual life of the

Greeks, does not display less invention, sublimity, and depth of art,

from that ideal beauty which pervades its whole character, and from its

lofty tone of feeling. Even the Doric odes of Pindar, amid their milder

beauties, rise often to the tragic grandeur of the succeeding poets, or

to the comprehensive and epic fulness of the old Maeonian bard.

No nation has as yet been able to equal the charm and amenity of Homer,

the elevation of AEschylus, and the noble beauty of Sophocles; and

perhaps it is wrong even to aspire to their excellence, for true beauty

and true sublimity can never be acquired in the path of imitation.

Euripides, who lived in the times when rhetoric was predominant, is

ranked with the great poets we have named by such critics only, as are

unable to comprehend and appreciate the whole elevation of Grecian

intellect, and to discern its peculiar and characteristic depth. It is

worthy of remark, as it serves to show the general propensity of Grecian

intellect for the boldest contrasts, that these loftiest productions of

tragedy, and which have retained that character of unrivalled excellence

through all succeeding ages, were accompanied by the old popular comedy

which, while its inventive fancy dealt in the boldest fictions of

mythology, and in the humorous exhibitions of the Gods, made it its

peculiar business to fasten on all the follies of ordinary life, and to

exhibit them to public ridicule without the least reserve.

That the sensual worship of Nature, the basis of all Heathenism, and

more particularly so of the Greek idolatry, must have had a very

prejudicial influence on Greek morals; that the want of a solid system

of Ethics, founded on God and divine truth, must have given rise to

great corruption even in a more simple period of society; and that this

already prevalent corruption must have increased to a frightful extent

in the general degradation of the state--is a matter evident of itself;

and it would be no difficult task to draw from the pages of the popular

comedy we have just spoken of, and from other sources, a terrific

picture of the moral habits of the Greeks. Yet I know not whether such a

description would be necessary, or even advantageous, for the purpose of

this Philosophy of History--the more so, as it would not be difficult to

draw from similar sources of immorality, and from the now usual

statistics of vice and crime, a sketch of the moral condition of one or

more Christian nations, that would by no means accord with the

pre-conceived notion of the great moral superiority of modern times. We

may thus the more willingly rest contented with a general acknowledgment

of the great moral depravity of mankind, which exists wherever mighty

powers and strong motives of a superior order do not counteract it, and

which must have broken out more conspicuously there, where, as among the

Greeks, the prevailing religion was a Paganism that promoted and

sanctioned sensuality. In regard to the poetry and plastic arts of the

Greeks, it must even strike us as a matter of astonishment that it is in

comparatively but few passages, and few works, this Pagan sensuality

appears in a manner hurtful to dignity of style and harmony of

expression. It would not at least have surprised us, had this defect

been oftener apparent, when we consider the doctrines and views of life

generally prevalent in antiquity; for it was in most cases, less the

sterner dictates of morality that prevented the recurrence of this

defect than an exquisite sense of propriety, which even in art is the

outward drapery that girds and sets off beauty. Besides, a mere

conventional concealment cannot be imposed as a law on the art of

sculpture; our moral feelings are much less offended by the

representation of nudity in the pure noble style of the best antiques,

than by the disguised sensuality which marks many spurious productions

of modern art. In poetry and in art, at least in the elder and

flourishing period, the Greeks have, for the most part, attained to

internal harmony--in philosophy they were much less fortunate--and least

of all in public life, which was almost always distracted, and at last

utterly jarring, dissonant, and ruinous.

I called the science of the Greeks a _natural_ science, and in this

quality, which it possessed in so eminent a degree, it affords us the

highest instruction, and is of itself extremely interesting; for in its

origin, this science proceeded chiefly, almost exclusively, from

nature--pursued a sequestered and solitary path--a stranger to poetry

and to the mythology which was there predominant, far removed from

public and political life--and often even in an attitude of hostility

towards the state. The physical sciences, and particularly natural

history, were created by the Greeks--so was the science of medicine, in

which Hippocrates is still honoured as the greatest master; and geometry

and the ancient system of astronomy were handed down to posterity,

considerably enlarged and improved by the labours of the Greeks. In the

second place, Grecian science may be denominated a _natural_ science,

because, as it directed its attention successively to the various

objects of the world, of life, and to man himself, it ever took a

thoroughly natural view of all things, and even in self-knowledge, in

practical life, and in history, sought to seize and comprehend the

nature of man, and to unfold the character of his Being, with the utmost

precision of language, and according to conceptions derived exclusively

from life. Thus when Plato and his followers direct their philosophical

enquiries to objects lying beyond, and far exalted above, the sphere of

Nature and real life, we must regard these inquiries as exceptions from

the ordinary practice of Grecian intellect, and from the ruling spirit

of its speculations; in the same way as the expeditions of Alexander the

Great form an exception from the usual routine of Grecian politics.

Lastly, Grecian science may be denominated a _natural_ science, because

philosophy, founded on the old basis of poetry and classical culture,

allied to history, and the language and symbols of tradition, assumed in

general a form clear, beautiful, animated, and eminently conformable to

Nature and the mind of man; and however much this philosophy may at

times have been lost and bewildered in the void of a false dialectic, it

still never perished in the petrifying chill of abstract speculations.

And even Plato, though his philosophy so far transcended the ordinary

sphere of Grecian intellect, had been well nurtured in Hellenic

eloquence, art, and culture--and, in all these, was himself the greatest

master.

With this profound and lofty feeling for Nature, did the early

philosophers of Greece, who were chiefly Ionians, like Thales,

Anaximenes, and Heraclitus, consider respectively water, air, and fire,

as the primary powers of Nature and of all things; and it was only

Anaxagoras, the master of Socrates, who first clearly expounded the

nature of that supreme and divine Intelligence which created nature and

regulates the world. Prior to this philosopher, Heraclitus had asserted

this doctrine, perhaps with greater purity--certainly with more depth

and penetration; but in his obscure writings it is less intelligibly

expressed. With his supreme Intelligence in Nature, Anaxagoras conjoined

the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, that is to say, not the real atoms of a

lifeless matter, but rather the animated substance of material life.

Thus his doctrine was a simple system of dualism, quite in harmony, it

would seem, with the feelings of those early ages, as we have noticed a

similar system in the history of Indian philosophy. These old Ionian

philosophers in general regarded only the internal life in Nature and

all existence--the constant change and endless vicissitude in the world

and in all things; and hence many of them began to doubt, and at last

finally denied, the existence of anything steadfast and enduring.

According to that law and march of contrast, which Grecian intellect,

whether consciously or unconsciously, invariably pursued, these Ionian

philosophers were now opposed by the school of Parmenides, which

inculcated the doctrine of an all-pervading unity--and taught that this

principle was the first and last, the sole, true, permanent, and eternal

Being. Although this system was at first propounded in verse, it was by

no means, in its essential and ruling spirit, a poetical Pantheism, like

that of the Indians--but more congenial with the intellectual habits of

the Greeks, it was a Pantheism thoroughly dialectic, which at first

regarded all change as an illusion and idle phenomenon, and at last

positively denied the possibility of change. Between these two extreme

schools appeared the great disciple of Socrates, who sought, by a path

of inquiry completely new, completely foreign to the Greeks--by a range

of speculation which soared far above the world of sense, and outward

experience, as well as above mere logic, to return to the supreme

God-head, infinitely exalted above all nature--deriving the notion of

the Deity from immediate intuition, primeval revelation, or profound

internal reminiscence. By this doctrine of reminiscence, which is the

fundamental tenet of the Platonic system, this philosophy has a strong

coincidence or affinity with the Indian doctrine of the Metempsychosis,

by the supposition it involves of the prior existence of the human soul.

To such a notion of the pre-existence of the soul, in the literal sense

of the term, no system of Christian philosophy could easily subscribe.

But if, as there is no reason to prevent us, we should understand this

Platonic notion of reminiscence in a more spiritual sense--as the

awakening or resuscitation of the consciousness of the divine image

implanted in our souls--as the soul's perception of that image; this

theory would then perfectly coincide with the Christian doctrine of the

divine image originally stamped on the human soul, and of the internal

illumination of the soul by the renovation of that image--and hence we

ought in no way to be astonished that this Platonic mode of thinking,

for such it is rather than any exclusive system,--as it is the first

great philosophy of revelation clothed and propounded in an European

form--should have ever appeared so captivating to the profound thinkers

of Christianity. In Plato's time, that host of Sophists who had sprung

out of the dialectic contests of the earlier philosophy, out of its

rejection and disbelief of every thing permanent, immutable and eternal

in Nature, in life, and in knowledge, as well as out of the democratic

spirit of the age, and the ever prevailing immorality--in Plato's time,

that host of Sophists completely bewildered and confused the public

mind, poisoned all principle and morality in their very source, and

accomplished the ruin of society in Greece in general, and in Athens in

particular. And the masterly portrait which Plato has given us of these

Sophists exhibits well this race, and the pernicious influence they

exerted over Grecian intellect, and the whole circle of Grecian states;

and this political influence of the Sophists forms the third epoch in

the history of Greece, which, by means of these popular sycophants,

became daily more and more democratic, till at last it perished in

anarchy.

The more ancient philosophers of Greece lived almost all in a state of

retirement from public life, taking no part in political affairs, or

evincing very evident sentiments of hostility to the governments and

republics of their native country. They were almost all unfriendly to

the prevailing principles of democracy; and the ideal governments, which

they, as well as Plato, have sketched, were all in the spirit of a very

rigid aristocracy of virtue and law--evincing a very marked predilection

for that form of government as it existed, though in a state of great

degeneracy, among the Doric Greeks. Long before Plato, the Pythagoreans

had inculcated doctrines perfectly similar, or at least of a very

kindred nature; and with the view and purpose of introducing their

principles into public life, by which undoubtedly the governments and

the whole frame of society in Greece, as well as the whole system of

Grecian thought, would have assumed a totally new and different shape.

But before the Pythagorean confederacy, which was so widely diffused

through the Greek states of Southern Italy, was able to accomplish its

design, the violent re-action of an opposite party of thinkers destroyed

it, or at least deprived it of all ascendancy and political influence.

The age of Aristotle concurred with that of the Macedonian sway to

terminate anarchy of every kind. To the old evil of a false dialectic,

which had become an inveterate habit, and, as it were, a second nature

to Grecian intellect, he endeavoured to oppose his ample and substantial

logic--and this must be regarded not so much as a wonderful _organum_, a

living and never-failing source of scientific truth, but rather as a

remedy for that disease of a false, sophistical rhetoric, so prevalent

in his own age, and the one immediately preceding--and which had brought

about the ruin of all truths, and an universal anarchy of doctrines,

even in practical life. With a perspicacious, penetrative, and

comprehensive intellect, he has reduced all the philosophic, and all the

historical science of preceding ages and of his own time, to a clear,

well-ordered system, for the ample instruction of posterity:--in both

these sciences, as well as in natural history, he has remained, down to

the latest time, the master-guide. In those parts of his philosophy

which lie between this natural science and the old dialectic contests,

in its primary and fundamental principles, the system of Aristotle, when

rightly understood, contains much that leads to the most dangerous

errors, especially in his notion of God; though we cannot with justice

impute to him the abuse which has been made of his philosophy in

subsequent ages. Notwithstanding the many excellent things which are to

be found in the Ethics of Aristotle, considered merely as an effort of

unassisted reason; yet in all the enquiries after a higher truth--after

the first notion of the divine which, in the elder philosophy of nature,

was so imperfectly understood, and which in the consummate rationalism

of Aristotle was completely misapprehended--in all these important

enquiries, the Stagyrite is far from being such a guide as Plato; and

his philosophy is not like the Platonic, a scientific introduction to

the Christian revelation, and to the knowledge of divine truths. The

later systems of philosophy among the Greeks were, with some slight

variations of form, mere repetitions, often only mere combinations and

compilations, of the ancient philosophy; or they exhibited a thorough

degeneracy of science and intellect, as in the atomical system of

Epicurus, which even on life and morals had an atomical influence.

The Philosophy of History, Vol. 1 of 2 · 第 23 / 27 段