PART II.

Note I.

_That arts of foreign sway he did affect,

And guilty Jebusites from law protect,

Whose very chiefs, convict, were never freed;

Nay, we have seen their sacrificers bleed._--P. 320.

It is certain, that, whatever the private wishes of Charles may have

been, he neither did nor durst interfere, by his royal prerogative, to

prevent the execution of Stafford, Coleman, Langhorne, Plunket, and

other Catholics of rank, who were condemned on account of the Popish

Plot. Ireland, Fenwic, Gavan, Turner, and Harcourt, Jesuits, with

Whitebread, the provincial of the order, were all tried, sentenced, and

executed for the same conspiracy; persisting, to their last breath,

in the most solemn and deliberate asseverations of innocence: But

their dying testimonies only irritated the populace the more against

a religion, which taught its votaries to go down to the grave with a

manifest lie, as they supposed, in their right hand.

Note II.

_Mere truth was dull, nor suited with the port

Of pampered Corah, when advanced to court._

* * * * *

_Meanwhile a guard on modest Corah wait,

If not for safety, needful yet for state._--P. 320.

The Parliament, before whom Oates was examined, did not confine

themselves to simple approbation of his conduct. He was treated in a

manner suitable to the sense they had of his merit and importance. The

charge of his personal safety was recommended by the House of Commons

to the Lord General, the care of his lodgings and accommodation to the

Lord Chamberlain, and that of supplying him with money to the Lord High

Treasurer of England.

The state of Oates, in his splendour, is very well described by North:

"He was now in his trine exaltation; his plot in full force, efficacy,

and virtue; he walked about with his guards, assigned for fear of the

Papists' murdering him. He had lodgings at Whitehall, and L. 1200 _per

annum_ pension; and no wonder, after he had the impudence to say to the

House of Lords, in plain terms, that, if they would not help him to

more money, he must be forced to help himself. He put on an episcopal

garb, (except the lawn sleeves,) silk gown and cassock, great hat,

sattin hatband and rose, long scarf, and was called, or blasphemously

called himself, the Saviour of the Nation. Whoever he pointed at was

taken up and committed; so that many people got out of his way as from

a blast, and glad they could prove their last two years conversation.

The very breath of him was pestilential; and if it brought not

imprisonment or death over such on whom it fell, it surely poisoned

reputation, and left good Protestants arrant Papists, and something

worse than that, in danger of being put into the plot as traitors."

_Examen._ p. 205.

Note III.

_To have told his knowledge of the intrigue in gross,

Had been, alas! to our deponent's loss._--P. 322.

Oates never would say he had told all he knew, but always reserved

some part of his evidence to be changed or altered with the shifting

wind of faction or popularity. According to his first narrative, the

plot was laid against the persons of the king and Duke of York; and

their assassination was to take place during the fire of London. But he

had the impudence to say, in his picture of King James, that both his

brother and he were in that very plot for firing the city, a secret

which, he alleges, he could not discover at the time, on account of

a promise to Prince Rupert; and is pleased to add, that the prince

heartily repented of giving, and he of taking, that counsel. When he

was asked, in the House of Commons, whether he had told all he knew of

the conspiracy? this cautious witness, who was determined to have the

whole credit of saving the kingdom his own way, instead of entrusting

the House with the secret, told them a parable of a fox, who, having

occasion to cross a frozen stream with a goose, and being unwilling to

hazard his spoil, first carried over a stone of equal weight with the

goose, to see if the ice would bear it. In short, neither he, nor any

of his imitators, would say more, than that their immediate evidence

was all which they as yet thought meet to declare.

This would have been tolerated no where but in England, and during

that period of terror, suspicion, and infatuation, when these perjured

caitiffs were as dear to the people as those who tell stories of

Rawhead and Bloody-bones are to their nursery audience. The author has

said, and with much truth,

'Twas worse than plotting to suspect his plot.

The discovery of Coleman's letters, however irreconcileable with the

tale of the witnesses, above all, the murder of Godfrey, gave such

a bloody confirmation, that the people swallowed all that could be

told them about the horrors of the conspiracy; and, to use the warm

expression of the author of the "_Examen_," one might have denied his

Redeemer with less contest than attainted the veracity of Oates.

This popular ferment began to abate after the execution of Lord

Stafford; and, as the witnesses sunk in reputation, the king began

by degrees to discountenance Oates. He expelled him from Whitehall,

withdrew his guards, and reduced his pension to L.600. Upon this

Oates altered his dress, assumed a sword, and associated with the

more desperate of the popular faction, such as Rumbold, Colledge, and

Fergusson. In the reign of James II., his fortunes suffered a yet

more melancholy reverse; for, being most satisfactorily convicted of

perjury, by upwards of eighty witnesses, he was sentenced to two fines

of 1000 merks each; to be whipped, on two different days, from Aldgate

to Newgate, and from Newgate to Tyburn; to be imprisoned for life,

and to be pilloried five times every year. James had the imprudence

to exult in this cruel punishment. He told Sir John Reresby, that

the Popish plot was now dead; and, when that courtier obsequiously

answered, "and buried, please your majesty," he thought the jest worth

repeating, which his brother would hardly have done. It is true, no

punishment could be bad enough for the author of so many legal murders;

but the severity of the sentence was an injury to the law of the

land, though done through the person of so vile a criminal. The man's

impudence supported him under the conviction; and his fortitude under

the punishment was the means of regaining a share of his fallen credit.

After the Revolution, he was pardoned, and received a pension of L.400,

with the amount of which he was much dissatisfied, as well as with the

refusal of the Parliament to reverse his sentence, and restore his

capacity for his old trade of bearing evidence.

Note IV.

_Even Absalom------

Perceives the plot, too foul to be excused,

To aid designs, no less pernicious, used._--P. 323.

North, and other Tory writers, have affected to consider Shaftesbury

as the original author of the Popish plot. Of this there is no proof

whatever; and the internal evidence derived from the account of the

plot itself, is altogether inconsistent with the very idea. Shaftesbury

could never have given birth to such a heap of inconsistent fables; a

plan which he had forged would have been ingenious, consistent with

itself, accommodated to the circumstances of parties, and the times,

and therefore, in all probability, being less suited to the vulgar

palate, would not have made half the impression on the public. But we

can easily believe the truth of what he is alleged to have said, "that

whoever started the game, he had the full advantage of the chase." In

fact, this wonderful tale, probably at first invented by two or three

obscure knaves, with the sordid view of profiting by the credulity of

the English nation, would have fallen to the ground, had it not been

fostered and cherished by Shaftesbury, who very soon perceived it could

be made the means of turning out Lord Danby, and driving matters to

extremity against the Catholic faction. He might well indeed exult in

his management in the former particular, since Danby was the first

to introduce into the House of Commons that very discussion about

the plot, to which, as Shaftesbury managed it, he himself fell a

sacrifice.[411] But it was chiefly as a means of bringing forward the

Bill of Exclusion, and of crushing for ever the hopes of his mortal

foe the Duke of York,[412] that Shaftesbury became the patron of all

investigations connected with the plot, pushed them on with vigour

and vehemence, and dipped himself deep in the blood of the innocent

persons who fell sacrifices to the popular clamour he had excited, and

to evidence, which much less than Shaftesbury's abilities might easily

have discovered to be inconsistent and fabulous.

A humorous pamphlet, already quoted, represents Shaftesbury as

abandoning his pretensions to the crown of Poland, for the purpose of

following up the discovery of the Popish plot. "In the very height of

all this expectation, one night as his majesty elect lay musing upon

his bed, restless with the thoughts and expectation of the approaching

empire, there appeared to him, by the light of a lamp that was burning

in his chamber, a dreadful and most monstrous vision. The shape and

figure of it was very confused and irregular: sometimes it looked like

the whore of Babylon, naked, and of immense privities; presently, in

the twinkling of an eye, the form was changed, and it appeared like a

justice of the peace, strangled by a crew of ruffians, who afterwards

ran him through the body with his own sword, that it might be thought

he hanged himself; on a sudden it was altered again, and seemed a troop

of pilgrims, armed with black bills, that came the Lord knows whence,

landed the Lord knows where, and are gone the Lord knows whither.

His majesty seeing it vary so often, and so terribly, calling up all

the faith he had to his assistance, boldly demanded 'In the name of,

&c. what art thou?' Instantly, after a terrible clap of thunder,

accompanied with several flashes of lightning, it contracted itself

into the shape of a doctor of Salamanca, and, in a hideous tone, cried

out, 'I am a PLOT. Woe to England! farewell till 78;' and vanished.

No sooner was it gone, but a stupid amazement seized upon the majesty

of Poland, and cast him into a deep sleep, where he lay till morning,

when, awakening, he found himself stript of all the high and aspiring

thoughts that before had filled his mind; pity and compassion towards

his native country utterly cooled his ambition, and from that moment he

laid by all thoughts of converting the Turk, and resolved to stay at

home for confounding the pope.

"Thus has this good man, (for he is no more his majesty,) again

refused the highest promotion that perhaps any subject of England was

ever raised to, merely to stand in a gap here, and slay the plague that

was coming upon us."[413]

Note V.

_Have I for this------

Even when at helm, a course so dangerous moved,

To land your hopes, as my removal proved._

P. 325.

In 1679, the national discontent running exceedingly high, both on

account of the Popish plot, and for other reasons, the king, by the

advice of Sir William Temple, summoned a council of thirty persons,

fifteen of whom were the great officers of the crown, and fifteen

chosen from the country party. Shaftesbury was made president of this

council, against the opinion of Temple; and quickly found the means of

pressing his favourite measure of the Exclusion Bill. Monmouth, upon

whose interest in the king's affections he had great reliance, was

the person whom he proposed to nominate as successor, either by a law

to be passed for the purpose, or by prevailing on the king to declare

him legitimate. For this purpose, the interest of Shaftesbury was

exerted to have the duke sent down to Scotland, to oppose the insurgent

Covenanters, whom he defeated at Bothwell Bridge. The king's illness,

and the sudden revolution which took place in his councils, upon the

unexpected return of the Duke of York from Flanders, ruined this

project, and occasioned the disgrace of Monmouth, and the dismissal of

Shaftesbury.

Note VI.

_Amongst these, extorting Ishban first appears,

Pursued by a meagre troop of bankrupt heirs._

P. 328.

Sir Robert Clayton, alderman of London, and one of the representatives

of the city during the two last parliaments of King Charles II., was

warmly attached to the Whig party. He took an active concern, as a

magistrate, in examining the sham-plotter, Fitz-Harris; and was charged

by the Tories with an attempt to suborn that person to swear, that

he had been hired by the court to fix a plot upon the Protestants.

The examination of Fitz-Harris, who swore, and counter-swore, in many

different ways, besides avouching that he was bribed to concoct a

sham-plot, and to ascribe it to the Whigs, (a base manœuvre, too

often played off by both parties to be incredible,) added a thousand

improbable falsehoods about a Papist plot against the Protestants.

When removed from the city jail, and committed to the Tower, he told

another story: He was then in the power of the king, and alleged, that

Howard, and others, were in a plot to seize the king's person, and

that they had employed him to contrive the aforesaid sham-plot, in

order to charge upon the court the crime of subornation, &c. He added,

that Clayton, Bethel, Cornish, and Treby, the city-recorder, extorted

from him, by threats, his previous declaration concerning the Popish

plot, and used the most urgent means to compel him to impute the guilt

of Godfrey's murder to Danby, and to fix an accession to the Popish

conspiracy on the queen and Duke of York. The man was executed adhering

to this last story. Clayton, and the others accused of such infamous

practices, exculpated themselves in a pamphlet, entitled, "Truth

Vindicated," in which they showed many objections to Fitz-Harris's

final declaration. We must be contented to leave the affair in mystery;

and to regret there ever was a time in England, when the character and

common practices of both the leading parties in the kingdom were by no

means pure enough to exempt either from such foul suspicions.

Sir Robert Clayton, with the other London members, all of whom were

zealous Whigs, and whose re-election was hailed by the acclamations

of their party,[414] attended the Oxford Parliament in formidable

array; they were escorted by a numerous band of armed partizans,

who wore on their hats ribbons, bearing the label, "No Popery, no

Slavery," and were obviously prepared for something more than an usual

attendance upon their duty in the House of Commons. According to

Dugdale's evidence, Sir Robert Clayton was present at a carousal at

Lord Lovelace's, near Oxford, where Colledge, one of their principal

myrmidons, sung the unlucky ballad, which went so far towards his

condemnation.[415]

The story, that Sir Robert Clayton wished to purchase a peerage, seems

to have become popular. In the last will and testament of the Charter

of London is this, among other jocular bequests; "To Sir Robert Clayton

I bequeath all that the chamberlain has left of the common stock, to

purchase Paddington manor, with the demesnes and appurtenances thereto,

since there are now no _dukedoms_ to be purchased; and it is thought

that Tyburn, paying his arrears next year to the city, will yield a

better rate than 20l. _per cent._ in the banker's hands."--_Somers'

Tracts_, p. 185. His usury is also hinted at in a poem called, "The

Duke of Buckingham's Litany," and its consequences are enumerated among

the other follies of that prodigal peer:

From learning new morals from Bedlam Sir Payton;

And truth and modesty from Sir Ellis Layton;

From making our heirs, to be Morrice and Clayton,

_Libera nos, Domine._

It ought to be mentioned to Sir Robert Clayton's honour, that out of

his wealth, howsoever procured, he dedicated a portion to found the

mathematical school in Christ Church Hospital.

Note VII.

_Next him, let railing Rabsheka have place,

So full of zeal, he has no need of grace;

A saint, that can both flesh and spirit use,

Alike haunt conventicles and stews._--P. 328.

Sir Thomas Player, chamberlain of the city of London, was, like Sir

Robert Clayton, one of the city members, both in the Westminster

and Oxford parliaments; and, being as zealous as his colleague in

the popular cause, what has been said concerning their mode of

marching to Oxford, applies to him as well as to the other. He is

accused of libertinism, in the pasquinade quoted in the last note,

where the Charter of London makes him this bequest: "To Sir Thomas

Player, I leave all the manor of Moorfields, with all the wenches and

bawdy-houses thereunto belonging, with Mrs Cresswells[416] for his

immediate inheritance, to enjoy and occupy all, from the bawd to the

whore downward, at nineteen shillings in the pound cheaper than any

other person, because he may not exhaust the chamber by paying old

arrears, nor embezzle the stock by running into new scores."[417]

Note VIII.

_Let David's brother but approach the town,

Double our guards, he cries, we are undone._

P. 328.

When the Duke of York unexpectedly returned from Brussels, on the

news of the king's illness, his arrival spread discomfiture through

Shaftesbury's party in court, and rage and alarm among those in the

city. Sir Thomas Player, at the head of a numerous body of citizens,

or persons who called themselves so, made his appearance before the

lord-mayor, and court of aldermen; and after having expatiated, in a

set speech, upon the horrors of Popery, and upon the return of the

Duke of York, whose religion had first led to the conspiracy, and

whose recent arrival must necessarily give it new life, he gravely

demanded, that the city-guards should be doubled, and that four

companies, instead of two, should be appointed to duty every night.

The lord-mayor, after some discussion, evaded Sir Thomas's request,

by referring it to the livery. In the vehemence of the chamberlain's

oratory, a remarkable expression, noticed in the text, chanced to

escape him, "that he durst hardly go to sleep, for fear of awaking

with his throat cut." In the pretended account of this interview, he

is only made to say, that it was now out of doubt, that the Papists

had burnt the city; "And if they had not been disappointed, would have

cut our throats too at the same time, while we were endeavouring to

save the small remainder of our goods." But the publisher acknowledges,

he could give but an imperfect account of the "speech of this worthy

and deserving knight, and the Lord Mayor's generous reply thereunto."

"Cutting throats," indeed, appears to have been a frequent terror of

the zealous knight. In the Westminster parliament, he made a speech

on the Exclusion Bill, in which, after stating that he had read in

Scripture of one man dying for a nation, but never of three nations

dying for one man; he assured the House, that they "would be embroiled

in blood before they were aware of it;" that he had "_no patience to

think of sitting still while his throat was a cutting_;" and therefore

prayed, they would endeavour to have laws that might enable them

to defend themselves.[418] In the parliament of Oxford, Sir Thomas

Player made a violent speech, upon Fitzharris being withdrawn from the

city jail, and sent to the Tower, with a view, as he contended, of

stifling his evidence against the Duke of York and the Papists; and

concluded by making a motion, which was carried, that if any judge,

justice, or jury, should proceed upon him, and he be found guilty,

they be declared guilty of his murder, and betrayers of the rights of

the commons of England. In short, Sir Thomas Player was a hot-headed

violent factionary; but Rouse, one of his dependants who suffered for

the Rye-house plot, with his dying breath cleared Sir Thomas of any

accession to that conspiracy; and declared, that he broke with Lord

Shaftesbury, upon perceiving the violent plans which he agitated after

his being freed from the Tower. _State Trials_, p. 750.

Note IX.

_Judas, that keeps the rebels' pension-purse;

Judas, that pays the treason-writer's fee;

Judas, that well deserves his name-sake's tree;

Who at Jerusalem's own gates erects

His college for a nursery of sects._--P. 329.

Under the name of Judas, Dryden describes the famous Robert Ferguson,

a native of Scotland, and, by profession, an independant preacher, and

teacher of an academy at Islington.--_Ath. Ox._ Vol. II. p. 743. He

was one of those dark, intriguing, subtile, and ferocious characters,

that emerge into notice in times of turmoil and civil dissension, and

whose appearance as certainly bodes revolution, as the gambols of

the porpoise announce a tempest. Through the whole of his busy and

desperate career, he appears to have been guided less by any principle,

moral or political, than by the mere pleasure of dealing in matters

deep and dangerous, and exerting his ingenuity to shake the quiet

of the kingdom at the risk of his own neck. In organizing dark and

bloody intrigues; in maintaining the courage of the zealots whom he

engaged in them; in carrying on the mystic correspondence by which the

different parts of the conspiracy were to be cemented and conjoined;

in guarding against the risque of discovery, and, lastly, in effecting

with nicety a hairbreadth escape when it had taken place,--all these

perilous, dubious, and criminal manœuvres, at which the noble-minded

revolt, and the peaceful are terrified, were the scenes in which the

genius of Ferguson delighted to exert itself. When the magistracy of

London was thrown into the hands of the crown, the charter annulled,

and all means of accomplishing a revolution by the ancient existing

authorities, were annihilated, such a character as Ferguson became of

inestimable value to Shaftesbury, considering the new plans which he

had in agitation, and the persons by whom they were to be accomplished.

Accordingly, he shared much of that politician's confidence, while his

influence, as a popular and violent preacher in the city, gave him

every facility of selecting and training the persons fittest to assist

in the meditated insurrection. His chapel, in Moorfields, was crowded

with multitudes of fanatics, whom fired by his political sermons, and

occasionally stimulated by libels and pamphlets, from a private press

of which he had the management, as well as of a purse that maintained

it. He distributed most of the pamphlets written on the Whig party,

and was by no means averse to father even the most dangerous of them;

his vanity, according to Burnet, getting the better of his prudence.

Some notable pieces, however, of his composition, are still known;

his style was of that diffuse, coarse, and periphrastic nature, best

suited to the apprehension of the vulgar, upon whose dull intellects

sentiments are always impressive, in proportion to the length of

time they are forced to dwell on them. He wrote the "Appeal from the

Country to the City," where, in plain words, he points out the Duke of

Monmouth as successor to the crown, and that because he had a dubious,

or rather no title at all to claim it. "No person is fitter than his

Grace the Duke of Monmouth, as well for quality, courage, and conduct,

as for that his life and fortune stand on the same bottom with yours.

He will stand by you, and therefore you ought to stand by him. And

remember the old rule is, _He, that has the worst title, ever makes

the best king_; as being constrained, by a gracious government, to

supply what he wants in title; that, instead of _God and my right_, his

motto may be, _God and my people_." He proceeds to quote a historical

example for putting Monmouth on the throne, under the tutelage of

Shaftesbury, by stating that, after the death of Alexander, nothing

would pacify the dissensions which ensued, "but the choosing of King

Philip's illegitimate son, Aridæus, who, notwithstanding that he was a

man but of reasonable parts himself, might, as they thought, perform

the office well enough, by the help of his wise protector Perdiceas."

This extraordinary piece is filled with the most violent declamations

against the Papists, in that tawdry, bombastic, and inflammatory

eloquence, wherewith, to speak according to Dryden's parable, he

"tempted Jerusalem to sin."[419]

Ferguson also wrote the second part of "No Protestant Plot," another

very violent pamphlet, and several treatises on the same subject.

Meanwhile, other means were prepared to effect the desired change

of government. It is not necessary to enter particularly into the

well-known history of the Rye-house plot. Every body knows, that,

while Russel, Sidney, Monmouth, and others, undertook to raise an

insurrection in the country, Shaftesbury promised to head ten thousand

brisk boys in the city of London. Among these brisk boys were a fanatic

party, who agitated projects of assassinating the King and the Duke

of York, unknown to the more generous nobles, who proposed only to

secure the king's person. In all and each of these cabals, Ferguson

acted a distinguished part. When Shaftesbury fled from his house into

lurking places about Wapping, he trusted Ferguson with the secret of

his residence, although concealed from the noble-minded Russel, and the

generous Monmouth. By his intervention, he heartened and encouraged the

associates to break forth into open insurrection. With the inferior

conspirators, Ferguson was yet more intimate, and seems, in fact, to

have given life to the vague and desperate plans of _lopping_, as they

called the assassination of the royal brothers, by the countenance

which he pretended to procure the conspirators from those of superior

rank. He told West, he would procure the Duke of Monmouth's written

consent to his father's murder; although he afterwards allowed, he

durst not even mention such a plan to him. At length, when Shaftesbury,

weary of the delays of the other conspirators, left England for ever,

Ferguson and Walcot were the companions of his flight. By this the

plan of insurrection was for a time confounded, for the higher order

of the malcontents were ignorant of the lines of communication by

which the city cabal was conducted. Ferguson was therefore recalled,

and in an evil hour returned from Holland. His arrival gave new life

both to the upper and inferior conspiracy: in the former, six of the

leaders formed themselves into a regular committee, to extend their

influence and correspondence through the kingdom, and unite measures

with the disaffected in Scotland. The lower band of assassins matured

and prepared their plan for assassinating the king and duke as they

returned from Newmarket. Ferguson, who still acted in the capacity of

treasurer, which Dryden has assigned him, paid for the arms provided

for the enterprize; and, by his daring language, encouraged them to

proceed. He offered, in mockery, to consecrate the blunderbuss with

which Rumbold was to fire into the carriage; and when Sunday was fixed

for the day of action, he quoted the old Scottish proverb, "the better

day, the better deed." Even when, by the treachery of Keeling, the

plot was finally discovered, and the conspirators were dispersing in

dismay and terror, Ferguson took his leave of them with great gaiety,

and, trusting to the plots of Argyle and Jerviswood, with which he

was also intimate, told them, he hoped to meet them all at Dunbar.

This indifference, at such a crisis, led to a supposition, that he had

some secret correspondence with government: it was even said, that

the messenger who arrested Ferguson suffered him to escape, but of

this there seems no evidence. He retired to Holland, where he joined

the unfortunate Monmouth, and was a principal agent in pushing him

on to his western invasion, when, if left to himself, he would have

remained in quiet. He drew the proclamation which Monmouth issued

at his landing, a prolix, ill-worded production, stuffed with all

the true, and all the false accusations against James II., and where

the last so much drowned the others, that it was only calculated to

make an impression on the lowest vulgar. He was always earnest with

Monmouth, to take upon himself the title of king; and may be said to

have contributed greatly to every false step which he made, and to

the final destruction in which they ended. Of this Monmouth was so

sensible, that he told the king in their last interview, "That Ferguson

was chiefly the person who instigated him to set up his title of king,

and had been a main adviser and contriver of the whole affair, as

well to the attempting, as acting, what had been done;" but he had

little to answer when Halifax expressed his surprise, that he should

have given ear to him who, as he had long before told the late king,

"was a bloody rogue, and always advised to the cutting of throats."

Ferguson was taken, on this occasion, the third day after the battle

of Sedgemore. Yet, when so much blood was spilt, both with, and

without the forms of law, this man, who had been most active in the

conspiracy against the king, when Duke of York, and had now organized

an invasion and insurrection in his dominions, was, by the inexorable

James, freely pardoned and dismissed, to council and assist the next

conspiracy. Perhaps his life was saved by Sunderland, lest he had

disclosed what he probably knew of his intercourse with the Prince

of Orange, and even with Monmouth himself. Ferguson seems, on his

liberation, to have returned to Holland; and did not fail to take a

share in the intrigues which preceded the Revolution. He managed the

dissenters for the interest of the Prince of Orange; and endeavoured

to press upon William a sense of their importance. But other, and more

important engines, were now at work; and Ferguson seems to have enjoyed

but a subaltern consideration: Burnet, who made such a figure in the

expedition, avers, he did not even know him by sight.[420] When the

Prince of Orange was at Exeter, the dissenters refused him the keys of

their meeting house. But Ferguson was accustomed to surmount greater

obstacles. "I will take," said he, laughing, "the kingdom of heaven by

storm," and broke open the door with his own hand. After the Revolution

was accomplished, one would have thought Ferguson's machinations might

have ended. He had seen his party triumphant; he had been rewarded with

a good post;[421] and, what was probably dearer to him than either

principle or profit, his intrigues had successfully contributed to the

achievement of a great change of government. But it was not in his

nature to be in repose; and, having spent all the former part of his

life in caballing to drive James from the throne, he now engaged with

the same fervour in every conspiracy for his restoration. In the very

year which succeeded that of the Revolution, we find him deeply engaged

with Sir James Montgomery, and the other Scottish presbyterians,

who, discontented with King William, had united with the Jacobites.

The Marquis of Anandale having absconded on account of his share in

this conspiracy, Ferguson secreted him for several weeks; a kindness

which the Marquis repaid, by betraying him to government.[422] With

his usual good fortune, he was dismissed; either in consideration of

former services, or because a full proof against him was not to be

obtained. After this, he continued to engage in every plot against the

government; and each year published one or two pamphlets, which put

his ears, if not his neck, in peril. His last grand exhibition was an

attack upon Trenchard, the secretary of state, for the use of blank and

general warrants.[423] But that adventure, as the romance writers say,

was reserved for another demagogue. Finally, Ferguson, who had in this

remarkable manner kept his promise of being engaged in every conspiracy

of his time, and, had gained the honourable epithet of "The Plotter,"

died quietly, and in peace, after having repeatedly seen the scaffold

stream with the blood of the associates of his various machinations.

One touch alone softens the character of this extraordinary incendiary.

In all his difficulties, he is never charged with betraying his

associates. His person is thus remarkably described in the proclamation

for apprehending his person, among the other Rye-house assassins.

A description of several of the conspirators that are fled. London

Gazette, from August 2d, to August 6th, 1683.

"Robert Ferguson, a tall lean man, dark-brown hair, a great Roman

nose, thin jawed, heat in his face, speaks in the Scotch tone, a sharp

piercing eye, stoops a little in the shoulders. He has a shuffling

gait, that differs from all men; wears his periwig down almost over his

eyes; about 45 or 46 years old."

Note X.

_Here Phaleg, the lay Hebronite, is come._--P. 329.

Of James Forbes I can give but a slight account. He was placed by the

Duke of Ormond as travelling tutor to the young Earl of Derby, who had

married his grand-daughter. Carte says, he was a gentleman of parts,

virtue, and prudence, but of too mild a nature to manage his pupil.

In Paris the earl addicted himself to the society of one Merrit, a

worthless profligate; and the governor having cautioned his charge

against this acquaintance, was assaulted at disadvantage by Merrit,

and dangerously wounded. Lord Derby, it seems, not only countenanced

Merrit's assault upon Mr Forbes, but, at the instigation of some young

French rakes, consented to his governor's being tossed in a blanket.

The Duke of Ormond, finding that the earl was wild and impatient of

restraint, and that his tutor's sage remonstrances had but little

effect, recalled Forbes, and sent in his stead Colonel Thomas Fairfax,

a gallant and brave man, and roughly honest. Lord Derby was at first

restiff; but Fairfax telling him plainly, that he was sent to govern

him, and would govern him, and that his lordship must submit, and

should do it, the young nobleman had the sense to comply, broke off his

evil acquaintances, and behaved ever after with great propriety.[424]

Forbes's misadventures in Paris, though, according to Carte, they

inferred no real dishonour, are severely alluded to by Dryden in the

text. I am not anxious to unrip the ancient chronicle of scandal,

in order to trace Phaleg's amours. He appears to have become one of

Monmouth's dependants.

Note XI.

_Let Hebron, nay let hell, produce a man,

So made for mischief as Ben-Jochanan._--P. 330.

The Reverend Samuel Johnson, a party-writer of considerable merit. He

was a native of Warwickshire, and took orders after a regular course

of study at Cambridge. He obtained the small living of Curingham,

in Essex, by the patronage of a Mr Biddolph. The emoluments of this

benefice did not exceed eighty pounds a-year; and it was the only

church preferment he ever enjoyed. Dryden alludes to his poverty in

describing his original situation. Mr Johnson's patron, observing his

turn for politics, exhorted him to study the English constitution in

Bracton and Fortescue; but by no means to make his sermons the vehicle

for his political sentiments. The opinions which he formed in the

course of study, were such as recommended him as chaplain to the famous

Lord Russell.

While he was in this situation, and during the dependance of the Bill

of Exclusion, he endeavoured at once to show the danger to a national

religion from a sovereign who held opposite tenets, and to explode

the doctrine of passive obedience, in a work entitled, "Julian the

Apostate; with a short Account of his Life, and a Parallel betwixt

Popery and Paganism." In this performance, according to Wood, he was

assisted by Thomas Hunt the lawyer. This book, which made a good deal

of noise at the time, was answered by the learned Hickes, in a treatise

called "Jovian," in which, according to Anthony a Wood, the doctor

hath, with unquestionable clearness, laid open the folly, "ignorance,

weakness, and pernicious drift of that traitorous scribbler." Without

entering into the controversy, there can be little doubt, that, so

far as the argument from the example of the primitive Christians is

sound, Johnson has fairly made out his case. Indeed Dryden has little

left to say, except, that if they did resist Julian, which he seems

to admit, they were very wrong in so doing, and the less that is said

about it, the more will be the credit of the ancient church. Johnson

prepared a reply to "Jovian," called, the "Arts of Julian to undermine

Christianity;" but the Rye-house Plot having intervened, he did not

judge it prudent to publish it. He was called before the Privy Council,

who insisted upon knowing why this book, which had been entered at

Stationers Hall, was not published? His answer alleged, that the

ferment of the nation was so great as to render the further discussion

of the question imprudent. They then demanded a copy of the book; and

added, that, if they approved it, it should be published. To this

insidious proposal he boldly replied, that, having suppressed the book,

it only contained his private thoughts, which he could be compelled

to disclose to no man on earth. For this answer he was committed to

prison, and his house searched for the copies, which had fortunately

been bestowed elsewhere. The court finding themselves unable to reach

Johnson for _not_ publishing his second work, determined to try him

for publishing his first. Accordingly, he was brought to the bar and

insulted by Jefferies, who told him, he would give him a text, "Let

every man study to be quiet, and mind his own business."--"I minded my

business as an Englishman," answered this spirited man, "when I wrote

that book." All defence was in vain; he was condemned to a heavy fine,

and to lie in jail till it was paid, which in his circumstances was

equal to a sentence of perpetual imprisonment. Even from his prison

house, where he lay for five years, amid the accumulated distresses

of sickness and poverty, he let his countrymen hear his voice, and

failed not to enter an animated and vigorous protest against each new

encroachment upon the liberty and religion of England.[425] At length,

having published "An humble and hearty Address to all the English

Protestants in this present Army,"[426] exhorting them not to serve

as instruments to eradicate their religion and enslave their country,

he again fell under the grasp of power, was tried and sentenced to

be thrice pilloried, and whipped from Newgate to Tyburn; having been

previously degraded from his ecclesiastical orders. He bore both the

previous ceremony of degradation, and the cruel punishment which

followed, with the greatest magnanimity. When they disrobed him, he

told the divines present, that he could not but grieve, since all

he had written was to keep the gowns on their backs, they should

nevertheless be the unhappy instruments to pull off his. When they put

a Bible into his hand as a part of the formality of degradation, and

again took it from him, he was much affected, and said with tears, they

could not, however, deprive him of the use and benefit of that sacred

deposit.[427] On the 1st of December, 1686, he suffered the remainder

of his inhuman sentence; the pain being his, but the infamy that of

the persons who imposed it.

After the Revolution, the proceedings against this staunch patriot

were declared illegal; and he received a pension of L.300 yearly, with

L.1000 in money, and a post for his son. Crewe, Bishop of Durham, who

acted as one of the commissioners for discharging the duty of the

Bishop of London, and as such was active in Mr Johnson's degradation,

compounded with him against a suit at law, by payment of a handsome

sum. Yet Johnson's dangers were not over; for, such was the enmity of

the adherents of King James against him, that a party of desperate

assassins broke into his house by night, beat, wounded, and threatened

to pistol him, for the books he had written; but, upon his wife's

intreaties, at length desisted from their bloody design. The latter

part of his days were spent in quietness and independence.

The reader may contrast the character which Dryden has given of

Johnson, with that of Hampden, who, in an account of him to the Duchess

of Mazarine, says; "Being two years with him in the same prison, I had

the opportunity to know him perfectly well; and, to speak my thoughts

of him in one word, I can assure your Grace, that I never knew a man of

better sense, of a more innocent life, nor of greater virtue, which was

proof against all temptation, than Mr Johnson."--See Memorials of his

Life prefixed to his Works in folio.

Note XII.

_If Balack should be called to leave his place,

As profit is the loudest call of grace,

His temple, dispossessed of one, would be

Replenished with seven devils more by thee._--P. 331.

The famous Gilbert Burnet was then lecturer at St Clements, and

preacher at the Rolls chapel, under the patronage of Sir Harbottle

Grimstone, Master of the Rolls. King Charles was so anxious that he

should be dismissed, as to make it his particular request to Sir

Harbottle; but the Master excused himself. It was here he preached that

famous sermon on the day of the Gunpowder Treason, 5th November, 1684,

when he chose for his text, "Save me from the _lion's_ mouth, thou

hast heard me from the horns of the _unicorns_;" which, in spite of

the doctor's protestations to the contrary, certain suspicious persons

considered as an allusion to the supporters of the king's arms. For

this he was finally disgraced, and turned out of the chapel of the

Rolls. See note on the Buzzard, in the "Hind and Panther."

Note XIII.

_Some in my speedy pace I must out-run,

As lame Mephibosheth, the wizard's son._--P. 331.

Samuel Pordage, a minor poet and dramatist of the time, drew this

passing sarcasm on his person and pedigree, by a stupid poem, called

"Azariah and Hushai," published 1681-2; being an attempt to imitate

or answer "Absalom and Achitophel:" with what success the reader may

judge, from the following character of Dryden:

Shimei, the poet laureat of that age,

The falling glory of the Jewish stage,

Who scourged the priest, and ridiculed the plot,

Like common men, must not be quite forgot.

Sweet was the muse that did his wit inspire,

Had he not let his hackney muse to hire:

But variously his knowing muse could sing,

Could Doeg praise, and could blaspheme the king;

The bad make good, good bad, and bad make worse.

Bless in heroics, and in satires curse.

Shimei to Zabed's[428] praise could tune his muse,

And princely Azaria could abuse.

Zimri, we know, he had no cause to praise,

Because he dubbed him with the name of Bayes:

Revenge on him did bitter venom shed,

Because he tore the laurel from his head;

Because he durst with his proud wit engage,

And brought his follies on the public stage.

Tell me, Apollo, for I can't divine,

Why wives he cursed, and praised the concubine;

Unless it were, that he had led his life

With a teeming matron, ere she was a wife;

Or that it best with his dear muse did suit,

Who was for hire a very prostitute.

He also stepped forward to break a lance with our author, on the

subject of Shaftesbury's acquittal; and answered the "Medal" by a

very stupid poem, called the "Medal Reversed." To all this scurrilous

doggrel, Dryden only replied by the single couplet above quoted. He

calls Mephibosheth "the wizard's son," because the Reverend John

Pordage, vicar of Bradfield, in Berkshire, and father of the poet,

Samuel, was ejected from his cure by the commissioners of Berkshire,

for conversation with evil spirits, and for blasphemy, ignorance,

scandalous behaviour, devilism, uncleanness, and heaven knows what. His

case of insufficiency is among the State Trials, from which he seems to

have been a crazy enthusiast, who believed in a correspondence with

genii and dæmons.

Samuel Pordage was a member of the society of Lincoln's Inn. He wrote

three plays, namely, the "Troades," translated from Seneca, "Herod and

Mariamne," and "The Siege of Babylon." He also published a romance

called "Eliana," and prepared a new edition of "God's Revenge against

Murder," which was published after his death. Pordage was, moreover,

author of "Heroic Stanzas on his Majesty's Coronation, 1661," and

probably of other occasional pieces, deservedly doomed to oblivion.

Note XIV.

_Shun rotten Uzza as I would the pox._--P. 331.

Jack Hall, ranked as a sort of third-rate poet and courtier among the

minor wits of the time. In the "Essay on Satire," he is mentioned as

a companion of "little Sid, for simile renowned." Whether we suppose

Sidley, or Sidney, to be represented under that character, as they were

both at present in the country party, it is possible that Jack Hall

went into opposition with his friend and admirer. See the note upon

Hall, appended to the "Essay on Satire."

Note XV.

_Doeg, though without knowing how or why,

Made still a blundering kind of melody._--P. 331.

Elkanah Settle, whose original quarrel with our author is detailed

in the introductory remarks to their prose controversy, had now

further incensed him, by tergiversation in politics: For Elkanah,

although originally a Tory, was induced, probably by his connections

as poet-laureat for the city, to go over to the party of Monmouth and

Shaftesbury.[429] His new friends made use of his talents in a two-fold

capacity. Shaftesbury employed him to write a pamphlet in favour of

the Exclusion, entitled, "The Character of a Popish Successor." When

Settle afterwards recanted, he said, this piece, which made some

noise at the time, was retouched by "his noble friend in Aldersgate

Street," whose only objection was, that it was not sufficiently

violent in favour of insurrection. Settle, having a mechanical turn,

was also employed as chief engineer at the solemn pope-burning, which

we have so often mentioned; in which charge he acquitted himself much

to the satisfaction of his employers. On account of his literary and

mechanical merits, Sir Roger L'Estrange allots him the double office

of poet-laureat and master of the ordnance to the Whig faction, in the

following passage of a dialogue between Jest and Earnest:

"_Jest._ For instance, I knew a lusty fellow, who would not willingly

be thought valiant,[430] who has an indifferent hand at making of

crackers, serpents, rockets, and the other playthings that are proper

on the 5th of November; and has for such his skill received applause,

and victuals, from the munificent gentlemen about Temple-bar.

"_Earnest._ And he, I'll warrant, is made master of the ordnance?

"_Jest._ True; and I think him very fit for it. But he's like to have

another employment, of a strangely different nature; for, because this

dull wretch, once upon a time, wrote a fulsomely nonsensical poem,

in prose, being a character of a bugbear, he, forsooth, is designed

poet-laureat too!

"_Earnest._ These two offices, as you say, one would think, should

require diverse accomplishments: But then it may be said, that these

may well enough be supplied by one man; the poet to make ballads in

peace, and betake himself to his other business in war.

"_Jest._ Nay, his squibs and his poems have much what the same fortune;

they crack and bounce, and the boys and girls laugh at them.

"_Earnest._ Well, how great are the advantages! I thought the

author of the satyric work upon the "Observator," and Heraclitus,

or the _Person of Honour_, that obliged the pie-folks with poetical

reflections upon "Absalom and Achitophel;" I say, I thought these

forsaken scribblers might have bid fairest for the evergreen twig.

"_Jest._ I thought so too; but hunger will break stone-walls. Elk.

promises to vindicate Lucifer's first rebellion for a few guineas. Poor

Absalom and Achitophel must e'en hide themselves in the Old Testament

again; and I question whether they'll be safe there from the fury of

this mighty Cacadoggin.

"_Earnest._ Silly chit! has he not learned the apologue of the Serpent

and the File? But fare him well."--_Heraclitus Redens_, No. 50.

From the last part of this passage, it appears that Settle was then

labouring upon his answer to "Absalom and Achitophel," for which Dryden

condemned him to a disgraceful immortality. At length he came forth

with "Absalom Senior, or Achitophel Transprosed."[431]

In this piece Dryden's plan is followed, by applying the names and

history of scripture to modern persons and events. Thus, Queen

Elizabeth is Deborah, and Sir Francis Drake, Barak; the Papists are the

worshippers of Baal, and the Duke of York is Absalom. This circumstance

did not escape the wit of Dryden, who says of Settle, in the text,

For almonds he'll cry whore to his own mother,

Or call young Absalom King David's brother.

Indeed, Elkanah seems himself to have been sensible of the absurdity

of this personification, by which the king's brother, almost as old as

himself, was converted into the blooming son of David; and apologizes,

in his preface addressed to the Tories, for "the freedom of clapping

but about a score of years extraordinary on the back of Absalom.

Neither is it," he continues, "altogether so unpardonable a poetical

licence; since we find as great slips from the author of your own

'Absalom,' where we see him bring in a Zimri into the court of David,

who, in the scripture story, died by the hand of Phineas, in the days

of Moses.[432] Nay, in the other extreme, we find him, in another

place, talking of the martyrdom of Stephen, so many ages after; and, if

so famous an author can forget his own rules of unity, time, and place,

I hope you'll give a minor poet some grains of allowance."

Sir E. Godfrey's murder is disguised under that of Amnon, Tamar's rape

being explained the discovery of the plot:

Baal's cabinet intrigues he open spread;

The ravish'd Tamar, for whose sake he bled.

As Settle's poems have long fallen into total oblivion, from which his

name has only been rescued by the satirical pen of Dryden, and as he

was once thought no unequal rival for that great poet, the reader may

be curious to see a specimen of his style; I have therefore inserted

the few of the leading characters of "Absalom Senior," in which he has

"rhymed and rattled" with most tolerable success.

DUKE OF MONMOUTH.

In the first rank the youthful Ithream stood,

His princely veins filled with great David's blood;

With so much manly beauty in his face,

Scarce his high birth could lend a nobler grace;

And for a mind fit for this shrine of gold,

Heaven cast his soul in the same beauteous mould,

With all the sweets of prideless greatness blest,

And affable as Abraham's angel guest.

SHAFTESBURY.

That second Moses' guide resolved to free

Our Israel from her threatening slavery;

Idolatry and chains, both from the rods

Of Pharaoh masters and Egyptian gods.

* * * * *

Such our Barzillai; but Barzillai too,

With Moses' fate does Moses' zeal pursue;

Leads to that bliss which his own silver hairs

Shall never reach, rich only to his heirs.

Kind patriot, who, to plant us banks of flowers,

With purling streams, cool shades, and summer bowers,

His age's needful rest away does fling,

Exhausts his autumn to adorn our spring;

While his last hours in toils and storms are hurled,

And only to enrich the inheriting world.

Thus prodigally throws his life's short span,

To play his country's generous pelican.

The ungainly appearance, uncouth delivery, and versatile politics of

the famous Duke of Lauderdale, are thus described:

Let not that hideous bulk of honour 'scape,

Nadab, that sets the gazing crowd agape;

That old kirk-founder, whose coarse croak could sing

The saints, the cause, no bishop, and no king;

When greatness cleared his throat, and scoured his maw,

Roared out succession, and the penal law.

* * * * *

To Absalom's side does his Old Covenant bring,

With state razed out, and interlined with king.

JEFFERIES.

Of low-born tools we bawling Shimei saw,

Jerusalem's late loud-tongued mouth of law;

By blessings from almighty bounty given,

Shimei, no common favourite of heaven,

Whom, lest posterity should lose the breed,

In five short moons indulgent heaven raised seed,

Made happy in an early teeming bride,

And laid a lovely heiress by her side.[433]

But, as was reasonably to be expected, Settle has exerted his whole

powers of satire and poetry in the description of his antagonist

Dryden: And here let me remark, that almost all the adversaries of

our author commence their attack, by an unwilling compliment to his

poetical powers:

But Amiel[434] had, alas! the fate to hear

An angry poet play his chronicler;

A poet raised above Oblivion's shade,

By his recorded verse immortal made.

But, sir, his livelier figure to engrave,

With branches added to the _bays_ you gave,

No muse could more heroic feats rehearse;

Had with an equal all-applauding verse,

Great David's sceptre, and Saul's javelin, praised,

A pyramid to his saint, Interest, raised:

For which, religiously, no change he mist, }

From commonwealth's man up to royalist; }

Nay, would have been his own loathed thing, called priest; }

Priest, which with so much gall he does describe,

'Cause once unworthy thought of Levi's tribe.

Near those bright towers, where Art has wonders done, }

And at his feet proud Jordan's waters run, }

Where David's sight glads the blest summer's sun, }

A cell there stands, by pious founders raised,

Both for its wealth and learned rabbins praised;

To this did an ambitious bard aspire.

To be no less than lord of that blest choir;

Till wisdom deemed so sacred a command

A prize too great for his unhallowed hand.

Besides, lewd Fame had told his plighted vow

To Laura's cooing love, perched on a drooping bough;

Laura, in faithful constancy confined

To Ethiop's envoy, and to all mankind;

Laura, though rotten, yet of mould divine,

He had all her ----, and she had all his coin;

Her wit so far his purse and sense could drain.

Till every ---- was sweetened to a strain;

And if at last his nature can reform,

As weary grown of love's tumultuous storm.

'Tis age's fault, not his, of power bereft,--

He left not whoring, but of that was left.

Settle's end was utterly inglorious. In 1683, he deserted the cause

of the Whigs, and returned to that of the Tories; for whom he wrote

several periodical tracts, in one of which, entitled, "A Narrative," he

accused his old patron Shaftesbury of correcting the famous "Character

of a Popish Successor;" and objecting, that it did not speak favourably

enough of rebellion.[435] Whether compelled by poverty, or through

zeal for the royal cause, he became a trooper in King James's army,

when it was encamped on Hounslow-Heath.[436] Finally, he took the

prophetic hint conveyed in Dryden's lines, and became, not indeed the

master, but the assistant, to a puppet-show, kept by a Mrs Minns, in

Bartholomew-fair. Thus, the expression, which Dryden had chiefly used

in contemptuous allusion to the share which Settle had in directing the

Pope-burning, and the fire-works which accompanied it, was literally

fulfilled.[437] Nay, poor Elkanah, in his old age, was at length

obliged not only to write for the puppet-show, but to appear in it as

a performer, inclosed in a case representing a green dragon of his own

proper device. There are few readers, who need to be reminded of Pope's

famous lines,--

Yet lo! in me what authors have to brag on!

Reduced at last to hiss in my own dragon.

Avert it, heaven! that thou, my Cibber, e'er

Should'st wag a serpent-tail in Smithfield fair!

In the close of life, this veteran scribbler found admission to the

Charter-house; and in that hospital, in the year 1724, died the rival

of Dryden.

In person, Elkanah Settle was tall, red-faced, and wore a satin cap

over his short black hair.

Note XVI.

_Now stop your noses, readers, all and some,

For here's a tun of midnight-work to come,

Og from a treason-tavern rolling home._--P. 333.

Our author had very shortly before the publication of the second part

of "Absalom and Achitophel," made his enemy, Shadwell, the subject of

a separate and cutting personal satire, called "Mac Flecnoe." That

poem, as we have noticed in the introductory remarks, has reference

principally to the literary character of his adversary; while, in the

lines which follow, he considers him chiefly as a political writer, and

factionary of the popular party. Shadwell's corpulence, his coarse and

brutal debauchery, his harsh and clumsy style of poetry, fell under

the lash on both occasions; and it is astonishing, with what a burning

variety of colours these qualities are represented. The history of his

literary disputes with Dryden may be perused in the introduction to

"Mac Flecnoe." In the "Vindication of the Duke of Guise," Dryden has

also given a severe flagellation to his corpulent adversary, in which

he says, "that although Shadwell has often called him an atheist in

print, he believes more charitably of his antagonist, and that he only

goes the broad way, because the other is too narrow for him."

Besides avenging abundance of personal abuse, Dryden, in the person of

Shadwell, chastises a great supporter of the Whig cause and principles.

Shadwell himself complains, that, in the days of Charles and James,

he "was silenced for a non-conformist poet." He was the chief among

the "corrector-men," as the authors and publishers of the Whig party

were oddly entitled;[438] and received the reward of his principles

at the Revolution, succeeding, as is well known, our author in the

office of poet laureat. In the epilogue to the "Volunteers," a play of

Shadwell's, acted after his death, the friends of the Revolution are

called upon to applaud their favourite bard's last production:

Crown you his last performance with applause,

Who love, like him, our liberties and laws;

Let but the honest party do him right,

And their loud claps will give him fame, in spite

Of the faint hiss of grumbling Jacobite.

Note XVII.

_These, gloomy, thoughtful, and on mischief bent;

While those for mere good fellowship frequent

The appointed club, can let sedition pass,

Sense, nonsense, any thing to employ the glass._--P. 335.

The reader will find some account of the King's Head Club, Vol. VII.

p. 154. North gives the following lively account of the _vulgar_, as

he calls them, of the popular faction. Their employ, according to him,

was, "to run about whispering here and there, by which management they

kept up the spirits of their fools, whose fire, without a continual

_pabulum_ of fresh news, talks, and hopes, would go out. Amongst these,

the cues and hints went about; honest, drunken, lying fellows, good

company, and always dear friends. A nod, with a wink, had a notable

signification, if it followed, 'Have patience, you shall see.'--'I

know somewhat extraordinary will be done shortly and soon, which

will secure all on our side.' And thus passively wicked were these

underlings, or fry of the party: they knew of the intrigue no more,

and were concerned as the wood of drums and the brass of trumpets are

in the war."[439]--"The pastime of this meeting, called the Club, was

very engaging to young gentlemen, and one, who had once tasted the

conversation, could scarcely ever quit it. For some or others were

continually coming and going, to import or export news or stories, as

the trade required and afforded. There it was known in half an hour,

what any member said at the committee of elections, or in the house,

if it sat late. And every post carried the news and tales legitimated

there, as also the malign constructions of all the good actions of

the government, especially to places where elections were depending

to shape men's characters into fit qualifications to be chosen or

rejected. The Pope himself could not make saints so readily as they

Papists, and so half-three-quarter Papists, as belief was prompt

or difficult. And a lewd atheistical fellow was as readily washed

clean, and made a zealous Protestant. For that genus of perfection

was not wanted in this dispensation, where no vice, immorality,

heresy, atheism, or blasphemous wit, had not professors ready to

embrace willing disciples, who, for the sake of such sublimities of

wit and sense as they were accounted, were ready to prostitute all

principles of duty, and especially those that regarded allegiance to

the crown."[440]

The well-known distinction of this famous club was a green ribband: in

opposition to which, the Tories wore in their hats a scarlet ribband,

with the motto, _Rex et Hæredes_. The prologue to "Anna Bullen" very

sensibly expostulates against these party badges:

Was't not enough, vain men, of either side,

Two roses once the nation did divide;

But must it be in danger now agen,

Betwixt the scarlet and green ribbon men?

Note XVIII.

_But in the sacred annals of our plot,

Industrious Arod never be forgot;

The labours of this midnight magistrate

May vie with Corah's, to preserve the state._--P. 335.

Sir William Waller, son of the parliamentary general of the same

name, distinguished himself during the time of the Popish plot, by

an uncommon decree of bustling activity. He was a justice of peace;

and, unawed by the supposed fate of his brother in the commission,

and in knighthood, Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, he stood forth the bold

investigator of this bottomless conspiracy. It was he who had the

fortune, by the assistance of Captain Dangerfield, to detect what was

called the Meal-Tub Plot, which that fellow, who had been trafficking

with both factions, and probably meant to cheat both, chose to

represent as a sham conspiracy, contrived to ruin Shaftesbury and

his friends. Upon this occasion, Sir William had much closeting with

a magnanimous midwife, called Mrs Cellier, whom Dangerfield charged

as an agent of the court, and who afterwards alleged, that the

knight took some uncommon means to extort confessions from her. Sir

William Waller was also the person who discovered Fitzharris's Plot;

and he intimated, that the king, who intended to turn it upon the

Protestants, was so much displeased with his blowing up the project,

that he threatened to have him assassinated. The Tories alleged, that

the pleasure of making these discoveries was not Sir William's sole

reward, any more than zeal was his only motive for gutting the Popish

chapels. "In which," says North, "he proceeded with such scandalous

rigour, as to bring forth the pictures and other furniture of great

value, and burn them publicly; which gave occasion to suspect, and some

said positively, that, under this pretence, he kept good things for

himself; in a word, he was called the priest-catcher."[441] Anthony

Wood joins in the accusation of his rifling the Papists' houses of

goods, and appropriating chapel ornaments as popish trinkets. I find

that respectable person, Miles Prance, the witness, enters into a

solemn vindication of the justice, from the practices alleged by North,

Wood, and by the poet. "Another damnable scandal they have broached,

which, though it be principally levelled at Sir William Waller, as

if he, under pretence of searching for priests, and seizing popish

trinkets, should take away money, plate, and other things of value

from the owners, and necklaces of pearl for beads; yet, since I very

frequently went along with him, it does obliquely reflect upon me, and

I cannot but do that worthy gentleman the right to justify him against

such a most false, groundless, and malicious slander: I do therefore

declare, in the presence of God, and shall be ready to attest upon

oath, that whensoever I attended him in searches, which was almost

every day, I could never discover in him the least inclination to any

such base practices; but that, to the contrary, he behaved himself as a

good Christian and just magistrate; for, wherever we came, what money

we found was left in the owner's possession; and as for chalices, and

pieces of plate belonging to priests, and used in their mass, or for

keeping of holy oil, we did indeed batter or break them to pieces, but

always returned all the pieces to the proprietors. But their copes and

priestly vestments, superstitious pictures, habits of monks belonging

to their peculiar orders, and such like trumpery, we did sometimes take

away, and cause them to be publicly burned, never making any advantage

thereof. And as to any necklaces of pearl, reported to be by him taken

away, I am more than confident the same is as arrand a lie, as that he

thought one Bedingfield, whom he took at Newark, to have been the same

Bedingfield, who died in the Gatehouse; for he well knew it was another

man."[442] Prance confirms this attestation by a special case, in which

Sir William returned to a priest, not only his money, but a silver

tobacco-box.[443]

Derrick mentions Sir William standing candidate, in 1679, to be a

member of Parliament, in which he failed; and adds, that the publicans,

who trusted him, found much ado to get their money. When the court

party gained an ascendance, Sir William Waller was first struck out

of the commission, and afterwards committed to prison, to the great

triumph of the Tories.[444] He afterwards went to Holland, and with

Robert Ferguson and Bethel is specially excepted from the general

pardon granted after Monmouth's defeat. RALPH, Vol. I. p. 918.

Note XIX.

_Who for their own defence give no supply,

But what the crown's prerogatives must buy;

As if their monarch's rights to violate

More needful were, than to preserve the state!_--P. 336.

The Whigs of those days had constant recourse to the desperate remedy

of refusing supplies, when dissatisfied with the court. This ultimate

measure ought only to be adopted in cases of extremity; because the

want of means to maintain the usual current expences for the law, and

the defence of the country, gives a perilous shock to the whole system

of government. At that time, however, it was held so effectual a check,

and so necessary, that the Whig citizens, in a paper of instructions

furnished to their representatives in 1680-1, having thanked them for

their good service, more especially for their zeal for the Exclusion

Bill, proceed to recommend, "that they would still literally pursue

the same measures, and grant no supplies to the crown, till they saw

themselves effectually secured from popery and arbitrary power."

Note XX.

_His absence David does with tears advise,

To appease their rage; undaunted he complies._--P. 337.

In 1678-9, when the plot hung like a comet over England, the king

thought it necessary to assent to the counsel of the Earl of Danby,

and request the Duke of York to give way to the storm, and silence

the popular clamour, by retreating for a season to the Continent. The

Duke requested a particular order, lest it should be supposed he fled

from a consciousness of guilt. The order was in these words: "I have

already given you my resolution at large, why I think it fit that you

absent yourself some time beyond the seas. As I am truly sorry for

the occasion, so you may be sure I shall never desire it longer than

it may be absolutely necessary for your good and my service. In the

meantime, I think proper to give it you under my hand, that I expect

this compliance from you, and desire it may be as soon as conveniently

you can. You may easily perceive with what trouble I write this to you,

there being nothing I am more sensible of than the kindness you have

ever had for me. I hope you are as just to me, as to be assured, that

no absence, nor any thing else, can ever change me from being truly and

kindly yours, C. R. February 28th 1678-9." Superscribed, "For my most

dear friend the Duke of York."

Authors differ concerning the "store of parting tears," which were shed

on the separation of the royal brothers. Burnet says, that the duke

wept much, but the king did not seem affected. Others affirm, that both

brothers testified much emotion. The duke retired to Brussels, where he

remained till the time of the king's illness, so often mentioned.

Note XXI.

_Dissembled patriots, bribed with Egypt's gold,

Even sanhedrims in blind obedience hold._--P. 341.

That Charles II. was a pensioner of France, is now generally allowed.

But, though Louis was willing to afford the king of England such

supplies as to save him from the necessity of throwing himself on his

parliament, it was equally his policy to foster such opposition to him

in that assembly, as might totally engage the eyes of both parties

upon domestic feuds, and withdraw them from marking his own ambitious

strides towards universal power. For this it was necessary, that his

minister Barillon should have an understanding with the leaders of

the popular party. Hence each faction, as truly as loudly, accused

the other of the unworthy dependence on France, to which both were in

secret reduced. An account of the French intrigues with the popular

party, and of the money distributed among their chiefs, may be found in

_Dalrymple's Memoirs_.

Note XXII.

_From Hebron now the suffering heir returned,

A realm that long with civil discord mourned;

Till his approach, like some arriving god,

Composed and healed the place of his abode._--P. 343.

In some respects, the presence of the Duke of York in Scotland was very

acceptable to the nobles and gentry of that kingdom. There is, among

Somers' Tracts, a letter from a person of quality in Scotland, who

professes, that, although a zealous Protestant, he had been converted

from his opinion in favour of the Bill of Exclusion, by "the personal

knowledge of his very many excellencies and virtues." Doubtless, many

circumstances drew the Scots to the faction and favour of the Duke.

They saw the halls of their ancient palace again graced with the

appearance of royalty, and occupied by a descendant of their long line

of kings. The formal, grave, and stately decorum of James, was more

suitable to the manners of a proud, reserved, and somewhat pedantic

people, than the lighter manners of Charles. The proud, as well as the

ingenious, know, and feel, the value of favours conferred by those who

resemble them. York applied himself particularly to secure the personal

attachment of the Highland chiefs, and to staunch the feuds by which

their clans were divided. He, no doubt, reckoned upon the assistance of

these ready warriors, in case the sword had been drawn in England; but

he little foresaw, that the last hopes of his family were to depend on

the generous attachment of the descendants of the chieftains whom he

then cultivated, and that his race were to involve in their fall the

ruin of the patriarchal and feudal power of these faithful adherents.

But if the conduct of James in these particulars was laudable, on the

other hand, by introducing an inconsistent and absurd test into the

law, by making it the means of ruining a loyal and innocent nobleman,

the Earl of Argyle, by satiating his own eyes with the tortures

inflicted on the Covenanters,--he gave tokens of that ill-judged and

bigotted severity, which was the cause of his being precipitated from

the throne. Settle gives a juster, if a less poetical, account of the

manner in which he spent his exile:

Whilst sweating Absalon, in Israel pent,

For fresher air was to bleak Hebron sent,--

Cold Hebron, warmed by his approaching sight,

Flushed with his gold, and glowed with new delight,--

Till sacred, all-converting interest,

To loyalty their almost unknown guest,

Oped a broad gate, from whence forth issuing come

Decrees, tests, oaths, for well-soothed Absalom.

Note XXIII.

_'Mongst whom was Jothran, Jothran always bent

To serve the crown, and loyal by descent._--P. 343.

Admiral Legge, created Earl of Dartmouth by Charles II., and a

particular friend of the Duke of York. When James came to the throne,

he loaded Dartmouth with favours, and paid a singular testimony to

the family loyalty, celebrated in the text. In 1687, while the earl

attended the king on his progress, the city of Coventry presented his

majesty with a massive gold cup, which he instantly delivered to Lord

Dartmouth, telling him, it was an acknowledgement from the city for the

sufferings of his father, who had long lain in jail there, on account

of his adherence to the king during the civil wars. In the succeeding

year, Dartmouth was made admiral of the fleet of England. He was,

perhaps, the worthiest man, and most faithful servant, in the court of

King James, whom he truly loved and served, though he disapproved of

his arbitrary encroachments, and spoke his mind on the subject without

fear or scruple. Although a hereditary enemy of Lord Russell, Dartmouth

had the generosity to interfere in his favour. He set sail from Torbay,

with the English fleet, to intercept that of the Prince of Orange, at

the time of the Revolution. Had they met, a bloody action must have

been the consequence; but God ordered it otherwise. The same wind,

which carried the Dutch fleet into Torbay, forced back the English to

the Downs; and before Dartmouth could again put to sea, the officers

and sailors were as unwilling to resist the Prince of Orange, as the

nobles and land army. When Lord Dartmouth found it was entirely out of

his power to serve King James, he called a council of war, and joined

in an address to King William. In 1691-2, he was committed to the

Tower, on suspicion of holding correspondence with his old master.

Note XXIV.

_Nor can Benaiah's worth forgotten lie,

Of steady soul when public storms were high;

Whose conduct, while the Moor fierce onsets made,

Secured at once our honour and our trade._--P. 343.

General Edward Sackville, a gentleman of good quality, related to the

Dorset family, who had served at Tangier with great reputation, both

for courage and judgment. Being a particular friend of the Duke of

York, he expressed himself very contemptuously concerning the Popish

conspiracy, saying, "they were sons of whores who believed there was a

plot, and he was a lying rogue that said it." The Commons, being then

in the very height of their fermentation on this subject, not only

expelled Sackville from the House, but prepared an address to the king,

that he might be made incapable of holding any office. He was committed

to the Tower, but shortly afterwards set free, and restored to his

military rank, though not to his seat in the House. After noticing

Dartmouth, Sackville, and the other real friends of the Duke of York,

the poet stigmatizes those concealed enemies, who now affected to

congratulate his return:

---- ----Those who sought his absence to betray,

Press first their nauseous false respects to pay;

Him still the officious hypocrites molest,

And with officious duty break his rest.

A marginal note on Luttrell's copy points out the Earl of Anglesea as

particularly concerned in this sarcasm. In a prologue, spoken before

the duke at his first appearance at the theatre after his return,

Dryden is equally severe on these time-serving courtiers:

Still we are thronged so full with Reynard's race,

That loyal subjects scarce can find a place.

Thus modest truth is cast behind the crowd,

Truth speaks too low, hypocrisy too loud.

Let them be first to flatter in success;

Duty can stay, but guilt has need to press.

Note XXV.

_Who now an envious festival installs,

And to survey their strength the faction calls,

Which fraud, religious worship too, must gild;

But oh how weakly does sedition build!

For, lo! the royal mandate issues forth,

Dashing at once their treason, zeal, and mirth._--P. 346.

The Duke of York maintained some interest in the city, by being

captain-general of the Artillery Company, who invited him to dine at

Merchant-Taylors' Hall, on April 21, 1682. The party of Monmouth and

Shaftesbury resolved to have a meeting in opposition to that which was

proposed; and tickets, at a guinea a piece, of which the following is

a copy, were circulated among their adherents:

"It having pleased Almighty God, by his wonderful providence, to

deliver and protect his majesties person, the Protestant religion, and

English liberties, hitherto from the hellish and frequent attempts of

their enemies the Papists; in testimony of thankfulness herein, and

for the preserving and improving mutual love and charity among such

as are sensible thereof, you are desired to meet many of the loyal

Protestant nobility, gentry, clergy, and citizens, on Friday the 21st

day of this instant April, 1682, at ten of the clock, at St Michael's

Church, in Cornhill, there to hear a sermon, and from thence to go to

Haberdashers' Hall, to dinner, and to bring this ticket with you."

A sermon was accordingly prepared for this great occasion;[445] and

doubtless contained what is vulgarly called a touch of the times. All

other preparations for this great entertainment were made with proper

magnificence; but the design was utterly quashed by the following

proclamation:

"Whitehall, April 19. His Majesty was pleased, this afternoon, to make

the following order in council, at the court of Whitehall, this 19th

day of April, 1682. By his Majesty, and the Lords of his Majesty's most

honourable privy council.

"Whereas, the appointing of publique fasts and thanksgiving is matter

of state, and belongs only to his majesty, by his prerogative, and

his majesty being informed that, in the city of London, invitations

have been made of great and unusual numbers, by printed tickets, one

of which is hereunto annext; his majesty looks upon the same as an

insolent attempt, in manifest derogation of his right, and of dangerous

consequence: The matter of the said invitation being of a publique

nature, and the manner of carrying it on, tending to sedition, and

raising distinctions and confederacies among his subjects, against

the known laws and peace of the kingdom, his majesty, therefore, by

the advice of his council, hath thought fit, and doth hereby strictly

charge and command the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, as they will

answer the contrary at their peril, to take immediate and effectual

care to prevent and hinder the said meeting, as an unlawful assembly;

and all sheriffs, constables, and others his majesty's officers in the

said city, are hereby commanded to be aiding and assisting therein."

This disappointment, trifling as it may seem, was of great disadvantage

to the Whigs. It made them ridiculous; which is more fatal to a

political party than any other misfortune; for few chuse to belong to

the faction who have the laugh against them. The Tory poets exulted in

the opportunity of showing their wit; and we have perpetual allusions

to this ludicrous incident, in the fugitive pieces of the time. Thus,

Otway, in the prologue to the "City Heiress, or Sir Timothy Treatall:"

This dæmon lately drew in many a guest,

To part with zealous guinny for no feast;

Who, but the most incorrigible fops,

Forever doomed in dismal cells, called shops,

To cheat and damn themselves to get their livings,

Would lay sweet money out in sham thanksgivings?

Sham-plots you may have paid for o'er and o'er,

But who e'er paid for a sham treat before?

In a congratulatory poem on the Whigs entertainment, we have a similar

strain of exultation, though, I believe, it is there ironical:

Hollow boys, hollow, hollow once again!

'Tother half crown shall then reward your pain;

Alas! poor Whigg, where wilt thou sneaking go,

Thy wine is spilt, thy pyes and cakes are dough;

Down go the coppers, tables, shelves, and all,

And so fare well to Haberdashers' Hall.

"The Loyal Feast, appointed to be kept in Haberdashers' Hall, on

Friday the 21st of April, 1682, by his Majesty's most loyal true-blue

Protestant Subjects, and how it was defeated."

The Whigs from north to south, from east to west,

Did all contribute to a loyal feast;

To this great work, a guiney was the least.

They cleared the stalls of fish, flesh, fowl, and beast,

Where Tony and brave Perkin was a guest;

But what succeeded this, made up the jest.

* * * * *

Tony was small, but of noble race,

And was beloved of every one;

He broached his tap, and it ran apace,

To make a solemn treat for all the town.

He sent to yeoman, knight, and lord,

The holy tribe to entertain,

With all the nation could afford;

But Tony will never be himself again.

* * * * *

With thanks and prayers for our good king,

They vowed to solemnize the day;

But royal Charles, he smoked the thing,

And sent the rabble with a pox away.

He sent his summons to the cit,

Seditious meetings to refrain;

The feast was broke, and the guests were beshit,

And Tony will never be himself again.

And now the capons fly about,

With fricassees of amber grice,

And chickens ready dressed, they shout

About the street for pence apiece.

The Whigs did wish the counsel choked,

Who did this noble feast restrain;

All down in the mouth, to be thus bawked,

Poor Tony will ne'er be himself again.

Note XXVI.

_First write Bezaliel, whose illustrious name

Forestals our praise, and gives his poet fame:

The Kenites rocky province his command._--P. 347.

The Marquis of Worcester, Lord President of Wales, was a keen opponent

of the Bill of Exclusion; insomuch, that, by a vote of the Commons

in 1680, he was declared a favourer of Popery, (then an imputation

of tremendous import,) and an address was appointed to be preferred

against him, Halifax, Clarendon, and others, as enemies to the king

and kingdom. It may be supposed, that this was far from lowering the

marquis in the king's esteem; on the contrary, in 1682, he was created

Duke of Beaufort. At the Duke of Monmouth's invasion he commanded in

Bristol, and was an effectual means of stopping his progress; for,

when he approached that city, which contained many of his partisans,

the Duke of Beaufort, finding there was great danger of an insurrection

in the place, declared, that he would burn the town the instant he

saw the slightest symptoms of disloyalty. When this was made known to

Monmouth, he exclaimed, "God forbid I should be the means of exposing

so noble a city to the double calamity of sword and fire!" Accordingly,

he instantly altered the direction of his march, leaving behind him

that rich and populous city, which, if he could have carried it,

contained men to increase his forces, stores to supply them, arms to

equip them, and money to pay them. This proved a fatal indulgence of

compassion:

"Ambition should be made of sterner stuff."

The Duke of Beaufort continued to be a friend to James, after, by

abdicating his throne, he had ceased to be a friend to himself. He

voted against William in the Convention Parliament. Lord Herbert,

of Ragland, the duke's eldest son, in whom he "saw all his glories

copied," as the poet has it, was, according to Wood, entered at Christ

Church, Oxford, and took the degree of Master of Arts in 1681.

An account of the Duke of Beaufort's noble house-keeping, and mode of

educating his family, has been preserved by Roger North, and presents

so curious a picture of the interior of a great family, in the end of

the 17th century, that I think the reader will be pleased to see it:

"One year his lordship, (the Lord Chief Justice North, afterwards Lord

Keeper Guilford,) concluding at Bristol, made a visit at Badminton

to the Duke of Beaufort, and staid about a week. For the duke was

descended from a North of his lordship's family, viz. one of the Lord

Edward North's daughters, whom a lineal ancestor of his Grace married.

So, besides conformity of principle, with respect to the public, they

were, by this relation, qualified for mutual respect and honour. I

mention this entertainment as an handle of shewing a princely way of

living, which that noble duke used, above any other, except crowned

heads, that I have had notice of in Europe; and, in some respects,

greater than most of them, to whom he might have been an example. He

had above L. 2000 per annum in his hands, which he managed by stewards,

bailiffs, and servants; and, of that, a great part of the country,

which was his own, lying round about him, was part, and the husbandmen,

&c. were of his family, and provided for in his large expanded house.

He bred all his horses, which came to the husbandry first colts, and,

from thence, as they were fit, were taken into his equipage; and,

as by age, or accident, they grew unfit for that service, they were

returned to the place from whence they came, and there expired;

except what, for plenty or unfitness, were sold or disposed of. He had

about two hundred persons in his family, all provided for, and, in

his capital house, nine original tables covered every day: and, for

the accommodation of so many, a large hall was built, with a sort of

alcove at one end, for distinction; but yet the whole lay in the view

of him that was chief, who had power to do what was proper for keeping

order amongst them; and it was his charge to see it done. The tables

were properly assigned, as, for example, the chief steward with the

gentlemen and pages; the master of the horse with the coachmen and

liveries; an under steward with the bailiffs and some husbandmen; the

clerk of the kitchen with the bakers, brewers, &c. all together; and

other more inferior people, under these, in places apart. The women

had their dining-room also, and were distributed in like manner: my

lady's chief woman with the gentlewomen; the housekeeper with the

maids, and some others. The method of governing this great family was

admirable and easy, and such as might have been a pattern for any

management whatever; for, if the Duke or Duchess (who concerned herself

much more than he did; for every day of her life, in the morning, she

took her tour, and visited every office about the house, and so was

her own superintendant) observed any thing amiss or suspicious, as a

servant riding out, or the like, nothing was said to that servant,

but his immediate superior, or one of an higher order, was sent for,

who was to enquire and answer if leave had been given, or not; if

not, such servant was straight turned away. No fault of order was

passed by; for it may be concluded, there are enough of them that pass

undiscovered. All the provisions of the family came from foreign parts,

as merchandize. Soap and candle were made in the house, so likewise

the malt was ground there; and all the drink that came to the duke's

table, was of malt sun-dried upon the leads of his house. Those are

large; and the lanthorn is in the centre of an asterisk of glades, cut

through the wood of all the country round, four or five in a quarter,

almost _a perte de vue_. Diverse of the gentlemen cut their trees

and hedges to humour his vistos; and some planted their hills in his

lines, for compliment, at their own charge. All the trees, planted in

his parks and about, were fenced with a dry wall of stone, taken out

where the tree was set. And with all this menagery and provision, no

one, that comes and goes for visits, or affairs with the duke, (who

was lord-lieutenant of four or five counties, and Lord President of

Wales,) that could observe any thing more to do there than in any other

nobleman's house; so little of vain ostentation was to be seen there.

At the entrance where coaches ordinarily came in, the duke built a neat

dwelling-house; but pompous stables, which would accommodate forty

horses, as well as the best stables he had. This was called the inn,

and was contrived for the ease of the suitors, as I may call them;

for, instead of half-a-crown to his servants at taking horse, sixpence

there, for form, served the turn; and no servant of his came near a

gentleman's horse; but they were brought by their own servants, except

such as lodged, whose equipages were in his own stables.

"As for the duke and duchess, and their friends, there was no time

of the day without diversion. Breakfast in her gallery, that opened

into the gardens; then perhaps a deer was to be killed, or the gardens

and parks, with the several sorts of deer, to be visited; and if it

required mounting, horses of the duke's were brought for all the

company. And so, in the afternoon, when the ladies were disposed to

air, and the gentlemen with them, coaches and six came to hold them

all. At half an hour after eleven, the bell rang to prayers, so at six

in the evening; and, through a gallery, the best company went into an

aisle in the church, (so near was it,) and the duke and duchess could

see if all the family were there. The ordinary pastime of the ladies

was in a gallery on the other side, where she had diverse gentlewomen

commonly at work upon embroidery and fringe-making; for all the beds

of state were made and finished in the house. The meats were very

neat, and not gross; no servants in livery attended, but those called

gentlemen only; and, in the several kinds, even down to the small beer,

nothing could be more choice than the table was. It was an oblong and

not an oval; and the duchess, with two daughters only, sat at the

upper end. If the gentlemen chose a glass of wine, the civil offers

were made either to go down into the vaults, which were very large and

sumptuous, or servants, at a sign given, attended with salvers, &c. and

many a brisk round went about; but no sitting at table with tobacco

and healths, as the too common use is. And this way of entertaining

continued a week, while we were there, with incomparable variety: for

the duke had always some new project, building, walling, or planting,

which he would show, and ask his friends their advice about; and

nothing was forced or strained, but easy and familiar, as if it was,

and really so I thought it to be, the common course and way of living

in that family.

"One thing more I must needs relate, which the duke told us smiling,

and it was this: When he was in the midst of his building, his

neighbour, the Lord Chief Justice Hales, made him a visit; and

observing the many contrivances the duke had for the disposing of so

great a family, he craved leave to suggest one to him, which he thought

would be much for his service, and it was, to have but one door to his

house, and the window of his study, where he sat most, open upon that.

This shows how hard it is for even wise and learned men to consider

things without themselves. The children of the family were bred with a

philosophical care. No inferior servants were permitted to entertain

them, lest some mean sentiments, or foolish notions and fables, should

steal into them; and nothing was so strongly impressed upon them as a

sense of honour. Witness the Lord Arthur, who, being about five years

old, was very angry with the judge for hanging men. The judge told

him, that, if they were not hanged, they would kill and steal. 'No,'

said the little boy, 'you should make them promise upon their honour

they will not do so, and then they will not.' It were well if this

institutionary care of parents were always correspondent in the manners

of all the children; for it is not often found to prove so." _Life of

the Lord Keeper Guilford_, p. 132.

Note XXVII.

_Brave Abdael o'er the prophet's school was placed;

Abdael, with all his father's virtue graced._--P. 348.

Christopher, Duke of Albemarle, son to the restorer of the monarchy.

He seems to have had no particular character of his own, excepting

that he was fond of mechanics, and suggested some improvements on the

diving-bell. The Whig writers seldom mention him without a sneer at his

understanding.[446] His talents were, however, sufficient to recommend

him to be chancellor of Cambridge, in place of the Duke of Monmouth,

once the idol of the university, but whose picture they, in 1682,

consigned to the flames, with all the solemnities of dishonour.[447]

There is a Pindaric ode upon the election of the Duke of Albemarle

to this presidency over the seat of the Muses, containing a suitable

quantity of bombast and flattery; it concludes by promising his grace

a poetical immortality:

Some happy favourite of the nine,

Some Spenser, Cowley, Dryden, shall be thine;

Happy bards, who erst did dream

Near thy own Cam's inspiring stream;

He midst the records of immortal fame,

He midst the stars shall fix thy name,

The muses safety, and the muses theme.

When Monmouth undertook his ill-fated expedition, Albemarle marched

against him with the militia of Devon; but the ex-chancellor of

Cambridge baffled the attempts of his successor to coop him up at

Lyme, and compelled him to retreat with some disorder. Monmouth, after

assuming the title of king, sent a summons to Albemarle to claim his

allegiance, who returned a cold and contemptuous answer. In 1687,

Albemarle was sent abroad as governor of Jamaica; in which island he

died.

Note XXVIII.

_Eliab our next labour does invite,

And hard the task to do Eliab right._--P. 348.

Sir Henry Bennet was the constant attendant of Charles II. during

his exile: after the Restoration, he became a member of the Cabal

administration, and secretary of state. He was finally Lord

Chamberlain, and through many turns of politics retained the favour

of Charles II., perhaps as much from making himself useful in his

pleasures, as from the recollection of his faithful attachment. He was

learned, and accustomed to business; but, being naturally of a slow

understanding, and having acquired a formal manner during his stay in

Spain, much enhanced by a black patch which he wore to conceal a wound

on his nose, there was something ridiculously stiff in his demeanour.

Charles II., who put no value upon a friend in comparison to a jest,

is said to have had much delight in seeing the Duke of Buckingham, or

any of his gay courtiers, by the help of a black patch and a white

staff, enact Harry Bennet. Mulgrave thinks, that a ludicrous idea being

thus associated with Arlington, and all that concerned him, he came

to be generally thought a man of less abilities, than he really was.

He adds, he was of a generous temper, and served his friends warmly.

Being once ungratefully used by one whom he had benefited, he asked

Mulgrave, what effect he thought it would have upon him; and prevented

his answer, by saying, it should neither cool his present friendship,

nor prevent him of the greatest happiness of his life, which was to

serve the first deserving person that fell in his way.[448] Although

the Duke of York disliked Arlington, yet he suffered him to retain his

situation at court. His religion may have saved him from disgrace; for

Arlington was privately a Catholic, and avowed himself to be so on his

death-bed.[449] He died July, 1685.

Note XXIX.

_And blessed again, to see his flower allied

To David's stock, and made young Othriel's bride._--P. 349.

Lady Isabella Bennet, only daughter and heiress of the Earl of

Arlington, was married to Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Grafton, second son

of Charles II. by the Duchess of Cleveland. This match was against

the inclination of the duke's mother; for Derrick says, he saw a

letter from her to Danby, dated at Paris, in 1675, thanking him for

endeavouring to prevent the match. The Duke of Grafton was bred to

the sea. After Monmouth had taken the popular courses which we have

reviewed, the king endeavoured to set Grafton, though inferior in

all personal accomplishments, in opposition to him, in the hearts

of the people. He was appointed steward of the Loyal Apprentices'

entertainment,[450] and otherwise placed in the public eye, as the

rival of Monmouth. He also was admitted to share his more profitable

spoils, getting one of the regiments of the guards, formerly under

Monmouth's command, when the Duke of Richmond was made Master of

the Horse.[451] Grafton was sent against Monmouth on his landing in

the west, and attempted to beat up his rear with a body of horse,

as he marched towards Frome; but was defeated, and very nearly made

prisoner.[452] The Duke of Grafton participated in the general

discontent which James II's measures excited through the kingdom,

and remonstrated against them with professional frankness. The king

ridiculed a seaman's pretensions to tenderness of conscience; and

Grafton answered sturdily, that "if he had not much religion himself,

he belonged to a party who had." He was with the king when he headed

his army to march against the Prince of Orange, and joined with

Churchill, in exhorting him to hazard a battle. We must hope, that they

meant to share the risque which they recommended; and that it was only

a consciousness that the king had deserted his own cause, which induced

them to go over to the prince, when their counsel was rejected. On the

28th September, 1690, the Duke of Grafton was mortally wounded at the

siege of Cork, as he commanded the squadron which covered the landing.

He seems to have been a brave, rough, hardy-tempered man, and would

probably have made a figure as a naval officer.

Note XXX.

_Even envy must consent to Helon's worth;

Whose soul, though Egypt glories in his birth,

Could for our captive ark its zeal retain,

And Pharaoh's altars in their pomp disdain._--P. 349.

Lewis Duras, Earl of Feversham, brother of the French Marshals Duras

and De Lorge, and nephew to the famous Marshal Turenne. He was born of

a Huguenot family, and retained his religion, or the form of it, when

both his brothers conformed to the Catholic church. The Duke of York's

opportune return from Flanders is said, by Sir John Reresby, to have

been planned by this nobleman; who is, therefore, introduced here with

singular propriety. He is said to have been brave; but appears, from

the only remarkable action in which he was ever engaged, to have been

a bad general, and a cruel man. James II., who had a high esteem for

Feversham, placed him at the head of that body of disciplined troops,

which checked the career of Monmouth. He advanced to Bridgewater, of

which Monmouth had got possession, with some of the finest regiments

in the service, and 30 field pieces. The unfortunate adventurer

seemed to have no refuge left, but to disperse his forces, and fly

for his safety; when the mode in which Feversham conducted himself

gave him a fair chance for victory and a crown. He encamped in the

open country, three miles from the enemy, with only a dry ditch in his

front; dispersed his cavalry in the neighbouring hamlets, and retired

quietly to bed, without either sending out reconnoitering parties, or

establishing advanced posts.[453] It is no wonder, that, that in such

a careless state, he should have been completely surprised; it is only

singular, that, even allowing for the cowardice of Lord Grey, who fled,

instead of performing the safe and easy duty committed to him of firing

the horse-quarters of Feversham's army, he should have been able to

recover the consequences of his negligence. Monmouth's men fought for

three hours after they had been deserted by their cavalry, with the

innate courage of English peasants. Feversham was still hard pressed,

notwithstanding the gallant assistance afforded him by Dumbarton; when

the Bishop of Bath and Wells decided the day, by causing the artillery

to be turned upon the flank of Monmouth's followers. When they had

given way, Feversham exhibited more of the cold-blooded cruelty of

his country, than he had done of their genius and fiery valour, while

the battle lasted. The military bishop also proved himself a better

lawyer than the general, as he had shewn himself in the fight a better

soldier; but it was not till a warm expostulation was made on his part

that the general ceased to execute the prisoners by martial law, and

reserved them to a still more cruel fate from the forms of law, as

administered by the brutal Jefferies. Neither Feversham's blunders, nor

his brutality, seemed to lessen his merit in the eye of his sovereign.

He received the order of the Garter, on the 31st July, 1685, probably

on the vacancy occasioned by the Duke of Monmouth's death, whose memory

was on this occasion treated with signal ignominy.[454] At the time

of the Revolution, Lord Feversham was commander in chief, and proved

himself incapable of taking any spirited steps for James's interest;

for the army he commanded, though the officers were disaffected,

would probably have fought, had they been once fairly committed in

opposition to the Dutch. When the king resolved to abandon everything,

and forsake his kingdom, he left behind, a letter to Feversham, stating

that he should not expect his troops at present to expose themselves.

The general might have secured a part of his forces, by retreating

along with the high-spirited Viscount of Dundee, who marched back

into Scotland with the Scottish regiments; but Feversham was a man

of another mould, and rather chose to augment the general confusion,

by disbanding the army. When James was detected by the fishermen of

Kent, in his attempt to leave the kingdom, Feversham, with a party of

his guards, was sent to conduct him back to his capital. James also

chose him for the messenger, when, yielding to sad necessity, he sent

a letter to the Prince of Orange, inviting him to St James's. With

a view, doubtless, to increase the terror of the king's mind, and

precipitate his intention of a second flight, the prince arrested the

bearer of this humiliating embassy. This was the last public occasion

on which James had occasion to employ the services of the unmilitary

nephew of the great Turenne, whose name is connected with the most

blame-worthy and most melancholy passages of his reign.

Note XXXI.

_Our list of nobles next let Amri grace,

Whose merits claimed the Abethdin's high place;

Who, with a loyalty that did excel,

Brought all the endowments of Achitophel._--P. 349.

These lines, which sufficiently vouch their author to have been

Tate, refer to Sir Heneage a Finch, an eminent lawyer, who was first

attorney-general, and, upon Shaftesbury losing his seals, succeeded

him as Lord Keeper. He was a most incorruptible judge, and could not

be swayed in his decisions even by the king's interference, which upon

all political occasions was omnipotent with him. He was a good lawyer,

and a ready orator; but upon this last accomplishment, he set, as

all lawyers do, rather too high a value: for they, whose profession

necessarily leads them often to speak against their own opinion, and

often to make much of trifles, are apt to lose, in the ingenuity of

their arguments, the power of making a real impression upon the bosom

of their hearers. North says, that the business, rather than the

justice, of the court, flourished exceedingly under Finch; for he was

a formalist, and took exceeding pleasure in encouraging and listening

to nice distinctions of law, instead of taking a broad view of the

equity of each case. He was a steady and active supporter of the Tory

party on all occasions; in reward of which, he was created Earl of

Nottingham. After a long and lingering disease, which terminated in a

deep depression of spirits, this great lawyer died in 1682, and was

succeeded by Lord Guilford, as Lord Keeper.

Note XXXII.

_Than Sheva none more loyal zeal have shown,

Wakeful as Judah's lion for the crown._--P. 350.

Sir Roger L'Estrange was descended of a good family in Norfolk, and

during the civil war was in arms for the king.[455] Being taken

prisoner by the parliament, he was condemned to die, but found means to

obtain a pardon. He was a good performer on the violin; a quality which

recommended him to Cromwell, under whose government he lived, if we

may trust one of his antagonists, in ease and affluence; a circumstance

with which he was afterwards as often reproached as our author with his

panegyric on the Protector. The instant, however, that the restoration

of monarchy approached, L'Estrange was among the first to hail it,

and stepped forth to answer a pamphlet of Milton, on the subject of

a republic, by a retort, which he irreverently entitled, "No Blind

Guides." After the Restoration, he was the great champion of the court,

the high church, and the Tory party. His principal vehicle of political

instruction was the "Observator," a paper published twice a week; but

he also edited another, called "Heraclitus Ridens;" and, independently

of both, published answers, replies, rebutters, and sur-rebutters, to

every attack made upon him, besides quires of pamphlets on all popular

subjects. For these good services, he was knighted by King James. His

style is in the last degree mean, crabbed, and low; yet he possesses

some power of argument and sarcasm. He appears to have first invented,

or at least first practised to a great extent, the foolish custom of

printing emphatic passages in a different type from the rest of the

page, and thereby too often effecting a point, which the reader is

unable to trace. For the other deeds of L'Estrange, and his numerous

bead-roll of fugitive pieces, the reader may consult the article in the

Biographia.

Note XXXIII.

_Calm were the elements, night's silence deep,

The waves scarce murmuring, and the winds asleep;

Yet fate for ruin takes so still an hour,

And treacherous sands the princely bark devour._--P. 351.

The Duke of York, after a short visit to England, returned to Scotland

by sea. The vessel unfortunately struck upon a bank, called the Lemman

Ore; and the duke, with a few attendants, who crowded into the barge,

were all who escaped from the wreck. Burnet says, that the duke

showed no anxiety about the safety of any one save his dogs and his

priests, whom the bishop maliciously classes together. Others say, he

was principally interested about Churchill, who, at the Revolution,

requited his anxiety but indifferently. The Gazette says, that when the

barge put off, the poor sailors, who remained to perish, manned the

sides in the usual honorary form, and, indifferent to their own fate,

hailed the duke's safety with three cheers; a circumstance alluded to

a few lines below, where it is said, the sufferers,

With last loud breaths, their master's 'scape applaud.

In this shipwreck perished the Earl of Roxburghe, Mr Hyde, a son of the

great Clarendon, the Lord O'Brien, the Laird of Hoptoun, Sir Joseph

Douglas, Colonel Macnaughton, and about 300 seamen, besides the persons

of the duke's retinue.

The verses, which follow those concerning this lamentable accident,

describe the return of the Duke of York with his Duchess to England; a

voyage which they performed without any sinister accident, and landed

there upon the 27th May, 1682. On this occasion, they received many

poetical greetings, both on the duke's escape and their happy arrival;

as, for example, Otway's "Prologue to the Duchess, on her return from

Scotland, at the Duke's theatre, at Venice Preserved, &c. acted 31st

May, 1682."

"A Pindarique Ode on their Royal Highnesses Return from Scotland, after

their escape at Sea."

"To the Duke on his Return, 29th May, 1682, written by Nathaniel Lee."

"A Congratulatory Poem to her Royal Highness, upon the arrival of their

Royal Highnesses in England, May 27th, 1682."

"To his Royal Highness at his happy Return from Scotland, written by a

Person of Quality, 30th May, 1682."

Heaven, who declares, in wonders so divine,

Care of succession in the rightful line,

That it protects you, with a guardian hand,

From Whiggish lemans, both of sea and land.

Also, "A Panegyric on their Royal Highnesses, and Congratulation on

their Return from Scotland."

Note XXXIV.

_This year did Ziloah rule Jerusalem,

And boldly all sedition's syrtes stem._--P. 353.

Sir John Moor, the tory Lord Mayor, an aged and respectable citizen,

of a mild character, and even hesitating and cautious in forming

his measures, though sufficiently determined when once satisfied of

their propriety. "Which character," says North, "was cut out for this

time and public occasion; for nothing but such firmness of mind, and

manifest goodness, with a seeming passive disposition, could have

protected from those rages of violence, as very often threatened him,

and which, probably, had broke loose on any one in his post, that had

carried matters with a stern and minatory behaviour."[456] He was

proposed by the court-party in the city for Lord Mayor, and, being

scarcely opposed by the other faction, easily carried his election.

The Whigs were led into this blunder, by mistaking the principles,

and under-rating the resolution, of the candidate. Sir John Moor had

been bred a non-conformist; and, though he had taken the test with a

view to civic honours, that was no more than had been done by Bethel,

Cornish, and others, who retained in full vigour their sectarian

principles. Besides, from the gentleness and softness of the new

Lord Mayor's demeanour, his smooth and diffident way of talking in

private, and his embarrassed elocution in public, they conceived that,

even if completely gained by the court, he would prove too passive

and timorous, to serve them essentially against active and energetic

opponents. In both these particulars they were woefully mistaken.

Sir John proved to be most keenly disposed to second all the court

measures; and he was kept up to the pitch of resolution necessary for

carrying them through, by the constant support, encouragement, and

advice of the Duke of Ormond, whom the court employed to back him, and

who, during the contests which followed, dined with the Lord Mayor two

or three times every week.[457] This election, and its consequences,

was a severe blow to the fanatical interest in the city; the jovial

custom of banquets and feasting was revived; and the musicians, who had

been long under restraint, were restored to their privilege, which they

employed in chaunting forth the praises of Sir John the Restorer.[458]

More, of Morehall, was not for a time more celebrated in song, than the

Lord Mayor, his namesake; and a general revolution appeared to have

taken place in the manners, as well as the principles, of the citizens,

which, under the Whig government, had savoured not a little of the

ancient days of fanatical severity.

Note XXXV.

_Howe'er encumbered with a viler pair

Than Ziph or Shimei, to assist the chair;

Yet Ziloah's loyal labours so prevailed,

That faction, at the next election, failed._--P. 353.

Ziph and Shimei were the Whig sheriffs in 1681; concerning whom,

see note upon Shimei in Part First. The _viler pair_ were Thomas

Pilkington, and Samuel Shute, who followed out the practice of their

predecessors, in the mode of packing the juries on political trials,

and had the honour to arrange that which acquitted the Earl of

Shaftesbury. They were much hated by the court; and, when they came

with the recorder to invite the King to dine with the Lord Mayor,

Charles forgot his usual politeness so far, as to answer sternly, "so

agreeable was the city's invitation, that he would accept it, though

brought by messengers so unwelcome to him as these two sheriffs."[464]

Sir John Moor had a most violent contest with these two persons,

concerning the election of sheriffs for the ensuing year, about which

the court were exceedingly anxious.

It had been customary, when these elections were matters of little

consequence, that the Lord Mayor designated a citizen to hold the

office of sheriff, by the ceremony of drinking to him, and sending

him the cup. It was agreed by the court, that this custom should be

revived, as throwing the choice of one of the sheriffs into the hands

of their partizan, Sir John Moor. This being settled, the Mayor, in

full form, drank to Dudley North, brother of the Lord Keeper Guilford,

a Levant merchant, who accepted of that expensive office, to please

his brother, and to serve the court. The popular party determined to

controvert this election; denying that a sheriff could be elected

otherwise than by the Livery, and proposed Papillon and Dubois, sturdy

Whigs, for their candidates. The court, on the other hand, contending

that North was duly and incontrovertibly elected, by the jolly mode

already mentioned, proposed a Mr Box for the other sheriff, whose

office only they allowed to be vacant. The Common Hall, held on this

occasion, was as tumultuary as a raging tempest. At length the Lord

Mayor, with the party who denied there were two vacancies, withdrew;

while the country party remained, and polled for Papillon and Dubois,

under the direction of Shute and Pilkington, the last year's sheriffs.

The court, affecting to consider this as a riot, interfered on that

pretext, and a warrant was granted for committing the sheriffs to the

Tower. Having found bail to answer for a misdemeanour, they returned

to the charge with the same ardour as ever, and were actually about

to complete their poll, when the hall was adjourned by the orders of

the Lord Mayor. The whole weight of the court was necessary to keep

up the Lord Mayor's heart at this crisis. He was sent for to the

Privy Council, encouraged, soothed, schooled, and finally assured,

by a writing under the Lord Keeper's hand, that he might adjourn the

Common Hall, &c. as he thought proper. Thus heartened, the Lord Mayor

assumed to himself the whole management of the poll, although the

sheriffs opened books for another, and, denying the legality of any

election, excepting his own, declared Box duly returned. This citizen,

however, apprehensive of the consequences of acting under so dubious

a nomination, fined off, and declined to serve. One Rich was found,

with more zeal and courage; and, during the tumult of a Common Hall,

which resounded with the cries of "no election," &c. this gentleman was

elected sheriff by a few of the Lord Mayor's partizans, and declared

duly returned by the Lord Mayor, who immediately proceeded to dissolve

the Common Hall. North and Rich were accordingly sworn in as sheriffs

for the year; but a guard of the Train Bands was necessary to protect

them, while they thus qualified themselves for entering on their office.

This contest was followed by another, for the office of Lord Mayor.

Gould, the popular candidate, was returned by a considerable majority;

but, upon a scrutiny, the court-party, by dint of real or pretended

disqualifications, gained such an advantage, that Pritchard, their

candidate, was returned by a majority of fourteen voices.

The importance of these elections was soon visible. The popular party

were utterly disheartened, and their leaders exposed to the same

practices from packing juries, which they had themselves employed. The

court used their victory remorselessly. Pilkington, the ex-sheriff, was

found liable in 100,000l. damages, for having said that "the Duke of

York had fired the city, and was now come to cut all their throats."

Those concerned in carrying on the double poll, were severely fined, as

guilty of a riot. Sir Patience Ward, an alderman of the popular party,

was declared obnoxious to a charge of perjury, for an inconsistence in

his evidence on Pilkington's trial.[465] In short, the royal vengeance

was felt by all who had been active in opposition to the court.

But the extent of the court's victory was best evinced by the conduct

of Shaftesbury; who, seeing his strong-hold, the magistracy of the

city, thus invaded, and occupied by his enemies, fled from his house

in Aldersgate-street, and for some time lay concealed in Wapping,

trusting for his safety to the very lowest of mankind. From this hiding

place, he sent forth messages to the other heads of the party, in which

he urged the most desperate measures. But, finding it impossible to

combine the various persons concerned in one plan of enterprize, and

sensible of the danger of discovery, which each day's delay rendered

more imminent, after a bitter contest between fear and rage, he fled to

Amsterdam. His retreat was followed by the trial of the conspirators in

the Rye-house Plot; and doubtless, the court, on that occasion, knew

well how to avail themselves of the power of selecting juries so long

possessed by their enemies, and now in their own hands. During the

short remainder of this reign, the king's authority was paramount and

supreme; his enemies were at his feet, and not a whisper of opposition

disturbed his repose;--a deceitful and delusive calm, which his

unfortunate successor soon saw changed into a tempest.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 411: "An excellent new Ballad between Tom the Tory, and Toney

the Whig. (Danby and Shaftesbury.) Scene, the Tower."

_Toney_. Thou wants not wickedness, but wit,

To turn it to thy profit;

Who but a sot would hatch a plot,

And then make nothing of it?

'Twas I was fain to rear thy barn,

And bring it to perfection;

I made the frighted nation sue

To me for my protection.

]

[Footnote 412: They were on such bad terms, that, while Shaftesbury

was sitting as Chancellor, he had occasion to call the Duke of York to

order; the Duke, as he passed the chair, told Shaftesbury, in a low

voice, he was "an insolent scoundrel:" "I thank your Grace," retorted

the Chancellor, with inimitable readiness, "for having called me

neither a coward nor a Papist."]

[Footnote 413: "A modest Vindication of the Earl of Shaftesbury,

in a Letter to a Friend, concerning his being elected King of

Poland."--_Somers' Tracts_, p. 153.]

[Footnote 414: Witness an excellent ballad, which calls itself, "The

Suburbs' Thanks for the City's Election:"

We gave commission, that our thanks should wait on

The kind electors of Sir Robert Clayton,

Sir Thomas Player, Pilkington, and Love;

Thus we our joy by this return do prove.

* * * * *

Meekly and modestly they played their parts;

I do not wonder that they won your hearts:

Had you elected others in their stead,

Sure you had done a very evil deed;

For who could equalize the love and care

Of Clayton, Pilkington, of Love, and Player?

]

[Footnote 415: See Vol. VII. p. 4.]

[Footnote 416: Who kept a noted bagnio.]

[Footnote 417: _Somers' Tracts_, p. 185.]

[Footnote 418: Debates of the Westminster and Oxford Parliaments, 1689.

p. 39.]

[Footnote 419: The citizens are invited to go to the top of the

Monument, and to fancy to themselves the following objects, which are

sure to come to pass whenever popery prevails, _i. e._ when the Duke of

York succeeds to the throne.

"First, imagine you see the whole town in a flame, occasioned this

second time by the same popish malice that set it on fire before. At

the same time fancy, that, among the distracted crowd, you behold

troops of Papists ravishing your wives and daughters, dashing your

little childrens' brains out against the wall, plundering your

houses, and cutting your own throats, by the name of heretic dogs.

Then represent to yourselves the Tower playing off its cannon, and

battering down your houses about your ears. Also, casting your eye

towards Smithfield, imagine you see your father, or your mother, or

some of your nearest and dearest relations, tied to a stake, in the

midst of flames, when, with hands and eyes lifted up to heaven, they

scream and cry out to that God, for whose cause they die, which was a

frequent spectacle the last time Popery reigned amongst us. Fancy you

behold those beautiful churches, erected for the true worship of God,

abused and turned into idolatrous temples, to the dishonour of Christ,

and scandal of religion; the ministers of God's word torn to pieces

before their eyes, and their very best friends not daring even to speak

in their behalf. Your trading's bad, and in a manner lost already,

but then the only commodity will be fire and sword; the only object,

women running with their hair about their ears, men covered with blood,

children sprawling under horses feet, and only the walls of houses left

standing; when those that survive this fatal day may sigh and cry, Here

once stood my house, there my friend's, and there my kinsman's; but,

alas! that time is past. The only noise will then be, O my wife, O my

husband, O my dearest children! In fine, what the devil himself would

do, were he upon earth, will, in his absence, infallibly be acted by

his agents the Papists." See _State Tracts_, p. 102. Burnet mentions

Ferguson being the author, in his "Letter occasioned by a Second Letter

to Dr Burnet."]

[Footnote 420: Letter occasioned by a Second Letter to Dr Burnet, p. 7.]

[Footnote 421: House-keeper to the excise-office, worth 500l. a-year,

with little trouble.]

[Footnote 422: _Balcarras' Account_, p. 524.]

[Footnote 423: _Ralph._ Vol. II.]

[Footnote 424: Carte's "Life of Ormond," vol. II. p, 444.]

[Footnote 425: After the Revolution these pieces were collected into

a volume, and entitled, "A second five years Struggle against Popery

and Tyranny." The preface bears, that "they were written, not out of

harm's way, but in the enemy's quarters, with so great danger as well

as difficulty, that I lived for many years together only from term to

term. But no man ought to count his life dear to him in the cause of

his country; for he that is bound to love one neighbour as himself,

must in proportion love ten millions of neighbours so many times better

than himself."]

[Footnote 426: That of James II., then encamped on Hounslow Heath.]

[Footnote 427: They omitted to strip off his cassock; and that slight

circumstance rendered the degradation imperfect, and saved his

benefice.]

The works of John Dryden, now first collected in eighteen volumes. Volume 09 · 第 8 / 9 章