courtyard on this charming mid-summer evening! The light breeze
is redolent with the fragrance of the new-mown hay, and the
leaves seem to quiver with joy in an atmosphere heavy with
sunshine. The swallows pursue each other in play with short, wild
cries, and in the foliage of the linden-tree that brown bird, the
nightingale, tries her brilliant cadences, drowned at times by
the shouts of the children at their sports answering her in the
silences, whom without doubt they understood and admired. The
children, happy as the birds, dance and whirl about, just like
those motes one frequently sees rising up in a sunbeam. The nuns,
sombre and silent figures, watch them, contemplating life in its
flower and carelessness. This court-yard where the children play
and the birds sing belonged formerly to a monastery of the order
of St. Benoit; but now to a cloister built out of its ruins,
where the virtues of ancient days flourish under the shelter of
modern walls, which are hallowed by the memories of the past.
Some young girls, no less pleased with the gambols of the
children, were walking in groups to and fro under the vaulted
arches which encircled the court, talking and laughing merrily;
but whenever they approached a nun reclining in an easy chair, by
an involuntary impulse they lowered their voices. She was a poor
invalid, who had been brought out to enjoy the sweet odors and
the pleasant warmth of the evening. She appeared to be nearing
the end of life, though still young. For the paleness of her
cheeks, the emaciation of her body, and the transparent whiteness
of her hands, all proclaimed the ravages of a long and incurable
illness. There was no more sand in the hourglass, no more oil in
the lamp, and her heart--like a timepiece about to stop--was
slacking its pulsations. One could not help but see that Sister
Aloyse retained a very powerful fascination in the beauty which
her terrible illness had not been able to efface. Her dark blue
eyes had not lost their almond-shape or sapphire hue.
{490}
Her figure was still elegant, seen under the loose robe which
wrapped her like a winding-sheet; and her voice was as sweet and
agreeable as in former days.
At first she felt a little better upon being brought into the
garden; but she still suffered, and neither the pure air nor the
mildness of the beautiful evening had revived her. She sat in
silence, absorbed, perhaps, in those last thoughts, which she did
not confide even to herself, and which, to one who is about
departing, seem to give a glimpse of those unknown shores which
are yet so near to her who waits them.
What is she thinking of? Of her past without remorse; of her
future without terror? Does she regret anything which she has
renounced for her God? Does one last thread hold captive this
celestial bird? I cannot say. She appears sad; yet her
companions, always so affectionately attentive, do not seem to be
surprised. For Sister Aloyse had always been characterized, even
in the more beautiful days of her youth, by a kind of melancholy.
She resembled an angel of peace, but yet an angel who weeps.
One young girl, who was walking under the arches, regarded her
with great interest; and finally, leaving the group by whom she
was surrounded, approached the nun, dropped on her knees in the
grass before her, and, looking in her face, said earnestly:
"Well, my sister, are you better this evening?"
Sister Aloyse blushed slightly, just as porcelain is tinged with
a faint rose-color when a flame is passed behind it, and answered
in a voice sweet and low:
"Thank you, Camille, I am not well, and I shall never be any
better till I come into the presence of our Lord. Look! does it
not seem indeed as if the gates of heaven were opening yonder?"
She pointed to the west, then filled with the glory and splendor
of purple and gold and flame colors.
"Yet one cannot go there," answered Camille in a caressing tone.
"Oh! yes; provided the great God will receive us. And something
warns me that I shall shortly go to him."
Both now became silent, Camille sadly regarding her companion.
Educated in this convent, she had always been accustomed to see
Sister Aloyse there, where she was much beloved. She would like
to have given her some pleasure, but what could she give, or what
could she say, to a person so detached from earthly things, and
whose aspirations were fixed on joys eternal?
The nun was still thinking, praying perhaps; and after a long
silence she said,
"Camille, you must come and see me some time before I go away
from here. But now good-night, dear!"
Two nuns now came forward to help the sister into the house,
while Camille, who had gathered some white roses, carried them to
Aloyse, saying,
"They are from my own little garden, my sister; therefore take
them, I pray you."
"Willingly," said Aloyse, "and I will offer them to the Holy
Virgin. And, Camille, do not forget to remember me in your
prayers tonight."
II.
"Go, my child," said the old abbess to Camille, "go to the
infirmary and see Sister Aloyse; she has something to say to
you."
"Is she going to die?" asked Camille with tears in her eyes.
{491}
"She will go to her eternal home soon, but not to-day. Have no
fear, child, but go and listen carefully to what she tells you."
Camille with agitated heart (for this poor heart is so quickly
stirred at sixteen years!) ascended the staircase which led to
the cells of the nuns. She passed through a long corridor out of
which opened the little doors, all of which, instead of a number
or design, bore some holy image or pious inscription. At the end
of this corridor she found the infirmary, a large room, quiet and
retired, whose windows opened upon the court and garden below. At
this moment it was almost vacant; she found only one bed
occupied, that of Sister Aloyse, who, as she had no fever, had
been left by the infirmarian while she attended vespers in the
chapel. Camille noiselessly approached the bed, the curtains of
which were half drawn so that Aloyse could see out. She was
sitting up supported by her pillows, and her hands were joined
before her on the cross of her rosary. She smiled on the young
girl, who timidly embraced her; and then Camille very earnestly
asked her why she had sent for her to come to her bedside instead
of any other of the girls, or her friends or companions; for she
was afraid, as one naturally dreads what is unknown. The nun
fixed upon her those searching eyes which seemed to look through
and beyond anything present, and said with much sweetness,
"Sit down, Camille; I have something to say to you." She
hesitated, but finally said, "You have never heard any one of
your family speak of me?"
"Never," answered the child, somewhat surprised. "I have known
something of your family--your father," she said with an effort.
"But it was a long time ago, a very long time--before you were
born. I was related to your grandmother, Madame Reville."
"I never saw her, but I have seen her great portrait," said
Camille.
"Yes, it hangs in the red drawing-room, does it not?" asked
Sister Aloyse with a sad smile. "Ah! well. Madame Reville
received me into her family as a lady's companion--a reader--for
I was poor, and needed some home. Your father did not live at
home with his mother, but he came there very frequently."
Here she paused, breathing with difficulty, but continued:
"He wished to marry me; Madame Reville was opposed to it; he
insisted. I saw he would disobey his mother; I was afraid for
him; I was afraid for myself. So I prayed to the good God. He did
not reject my afflicted and desolate heart, but he--the Divine
Consoler--called me into this home, and placed this holy veil as
a barrier between the world and myself. Here I found peace,
purchased sometimes with bitter suffering, but real; for it
filled the depths of my heart; it was the price of my sacrifice.
And I was able to see, in the clear light which streamed from the
cross, how all joy is deceitful, and all pleasure empty and
false. After two years had passed, I came to consecrate myself
with irrevocable vows to God's service, when the friends who now
and then came to see me, and public report, which in our day
finds its way even into the cloister, told me of the only thing
which had still power to afflict me. For, Camille, your
father--but what can I say to you who bear his name! M. Reville,
angry at my departure, and grieving for the loss of the poor
creature that I am, sought forgetfulness in dissipation.
Undoubtedly, he forgot me--I trust and hope he did--but he also
forgot his God!
{492}
Your father is not a Christian; nay, he is an enemy to
Christianity! Ah! since the day when I first knew that our
prayers did not meet in the pathway to heaven, how have I wept,
how have I prayed, how have I done penance! Alas! my tears, my
blood, my vigils, my sufferings--all have not prevailed, and I am
pierced to the depths of my heart with the terrible reflection."
She was unable to continue; her voice died upon her lips, while
tears, clear and burning, rolled down her cheeks. Camille,
kneeling by her bedside, wept too; for she began to see what this
self-denying heart had suffered.
"My child," finally said the sister after a long silence, "I
shall soon die, and there will then be no one to pray for him,
since your mother, who ought especially so to do, is dead. You
love your father, don't you?"
"Yes, with all my heart!"
"Well, then, promise me that you will unceasingly pray for his
conversion--that you will offer for him your every action and
your every pain; promise me that there shall always be a
suppliant voice to take the place of poor Aloyse's, which will
soon be hushed in death--to cry 'mercy!' Think of what it is to
have a soul and an eternity, and that soul your father's!"
She had seized the hands of the child in both her own, and fixed
upon her a look in which the last forces of her life were
concentrated. "Promise!" said she. Camille thought a moment--her
young face wore a grave and stern expression. Finally, raising
one arm toward the crucifix, she said in a distinct voice: "I
solemnly promise you, my sister, I will continue what you have
commenced. I will pray, I will labor all my life for his
conversion." A ray of heavenly light illumined Sister Aloyse's
countenance, and she sank back upon her pillows, murmuring, "I
can die now."
Two days later she passed away, with a peace and serenity worthy
of the blamelessness of her whole life, though in breathing her
last she cried, "Have mercy!"
Was it of herself she thought?
III.
Many years have passed away. The grass grows thick and green upon
the bed of clay where sleeps Aloyse. Camille, grown into a fine
young woman, keeps house for her father. She has travelled with
him, she has seen the world, its balls and its routs, but she has
never forgotten the promise made to Sister Aloyse. This promise
has banished the strength of her limbs and of her youth. She has
become serious all at once. She has given to her life but one
aim, and that sublime and difficult, and from that moment when
the struggle which had animated the life of Aloyse passed into
her own all her actions, all her thoughts, had been devoted to
the redemption of one soul. At first overflowing with the
thoughtless and enthusiastic zeal of youth, she would talk to him
of that religion whose arguments her heart found so natural, and
which seemed to her so irresistible. Her father would laugh at
her, and she would cry; she would persist, however, until he
became so angry that she was frightened. Finally she decided to
be more quiet in the future, and to leave to God the conduct of
her cause. But with what vigils, with what prayers, what sighs,
what agony of heart, and with what fervent desire did she ask God
for that precious soul! And what vows did she make to the Blessed
Mother! What flowers she offered upon her altar!
{493}
What prayers, in which she thanked God for the kindness that had
given mortals this all-powerful Mediatrix! Her father's guardian
angel, what careful conversation did she hold with him! How she
labored and prayed for that of which he never thought!
As years pass, Camille's piety becomes more rigid; self-denial
joins itself to acts of earnest charity, in their turn
supplemented by generous alms!
One would naturally ask why Camille, rich and young, charming and
admired, should rise so early in the morning, should spend so
many hours upon her knees in church? Why she went with the
Sisters of Charity to visit the sick, why her attire was so plain
and simple, why her room was so little ornamented, why she
labored without any relaxation, and finally, why with so
interesting an appearance and conversation she preferred so
severe a life? No one upon earth could answer these questions
except the guardian angel who writes down these noble acts to the
account of their forgetful subject, her unrepentant father.
But she accomplished nothing, although the rigors were not for
herself, though she maintained, for her father, this piety united
with a tenderness which only made her more sweet and
affectionate. His hard heart did not open to the rays of divine
grace, nor to the timid smiles of his child. The taste for
amusement, born of a desire for forgetfulness, had chased from
his heart, at the same time with a pure love, the belief in holy
things. The heavenly flame had been quickly extinguished beneath
the ashes of pleasure; and, like many other children of his age,
he had neglected to believe through fear of being compelled to be
good. Bad society and bad literature had completed the work of
headlong dissipation; and neither marriage nor paternity had
reclaimed him. His birth, fortune, and indisputable talents
raised him to public offices. And, to be consistent with his
principles, and congenial to his friends, he had to be inimical
to all religion. The seminaries; the Brothers of the Christian
Doctrine; the Sisters, hospitallers or teachers; the free
establishments; the Carmelites, who ask nothing of a person; the
Clarisses, who ask only a piece of bread; the Little Sisters of
the Poor, who gathered food for their old men; the foreign
missions; the sermons in Lent in the parish; the general
indulgences granted by the pope; the cardinals in the senate; and
the Capuchins who went barefooted--were all equally the objects
of his strong aversion. He read continually the _Journal des
Débats_, the _Revue des Deux Mondes_, and the liberal
journal of his department--of that department in which he played
a prominent part. Shall we say, in excuse for him, that his
impiety had never been tried by adversity; and that he had found
the world so delightful that he had wished to live for ever in
it? In youth he had lived in the midst of noisy pleasures. In
more advanced life he lived for comfort, for his house--cool in
summer, warm in winter, splendid at all times--for his grand
dinners, his good wine, his fine horses and elegant equipages. He
enjoyed exquisitely those excellent things which the public
generally esteem, but in which divine grace does not much appear.
The memories of youth he did not often recall. He now scarcely
recollected the name of that poor cousin whom he had once loved
so passionately, but who had never forgotten him, who, even in
the arms of death, had displayed an angelic love. One day Camille
spoke of Sister Aloyse, and added,
{494}
"Was she not related to us, father?"
"Yes, yes--a romantic affair! She threw herself into a convent;
she became weary even there!"
He took several turns through the room with a preoccupied air,
and finally stopping before the great picture of his mother--a
withered and haughty figure--he said,
"My mother did not love this poor Aloyse much! Poor girl! What a
charming voice she had! A voice which ought to astonish the
convent when she chants the _Miserere!_ She will sing no
more; she has a pain in her chest. Zounds! The discipline of the
convent! What a pity for this pretty Aloyse to be buried alive!
On the stage she would equal Malibran!"
And this was all! The remembrance of Aloyse was only that of a
young girl who could sing charmingly, and who, perhaps, might
have commanded a situation in a theatre!
He loved his daughter; but, for all that, she troubled him, and
he was anxious that she should marry, so that he might be
relieved from the care and responsibility. She did not oppose his
wishes, for she did not feel that God appointed her to lead the
life of a nun; but she wished her husband to be a Christian, and
said so to her father. He only shrugged his shoulders and cried,
"Still these absurd ideas!"
The Christian, however, presented himself, and at twenty-two
Camille Reville became Madame de Laval.
IV.
Camille is now no longer twenty. Her youth has passed on swift
wings, and white is beginning to streak her dark hair; but her
pleasant face preserves the repose of former days. She has been
blessed with mixed and imperfect happiness, such as every one
tastes in this world. For in this life the black squares are
never far distant from the white ones; and in its tangled skein
the dark threads are woven in by the side of brighter colors. She
had lived most happily with her husband. Together they had
laughed over their little children's gambols, and together wept
over them in sickness. They had brought them up with the labor
and care which, in our day especially, accompanies all true
Christian education. Their eldest daughter, Amelia, had been
married about a year; and they were now very happy in expectation
of her approaching maternity. The second daughter was finishing
her education in the same convent of Benedictines where her
mother had been in her youthful days. Their son André was in a
polytechnic school, and their youngest, Maurice, was pursuing his
Latin studies in his native village.
Through the disappointments and joy of her life, through days of
rain and days of sunshine, Camille had pursued one thought
faithfully--the grand aim which she had proposed to herself in
early life, her father's conversion. As a young wife she had
prayed with her husband, for his heart beat in unison with hers.
As a young mother, she had taught her children to pray with her.
And now, having reached the autumn of life, she still
prayed--prayed constantly; but as yet her prayers had received no
answer.
The old man lived with her; and every moment she surrounded him
with care and tenderness. She watched him and brooded over him
more like a mother than like a daughter. And it was hard indeed
for her, that this old man of sixty-six years would not listen to
any serious conversation, would only rail at holy things, and
would learn no lesson from either life or death. And she was ever
obliged to turn his words from their real meaning, and interpret
his jeers and sarcasms so that they would not shock her innocent
little children.
{495}
At this moment we find Camille in the drawing-room with her
father, who is half asleep before a great fire, with the
_Débats_ at his feet. She is sewing on some linen for the
coming baby; but twice stops to read two short letters received
that morning from two of her absent children. After a thousand
details about boarding, upon the compositions in history, upon
the new piece of tapestry which Clotilde had just begun, upon the
sermons delivered by a new father whose name she did not know,
she went on to say: "I never forget, dear mother, to pray with
you--you know why! It seems to me that the moment is approaching
when the gentle God will answer us--as if grandpapa was going to
be astonished that he had been able to live so long without
thinking of God!"
The second letter was from André, and would have been
unintelligible to any one who did not possess the key to a
school-boy's language. But at the end there was a passage which
Camille kissed again and again: "Dear mamma, I love you, and I
always pray with you, just like you." A stick of wood which just
now rolled down with a great noise awoke M. Reville, who, after
rubbing his eyes, asked his daughter, "Where is Maurice?"
"He is skating. Do you wish me to take his place, and do anything
to amuse you?"
"No, thank you. But stop, you may read instead; read this
discussion in the Chambers upon the military law."
Camille took the paper and read slowly; and the old man's eyes
were still closed when the violent ringing of the door-bell woke
him up completely, and made Madame de Laval start.
"What is the matter with you?" asked her father.
"I do not know; only the sudden ringing frightened me."
She jumped up and ran into the hall, and at the same instant her
husband entered from the street. She moved toward him, but
suddenly stopped, frozen with an inexplicable horror. M. de
Laval's face was of an ashy paleness; he tried to speak, he
stammered--the words died upon his lips, and his wife, in one of
those quick transitions which thought makes, believed he was
going to fall dead at her feet.
"What ails you?" she cried, reaching out her arms toward him. "Do
not be frightened, Camille," said he; "but Maurice--"
He was unable to finish.
"Maurice!" she echoed. "Where is he? Why does he not come home? O
great God! he is dead. He is drowned!"
M. de Laval had now somewhat recovered himself, and he explained:
"He rescued a child who was drowning, and was wounded in the
head. They are bringing him home. My dear Camille, keep up heart!
He lives! God will restore him to us!"
She staggered and looked at her husband with fixed eyes.
"Have courage," he cried.
The servants, already called together by the sad news, had opened
the gates to the relatives and the friends who were coming in
every direction, and also to those who were bringing Maurice.
They bore him on a litter, covered with a mattress, and his head,
all bloody, with eyes wide open, rested upon a pillow made of the
coats of the brave men; while behind the litter walked a man all
covered with blood. He was the father of the child whom Maurice
had saved at the price of his own life.
{496}
The boy was quickly placed upon the bed, and the physicians were
soon by his side, followed by the parish priest. Camille,
kneeling beside him, saw, as in an evil dream, the surgeon dress
the wound which Maurice had in the temple, and afterward talk in
a serious manner to the other physicians behind the curtain. She
saw the priest go up to Maurice, and, after talking to him in a
low voice, bend over him and raise his hands in the benediction
of the dying, and immediately after give him the holy oils. As in
a dream she heard her husband's voice saying, "Dear wife, the
good God wants him! Look at our Maurice."
She then looked at him. Maurice, aroused by the words of the
priest, had regained complete consciousness, and knew that he was
dying. He seemed more than tranquil--happy; and, looking around
on all present, said,
"Good-by, papa; I only did what you taught me."
He then discovered the father of the rescued child, who had
concealed himself behind M. de Laval. "Give my love to your
little boy," said he.
His eyes then sought for his mother. She got up, and, bending
over him, took him in her arms. "Dear mamma, make me an offering
for dear grandpapa's conversion. Say to him--" He stopped. His
mother saw the light fade from his eyes, and knew that his breath
was hushed in death. For a long time she remained holding him in
her arms, like that more desolate of mothers, bathing him with
her tears, and unable to listen to the comforting words of either
husband or father, both of whom were overwhelmed with grief. At
last, her piety, those religious sentiments which had always
animated her life, prevailed, and she said aloud,
"Yes, my God! I accept the sacrifice, and I sacrifice him for my
father. Save him, Lord, save him!"
Two days later they buried poor Maurice, the whole village
attending his funeral.
The same evening the priest, who had been with him in his last
moments, presented himself to Madame de Laval, and said:
"You are afflicted, but your prayers are heard. Divine grace has
pursued your father, and this very morning, when the body of your
child was yet in the house, he called me to him and made his
confession. He could hold out no longer, he said to me. Rejoice
then, madam, in the midst of your grief."
She did indeed rejoice, though she still wept.
"O Aloyse," said she, "and my dear Maurice! They are then taken
away, but at what a price!" "Thank God!" cried the priest. "He
separates a family here only to reunite them in eternity!"
-------
{497}
From Les Etudes Religieuses
The Second Plenary Council Of Baltimore,
And Ecclesiastical Discipline
In The United States. [Footnote 129]
[Footnote 129: _Concilii Plenarii Baltimorensis II. Acta et
Decreta. Baltimorae_, 1868.]
[Introductory Note--The periodical from which the following
article has been translated is one of the highest character,
published at Paris under the editorial supervision of the Jesuit
fathers. The account which it renders of the late Council of
Baltimore is made doubly valuable from the fact that it is the
work of a foreign, and therefore an impartial, judge. We have
been obliged to make a few corrections in the article. Several of
these were suggested by the Most Rev. President of the Council,
and the rest were required by obvious and quite natural
inaccuracies of a writer living in a foreign country.]
The superior of the Grand Seminary of Baltimore has recently done
us the honor of transmitting, in the name of his archbishop,
[Footnote 130] a copy of the _Acts of the Council_ held in
that city in 1866. He asks us to make known the contents to the
readers of the _Etudes_. It gives us pleasure to accede to
this request.
[Footnote 130: Mgr. Spalding, Archbishop of Baltimore, is the
author of several interesting publications on the religious
history of the United States. He has published two essays
concerning the legislation of the early Protestant colonies
respecting divine worship. In their legislation is to be
found intolerance running to the most cruel extremes, and
this almost until the Revolution of 1776. Besides these, he
is the author of _Evidences of Catholicity, Sketches of
Early Catholic Missions in Kentucky,_ and _Spalding's
Miscellanea_.]
On the eve of the great event which the Catholic world expects at
the close of this year, it seems to us that there are few
subjects more interesting, or more worthy to be treated of, than
the present. The very organization of the present council, at
which forty-six bishops were present, will give us a fair idea of
what is to be done when all the prelates of all countries and
churches are convened. Moreover, the decisions made in such an
imposing assembly will not fail to clear for us some obscure
points. But, better than all, the collection of decrees will make
us comprehend the situation of Catholicity in the immense
territories of the new world, where it is called to such a lofty
destiny.
On the 19th of March, 1866, the Feast of St. Joseph, Mgr.
Spalding, using the powers received for this purpose from the
sovereign pontiff, convoked at Baltimore a Plenary Council,
[Footnote 131] to be opened on the second Sunday of October, in
the same year.
[Footnote 131: A council is called plenary at which the
bishops of several provinces are assembled. After a general
or oecumenical council there is nothing more solemn. The
present is the second of this character which has been held
at Baltimore. The first took place in 1852.]
If any bishops were prevented from appearing personally, they
were to be represented by proxies furnished with authentic
powers. The day having come, after a preliminary congregation,
held the evening before to clear up certain details, the council
opened with a grand, solemn, and public procession; in which
figured forty-four archbishops and bishops, one administrator
apostolic, two mitred abbots, together with the most
distinguished of the American clergy. It was a spectacle alike
new and imposing for that great city. More than forty thousand
people met to witness it.
{498}
In the streets through which the procession passed, there was
scarcely a house which was not decorated. This was undoubtedly
one of the grandest and most beautiful Catholic demonstrations
which has yet been seen in that land of liberty, where all sects
and communions find a rendezvous. The council furnished one of
those striking lessons which the good sense of Americans does not
forget, and which by little and little will lead them to
understand that where there is unity there is also life.
Every deliberative assembly has need of order; the fathers began
by tracing a plan for themselves; these are its principal
dispositions.
Every day the particular congregations of theologians were to
meet together. These were to discuss among themselves and judge,
in a preliminary manner, the measures proposed. The result of
their deliberations, gathered by a notary, with the votes and
motives alleged for or against, in case of a disagreement, was
then to be transmitted to the bishops. These, again, held private
congregations where they occupied themselves solely with
questions already debated by the theologians. _A procès
verbal_ was made, by the secretaries, of what passed in these
meetings. A new examination and judgment was made in this second
instance; yet these preliminary discussions decided nothing; all
was to be referred to the general congregations, and, finally, to
the sessions of the council, where the decrees received their
last form, and the sanction which makes them obligatory.
As to the order which was to reign in their deliberations, the
bishops found nothing better fitted to their purpose than a small
portion, clearly stated, and well defined, of the rules called
parliamentary, and consecrated under that name in the public
assemblies of their land. Each had the right of proposing
whatever he would, provided he did so by writing and in the Latin
tongue; but a motion made by a member could not become a matter
of deliberation, unless another prelate joined the first in
making the demand. None was at liberty to depart from the
prearranged schedule, nor from the title which formed the object
of present discussion. As to the rest, the greatest liberty of
opinion was not only accorded, but counselled, as long as the
orators confined themselves to the limits of propriety. If any
one transgressed these, or prolonged his discourse uselessly, any
member could demand a call to order; the _promotor_ was
charged with executing the laws of order, but, in cases of doubt,
final decision belonged to the president.
Before publication in the sessions, the decrees were submitted to
general congregations; when not only the bishops but also the
theologians might set forth their opinions, with only this
provision, namely, that those should be first heard who formed
the commission on which had previously devolved the consideration
of the subject then under discussion. Such are the simple and
precise dispositions which served to maintain order in so great
an assembly.
The apostolic delegate had by right four theologians; the
archbishops, three; the bishops, two; some, however, contented
themselves with only one. They were divided into seven
congregations or bureaux, among which was divided the matter
which was to occupy the attention of the council. [Footnote 132]
[Footnote 132: This matter comprised the following subjects.
_1. _De Fide Orthodoxa, deque erroribus
serpentibus;_
2. _De Hierarchia et regimine Ecclesiae;_
3. _De Personis Ecclesiasticis;_
4. _De Ecclesiis bonisque ecclesiasticis tenendis
tutandisque;_
5. _De Sacranentis;_
6. _De Cultu Divino;_
7. _De Disciplinae
uniformitate promovenda;_
8. De Regularibus et monialibus;
9. De Juventute instituenda pieque erudienda;
10. De Salute animarum
efficacitis promovenda;
11. De Libris et ephemeribus;
12. De Societatibus Secretis._
Several congregations occupied themselves with two of these
subjects at once because of their connection. In the council
were added a thirteenth congregation, on the creation of new
bishoprics, and a fourteenth, on the execution of the
decrees.]
{499}
Each congregation was presided over by a bishop; it had, besides,
a vice-president and an ecclesiastical notary, charged, as we
have seen, with the care of transmitting to the prelates the
result of these deliberations. For the council itself were chosen
a chancellor archdeacon, a secretary with assistants, a notary,
who was to assist those who discharged the same function in the
particular congregations; two _promotors_, one a bishop, the
other a priest, charged with maintaining order and observance of
rule in the sessions and public meetings; finally, judges, who
were to pronounce on motions of absence, or on differences which
might arise. Severe penalties were laid on all who should leave
before the work of the council should be finished.
This rapid glance at the organization of this assembly and at its
plan of operations seems to us necessary, in order to understand
the labor accomplished by it.
The chief task of the council was to fix, I had almost said to
create, [Footnote 133] ecclesiastical discipline throughout the
entire extent of the United States.
[Footnote 133: If the writer had said this, he would have
made a great mistake. While the United States formed one
province, many provincial councils were held at Baltimore;
and since the creation of the other provinces they have been
regularly held in each one, and the principal points of
discipline have thus been long since effectually
settled.--ED. C.W.]
Amid a population so diverse in origin, manners, character; amid
the manifold influences produced by the heterogeneous mixture of
conflicting sects in which each Catholic congregation is obliged
to live, it would seem difficult to establish uniformity.
Moreover, the spirit of modern times is in every respect so
different from that of bygone ages, private and public
institutions have undergone such modifications, that the
application of the canon law meets on all sides obstacles
apparently insurmountable. The prelates of North America have
legislated with such prudence, with such a perfect union of ideas
and sentiments, that their churches will hereafter possess in the
collection of their decrees a complete code of laws. [Footnote
134] These "acts," printed in a convenient form, are to be used
as a text-book in all the seminaries, and this text, with the
comments of the professor will, we are assured, suffice for the
entire course of canon law. Apart from some inconsiderable
differences regarding days of fasting and feasts of obligation,
[Footnote 135] all the churches will hereafter have a common law
and the same customs. Assuredly, one can scarcely comprehend the
vastness of this result, and we are undoubtedly convinced that
the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore is destined to a
memorable place in the history of Catholicity in the United
States.
[Footnote 134: The present council had at heart to re-collect
in its acts the legislation fixed by preceding councils. The
decrees taken from these are recognized by a different style
of print. An appendix gives _in extenso_ all the
important portions, above all, those which have come from
Rome. Thus all the ecclesiastical legislation of the United
States is to be found in a single volume.]
[Footnote 135: The prelates had addressed a petition to Rome
that uniformity on this point might be established. The
answer which had been returned was, that it was better to
respect the existing customs of each diocese, and that, if
modifications were to be made therein, each bishop might have
separate recourse to the holy see. But the feast of the
Immaculate Conception was declared a feast of patronage and
obligation throughout the whole of the United States.]
The dogmatic part of the acts has not and could not have the same
importance, since a national council, however numerous, generally
does naught but state the faith already defined; nevertheless, on
this very ground, we find declarations very interesting, and
which deserve to command the attention of the Christians of
Europe.
It is to the united fathers, and, after them, to the assisting
theologians, that the merit of this great work is due.
{500}
Still, we cannot refrain from noticing Mgr. Spalding, Archbishop
of Baltimore and apostolic delegate. Called to the presidency of
the council by a special brief of the pope, dated February 16th,
1866, instructed, moreover, by the Propaganda, which recommended
to his zeal several important points, he it is who has prepared
the matter of the decrees, and has brought together in advance
all the elements which have entered into this vast construction.
Under his wise and prudent direction, his brethren in the
episcopate have made their choice. With the assistance of the
secretaries and other officers of the council the edifice rises,
to which Rome gives the finishing touch, changing a small number
of the materials, and consecrating it with her supreme authority.
Into this sanctuary, built with so much care, I invite the
readers of the _Etudes_ to enter, persuaded that we shall
find therein much to admire and at the same time much to learn.
I.
The first chapter is consecrated to dogma. It treats of the faith
and of the errors which are contemporaneously opposed to it. The
prelates here recall the precept, imposed on all, of embracing
the truth, and entering the haven of the true church. No safety
is to be hoped for outside of this ark which God guards and
conducts. However, they add, as to those who are plunged
invincibly in error, and who have not been able to see the light,
that the Supreme Judge, who condemns no man, save for his own
faults, will assuredly use mercy toward them, if, although
strangers to the body of the church, they have, nevertheless,
with the assistance of grace, fulfilled the divine commandments,
and professed those Christian truths which they were able to
know. [Footnote 136]
[Footnote 136: Tit. i. p. 6.]
Such is the Catholic doctrine and the just principle to which all
our pretended intolerance is reduced. The council recognizes the
rights of reason as well as those of sound faith. It inserts at
length in its decrees the four propositions formulated in 1855 by
the Congregation of the Index, against traditionalism. At the
same time it restates the condemnation pronounced by Gregory IX.
against the system of Raymond Lulle, which expresses a thought
too common in our day, namely, that faith is necessary to the
masses, to vulgar and unlettered people, but that reason suffices
for the intelligent man of study, and constitutes true
Christianity.
We notice in this chapter the solicitude of the bishops to place
in the hands of the faithful a version of the Bible in the vulgar
tongue. To this end they recommend the Douay translation, already
approved and circulated by their predecessors. Far from opposing
these efforts, the Congregation of the Propaganda, in the
response addressed to the Archbishop of Baltimore with the
revision of the acts of the council, lays great stress on the
necessity of doing this. The congregation directs the prelate to
compare anew the different English editions, to avail himself of
other Catholic translations, if there be any, in order that we
may have in English a faithful and irreproachable text of all our
sacred books, and that this version may be spread throughout all
the dioceses of America. Here we have a peremptory answer to
those Protestants who, at this late hour, reproach Catholics with
interdicting the reading of the Holy Scriptures.
{501}
On the question of future life, the fathers declared against
those who deny the eternal duration of punishment, or so mitigate
its severity that there remains no longer any proportion between
the chastisement and the gravity of the offence. Then they
rapidly review that multitude of religious sects and errors,
which are nowhere so numerous or so different as in that classic
land of free thought. Indifferentism, which considers all
religions as equal; Unitarianism, which rejects the divinity of
our Lord Jesus Christ; Universalism, which denies the eternity of
punishment after death; finally, pantheism and transcendentalism,
which destroy the personality of God, such are the latest forms
and last consequences of free inquiry. What a contrast to these
is the spectacle which Catholic truth affords; that full,
complete, and unchanging Christianity, affirming itself, with
full consciousness of its truth, in the face of a thousand
systems which cannot withstand it and a thousand communions that
fail to comprehend what it really is! All serious hearts in
America must be stuck by such a difference. The Council of
Baltimore has again made manifest where lies the strength that
will triumph over all, and what is to be the "church of the
future." The excesses of "Magnetism" and "Spiritism" have been
carried beyond what the fathers consider the limits of morality.
With regard to the first, they undertake to promulgate the
well-known decisions of the sacred congregation of the council.
[Footnote 137]
[Footnote 137: Encycl ad omnes episcopos contra magnetismi
abusus. August 4th, 1856. Decisions of July 28th, 1847.]
As to the second, not finding any explicit precedent in acts
emanating from Rome, they express their own thought and doctrine
thus: "It seems certain," they say, "that many of the astonishing
phenomena which are said to be produced in the spiritual meetings
are inventions; that others are the result of fraud, or are to be
attributed to the imagination of the mediums and their
assistants, or, possibly, to slight of hand. Nevertheless," they
add, "it can scarcely be doubted that some of these facts imply a
satanic interference; since it is almost impossible to explain
them in any other way." Then, after a magnificent exposition of
the action of good and bad angels, the prelates remark that, in a
society of which so large a portion remains unbaptized, it is not
surprising if the demon regains in part his ancient empire. They
severely censure those Catholics who take part even indirectly in
the spiritual "circles." Such is the decision of the council;
and, for our part, we are happy to see what we have written on
this subject [Footnote 138] fully confirmed by so imposing an
authority.
[Footnote 138: _Les Morts el les Vivants_. Paris, Le
Clere. _Etudes_ 1862, p. 41.]
II.
The second chapter treats of the hierarchy and government of the
church. The fathers begin with a profession of filial loyalty to
the holy see, whose privileges they recognize and enumerate with
St. Irenaeus, St. Jerome, and St. Leo the Great. They protest
with what respect and love they receive all the apostolical
constitutions, likewise the instructions and decisions of the
Roman congregations, given for the universal church or for their
own special provinces. After Pius IX. they rebuke the manner of
thought and action of those who count for nothing all that has
not been expressly defined as of Catholic faith, and who,
embracing opinions contrary to the common sentiment of
Christians, fear not to shock their ears with scandalous
propositions. The temporal power of the pope, its necessity under
the present circumstances, in order to assure the independence of
the head of the church, is also the subject of a solemn
declaration.
{502}
Passing then to the bishops, the council affirms their double
right of teaching and governing Christendom in union with the
Roman pontiff, the successor of St. Peter and the vicar of Jesus
Christ. According to the advice of the fathers of Trent,
provincial councils are to be held every three years throughout
the whole extent of the United States; for the bishops are
persuaded that in these reunions are to be found the most
efficacious remedies for the evils which afflict all parts of the
church, when the pastors of dioceses, after having invoked the
Holy Spirit, unite their wisdom to take measures most fitting to
procure the salvation of souls. Accidental forms are ever
changing. Formerly, the "synodal witnesses" [Footnote 139] were
everywhere in use.
[Footnote 139: Ecclesiastics chosen in the provincial
councils to observe the state of persons and things in their
dioceses, and to make a report to the metropolitan.]
After the time of Benedict XIV. this function fell into disuse
and was supplied by something else. The grave and learned pontiff
makes use of these remarkable words, which the council has
thought proper to reproduce:
"The customs of men are modified and circumstances are
continually changing; that which is useful at one period may
cease so to be, and may become even pernicious in another age.
The duty of a prudent pastor, unless otherwise obliged by a
higher law, is to accommodate himself to times and places, to
lay aside many ancient usages, when by his judgment and the
light of God he deems this to be for the greater good of the
diocese with which he is entrusted." [Footnote 140]
[Footnote 140: De Synod. Dioec. L. V. c. iii. n. 7.]
As a natural corollary to provincial councils, the prelates
recommend frequent holding of diocesan synods. If the extent of
the diocese will not permit the priests who obey the same bishop
to unite yearly, the bishop should at least convoke a synod after
each provincial or plenary council, to promulgate the decrees and
provide for their observance. In the meantime, ecclesiastical
conferences, organized in districts, can supply, at least partly,
the place of the synod. The fathers express a wish that such
conferences should meet quarterly in cities, and at least yearly
in rural districts, where pastors cannot easily assemble.
I pass hastily over some details to arrive immediately at a
matter at once very delicate and important, that of
ecclesiastical judgments. It is well known that the form required
by canon law has become very difficult of application throughout
the greater part of Christendom. The Council of Baltimore does
not innovate. After an experience of ten years it feels bound to
renew a decree made in the Council of St. Louis in 1855.
[Footnote 141]
[Footnote 141: That is to say, the Plenary Council, by its
enactment, extended this decree of the Provincial Council of
St. Louis to the other provinces.--ED. C. W.]
"Priests suspended by sentence of the ordinary have no right to
demand sustenance from him, since by their own fault they have
been rendered incapable of exercising their ministry. But, in
order to cut short all complaints, the fathers are of the
opinion that it is more expedient, in the cases of priests and
clerics, to adopt a form of trial approaching as nearly as
possible the requirements of the Council of Trent. The
bishop--or his vicar-general, by his order--shall choose in the
episcopal council two members--not always the same--who shall
serve him as counsellors, when the accused shall be called to
answer before him and his secretary.
{503}
"Together, these assistants shall have but one voice, but
either can range himself on the side of the prelate against his
colleague. If, however, both are of a different mind from that
of the bishop or his vicar, the latter may take into his
counsel a third, and that judgment shall be rendered to which
he shall incline. If it happen that all the consultors named by
the ordinary hold an opinion contrary to his, the case is to be
transferred to the tribunal of the metropolitan, who shall
weigh the motives for and against, and himself deliver
sentence. And if the process refers to a subject of the
metropolitan, and all his assistants are opposed to him, the
cause shall be evoked before the oldest bishop of the province,
and he shall have the right to decide, saving always the
privileges and authority of the Holy See."
Here we see reappearing the jurisdiction of metropolitans, which
in many other churches is little exercised at the present day. On
the question of their authority the council furnishes another
subject worthy of remark.
In enumerating the rights of archbishops in reference to their
ecclesiastical provinces, the fathers have designated but three:
1. To make known to the holy see such of their suffragans as do
not observe the laws of residence.
2. To call the said suffragans to a provincial council, at least
every three years.
3. To have their cross borne before them in their province, and
to wear the pallium therein on the days when they can wear it in
their metropolitan church.
The letter written from Rome for the correction of the acts
orders two other privileges of metropolitans to be
re-established:
1. To supply what is negligently omitted by their suffragans in
the cases determined by law; and
2. to receive appeals from the sentence of their suffragans
according to the canonical rules.
If we do not deceive ourselves, there is in this correction a
significant tendency.
III.
The manner of the election of bishops had already been determined
by an instruction emanating from the Propaganda, dated March
18th, 1834. Since that time, at the desire of councils, several
changes and modifications had been made. This is the practice
consecrated and universally established since 1861: Every three
years, each bishop sends to his metropolitan and the congregation
of the Propaganda the list of subjects whom he judges worthy of
the episcopate, with detailed information of the qualities which
distinguish them.
A see becomes vacant, the bishops of the province meet in synod,
or any other way, and discuss the aptitude of the candidates
presented by each of them. After a secret examination, three
names are sent to Rome with the _procès verbal_ of this
election. On the representation thus made, the sovereign pontiff
designates the one to be promoted to the episcopal dignity.
This portion of Christendom, still so new, has not yet had time
to settle itself into regularly divided parishes. If our memory
is faithful, we think there is no such thing as a parish,
properly so called, in the whole United States. The prelates of
the council express a desire to establish some, especially in the
great cities; but they add that, in conferring them on the
priests who administer them, they would not exempt the latter
from removal; this never having, been the custom in America.
Many of the dioceses have no seminaries. The fathers wish that,
if they cannot be everywhere established, each province, at
least, should have its own, for the formation of which the
bishops will unite their resources. Following the custom adopted
in France, they separate the Little Seminary, where boys who
present the conditions required by the Council of Trent are
received, from the Grand Seminary, where clerics study dogmatic
and moral theology, canon law, hermeneutics, and sacred
eloquence.
{504}
The council orders the greatest efforts to be made in order to
secure eminent professors. If there is an establishment common to
an entire province, it should not be confined to teaching the
mere elementary ecclesiastical studies, but a thorough course of
exegesis and oriental languages should be commenced; and the
modern systems of philosophy should be explained in such a manner
that graduates should be able to resolve all the difficulties and
objections of the day.
"We have now to contend," say the fathers, "no longer with the
often refuted heresies and errors of a bygone age, but with new
adversaries, unbelievers of a pagan rather than a Christian
character, with men who count as naught God and his divine
promises--and yet are not thereby prevented from having
cultivated minds. According to them, the things of heaven and
earth have no other meaning or value than that which reason
alone assigns them. Thus, they flatter pride, so deeply rooted
in our nature, and seduce those who are not on their guard. If
truth cannot persuade them, since they do not care to hear, it
must, at least, close their mouths, lest their vain discourse
and sounding words delude the simple." [Footnote 142]
[Footnote 142: Act. tit. iii. p. 108.]
Do not these sage reflections disclose the true plan for renewing
ecclesiastical studies?
We will not enter on the details of the rules established for the
general life and manners of the clergy, according to their
different functions. We confine ourselves to remarking that the
chapter on preaching alone contains a complete little treatise on
the proper manner of announcing the word of God in our times.
IV.
Questions relating to church property attract the attention of
the council. In order to comprehend the arrangements determined
on in regard to this matter, we must form a correct idea of the
situation in which the different Christian communions stand
before the American civil law.
It is well known that the legislation of most of the States is
willing to accord legal personality to associations, commercial
or religious. A religious society represented by trustees easily
obtains incorporation; that is to say, is recognized as a person
having the right to own property, to receive gifts and legacies,
to a certain amount, generally far superior to what is necessary.
If this sum is ever exceeded, it is easy to fulfil the
requirements of the law by creating a new centre, building a new
church.
Nothing then would seem more favorable than these arrangements of
American law. But, as they were conceived from a Protestant point
of view, they recognize the parish only, and not the diocese,
which is, nevertheless, the Catholic unit. Moreover, the
trustees, invested with church property, have on several
occasions made outrageous and extravagant pretensions. More than
once, they have believed that they possessed the right of
choosing their pastors, and dismissing them, if they did not
suit; they have held that they at least have the right of
presenting to the bishop a priest of their own choice, and thus
forcing his consent. Hence, the frequent conflicts between the
parochial element and the episcopal administration. The first
Council of Baltimore formerly protested against this lay
interference, which it declared contrary to the teaching of the
church and the discipline of every age; it decided that the
compensation assigned to members of the clergy, to be provided
from the funds of the parish, or by the alms of the faithful,
conferred on none the right of patronage.
{505}
Subsequent councils return incessantly to the same question; and
it has even appeared before the civil tribunals. In the diocese
of New York, particularly, the disputes between the Catholic
trustees and the bishop were prolonged with various results, but
without interruption, from 1840 to 1863. Finally, an arrangement
was concluded, and on this model the prelates wish to organize
all ecclesiastical property.
"Since, in the United States, it is permitted to every citizen
and foreigner to live freely and without molestation, according
to the precepts of the religion which he professes--for the
laws recognize and proclaim this right--nothing seems to hinder
us from observing, in all their rigor, the rules established by
councils and the sovereign pontiffs for the acquisition and
preservation of church property. The fathers, therefore, desire
to expose and set clearly before the eyes of the state the true
rights of the church with regard to accepting, possessing, and
defending sacred property, as, for example the land on which a
church is built, or presbyteries, schools, cemeteries, and
other establishments, in order that it may be legally permitted
to Catholic citizens to follow exactly the laws and
requirements of their church." [Footnote 143]
[Footnote 143: Act. tit. iv. p. 117.]
Hence, one of the principal dispositions of this legislation is,
that the administrators of ecclesiastical property in parishes
shall do nothing without the consent of the bishop. In order that
this law may be observed, and that nothing more may be feared
from the intervention of the secular tribunals, there is no other
plan than for the bishop to place himself before the civil power,
as having the right to the full administration of all property
belonging to his church as a corporation sole. Some of the states
have recognized this right for the future. In others it is not
yet recognized. Hence they provide the best means for avoiding,
or, at least, diminishing the inconvenience resulting from this
state of things.
This requires that mutual securities be taken on the part of the
bishop and the trustees. As soon as appointed, the prelate will
make a will, and place a duplicate in the hands of his
metropolitan. Besides the property of which he is sole
proprietor, he will be _ex-officio_ president of all boards
of trustees, who possess, in the eyes of the law, the parochial
properties. Rules are established for the purpose of ensuring a
conscientious choice of these, in order that they may not
infringe on the rights of the parish priest, nor take any profit
from the revenues of the church. Such are the principal measures
relative to this important matter.
V.
In the chapter entitled _De Sacramentis_ we notice the
prudence which the council wishes to be used in administering
baptism to Protestants returning to the Catholic Church. Although
the greater portion of the sects regard what transpires at the
baptismal font as a mere ceremony, and frequently, through
carelessness, baptize invalidly, nevertheless the priest must not
proceed hap-hazard, nor decide on general principles, but must in
each case examine carefully into particulars. Only when certain
of the nullity or probable invalidity of the baptism, can he
confer the sacrament, either absolutely or conditionally.
In France, discussions have lately arisen as to the proper age
for administering the holy communion. Although the American child
is much earlier developed than the European, the fathers of
Baltimore establish as a rule that he shall not be urged at too
early an age to present himself at the holy table.
{506}
Ten and fourteen years are the two extreme limits to which one
must ordinarily be confined. Nevertheless, this rule leaves room
for all legitimate exceptions, and particularly, in case of
danger of death, it would be a grave fault in the pastor who
would not administer the eucharist to a child capable of
discerning the grace which it contains.
As their country is not a vine-growing land, and one can nowhere
be fully certain of the purity of wines imported from Europe, the
fathers express a desire to establish in Florida a community
which shall be especially charged with the care of preparing the
matter for the administration of the different sacraments, wine,
oil, etc. This community can also keep swarms of bees, and
furnish the different dioceses with pure waxen tapers. Meanwhile
they caution priests to beware of using for the holy sacrifice
the wines which are commonly sold under the names of port,
sherry, Madeira, Malaga, and to choose, rather, Bordeaux,
Sauterne, and others less subject to adulteration or fraudulent
imitation. Moreover, as the culture of the vine progresses, it
will be inexcusable to neglect having recourse to the products of
the soil, or at least, not to have a moral certainty of the
purity of the wines which are used.
In districts where a few Catholic families find themselves, as it
were, lost in the midst of Protestants, the scarcity of priests
causes many children to remain unbaptized [Footnote 144] until
after marriage; an _impedimentun dirimens_ which renders the
marriage null in the eyes of God and the church.
[Footnote 144: The council referred not to unbaptized
children of Catholics, for such are not to be found among us,
but to unbaptized Protestants, or rather pagans, with whom
Catholics have contracted a civil marriage.--ED. C. W.]
They live together in good faith, notwithstanding, and when the
priest, discovering the radical fault, speaks to them of renewing
their agreement, it frequently happens that the unbaptized party
refuses to do it. The fathers unite in requesting from the holy
see power to communicate to missionaries dispensations _in
radice_, of which they can make use to rehabilitate such
marriages.
As preceding councils have remarked, it is certain that, in most
of the provinces of the United States, the decree of the Council
of Trent regarding clandestine marriages has not yet been
promulgated. In some districts its promulgation is doubtful.
Besides, to require the presence of a certain priest for the
validity of a marriage appears to the fathers a measure attended
with great inconvenience. They demand, therefore, in order to
reassure consciences, and establish uniformity, to return
everywhere, except in the province of New Orleans, to the ancient
discipline, already universally in force. But the holy see has
not seen fit to accede to this request, as appears from the
answer addressed by the Propaganda to the _postulata_ of the
council.
On other points uniformity is supremely desirable. For instance,
the bishops earnestly desire it in that which pertains to
Christian instruction and in prayer-books. A catechism is to be
composed after that of Cardinal Bellarmine, adapted to the
peculiar situation of Catholics in the United States. When this
catechism has been approved by the holy see, it will be adopted
in all the dioceses.
As to prayer-books which do not bear the express approbation of
the ordinary, they ought not to be found in the hands of the
faithful.
{507}
The solicitude of the council here extends to various classes of
people. Following the example of the apostle, they recommend to
God those who govern; but the formulas of the church are alone to
be employed in these prayers, and no one is to imitate certain
sects and temples, wherein political passions and partisan rancor
utter accents which dishonor God rather than contribute to his
worship.
No one will neglect any precaution to free Catholic soldiers and
sailors from being obliged, against their conscience, to assist
at the rites of dissenting sects. The orphans are an object of
special solicitude. They must be gathered into the Catholic
asylums which already exist or are yet to be built. This
necessity is most pressing, and appeals to the charity of all who
can provide against it.
VI.
An entire chapter is consecrated to regular orders of men and
women. After recalling the immense advantages which their
churches have derived from the labor of religious, the fathers
state certain precautions which ought to be taken in order that
foundations may be stable and not precarious. Circumstances do
not always permit canonical erection or establishment in a
permanent manner; hence, in the agreement made between the bishop
and the religious community, this clause must hereafter be added,
to wit, that the latter will not quit the parish, school,
college, or congregation with which it is charged, without
notifying the ordinary at least six months in advance. This
relates only to diocesan work, properly so called, and not to
that which the religious may take up of their own accord, without
any obligation to continue.
Bishops shall conform to the canonical laws, defending the rights
and privileges of the religious whom they find in the territory
submitted to their jurisdiction, and they will avoid giving them
subjects of complaint, or motives for going elsewhere. Regulars
and seculars work toward the same ends namely, the glory of God
and the salvation of souls; hence, no dissension ought ever to
arise between them, but harmony, unity, and fraternal love should
ever reign supreme.
The council passes a magnificent eulogium on those "sisters" who
preserve, in their schools, the innocence of so many young
virgins, and who, during the late war, have known how to turn
public calamity to the glory of God and the advantage of
religion.
Who of the dissenting sects has not admired their zeal, charity,
and patience in the hospitals, and may not say, "the finger of
God is here"?
Various measures were adopted to assure the observance of the
rules of the church on the part of the religious. The fathers
have heretofore consulted as to the nature of their sacred
engagements. The answers received from Rome state that, in
several specially designated monasteries of the Visitantines, the
vows are solemn. [Footnote 145]
[Footnote 145: These are the monasteries of Georgetown,
Mobile, Kaskaskia, St. Aloysius, and Baltimore. The solemnity
of the vows is there preserved according to rescripts
formerly obtained from Rome.]
Henceforth, after the novitiate, simple vows are to be made, and
ten years later the solemn profession will be permitted. As to
other monasteries and religious houses, simple vows alone are
permitted, except by special rescript from the holy see; the same
rule applying to all convents of women which may be hereafter
erected in the various dioceses of the United States. The fathers
severely censure those who leave their monasteries and travel
through the country, under pretext of collecting money for houses
pressed with debt or for new foundations; they declare this to be
an intolerable abuse and contrary to the true character of the
religious life.
{508}
Everywhere, to-day, but in no country more than in America, the
question of schools appears most important, and claims the most
lively solicitude on the part of the episcopate.
Here the council begins by firmly asserting the rights of the
church. Jesus Christ said to his apostles, "Euntes docete,"
"Going, teach all nations." Since that time, this utterance has
been understood in the sense of a mission, to be fulfilled by
instruction and the exercise of spiritual maternity toward all,
but especially toward youth. Frequenting such public schools as
exist in the United States offers a thousand dangers. There
indifferentism reigns: corruption of morals is engendered in
early youth; the habit of reading and reciting authors who attack
religion and heap insults on the memory of saintly personages
weakens the faith in the souls of the young, while association
with vicious companions stifles virtue in their hearts. The only
remedy is to create other institutions, to open further
opportunities to Catholic youth. Parochial schools are highly
recommended, as well as the sodalities or congregations which
devote themselves to the instruction of the youth of either sex.
While speaking of houses of refuge and correction, the fathers
notice the numerous abductions of children which are daily made
by the different sects. These are orphans, or disobedient
children whom parents despair of managing. They are taken to
places where their relatives can neither find nor hear from them,
and their names are changed, so as not to recall them at some
future day to their religion or family. Comfortably nourished,
they are reared in the principles of heresy and in hatred of
Catholicity. [Footnote 146] Moved with pity, several bishops have
already opened houses to gather in these little unfortunates; the
council desires them to be everywhere established; for if one
ought to applaud the zeal of those who raise magnificent temples
to God, much more should one praise those who prepare for him a
spiritual dwelling of these precious and living stones.
[Footnote 146: Acts have recently been passed in the
Legislature of New York which promise to be a very effectual
check to the most nefarious arts of these kidnappers in this
State.--ED. C. W.]
Here follows a tribute of recognition of the services rendered by
the various colleges and academies which already exist in the
United States. The American establishments at Rome, at Louvain,
and in Ireland, are now furnishing priests and missionaries. When
will it be granted to the bishops to found a grand Catholic
university, which will complete all the good accomplished by
these institutions? Yet this is not merely a desire; it is
ardently expressed by the council; we hope the future may bring
about its speedy realization. [Footnote 147]
[Footnote 147: Amen!--Ed. C. W.]
The missions are one of the most efficacious means of procuring
the salvation of souls. Regulars and seculars are alike called to
this great work. The council demands that a house of missionaries
be founded in each diocese, for giving spiritual exercises in the
parishes, above all during Lent, Advent, at the time of first
communions, and the episcopal visitations. The parish priests are
to co-operate cordially with these auxiliaries, and if any refuse
to do so, they will be constrained by their bishop. On the other
hand, all precautions are taken to avoid any appearance of
interestedness, and any interference in the parochial government
on the part of the missionaries.
{509}
The idea of association, so popular at the present day, is
essentially and originally Catholic. If some have used it against
us, we know how to reclaim and avail ourselves of it. Hence, the
fathers recommend the confraternities approved by the church,
such as those of the Blessed Sacrament, the Sacred Heart, the
Blessed Virgin Mary, St. Joseph, and the Holy Angels. They
recommend the "Apostolate of Prayer," also, another pious
association, which prays especially for the conversion of
non-Catholics; they seek to develop the well-deserving
undertakings of the "Propagation of the Faith" and "Holy
Childhood;" they accord the highest praise to the
arch-confraternity of St. Peter; finally, they add other works of
piety and mercy, among them the "Society of St. Vincent de Paul,"
so well adapted to our times, and which has already produced such
great results.
After this great encouragement, come restrictions no less called
for. No new associations are to be created where ancient
confraternities suffice. In case any priest desires to institute
a new one, he must have a written permission from his bishop; the
latter is forbidden to approve a new foundation unless he is sure
that its means and aim are truly Catholic. It will be truly
desirable to give such a character to the mutual aid societies
to-day so numerous among the working classes.
The welfare of the negroes greatly interests the American
episcopate. What a harvest is here to be gathered among these
poor souls, purchased by the blood of Jesus Christ, and so well
prepared by their emancipation to listen to the Gospel. Heresy
spares no effort to assure herself of possessing them--another
reason for earnestly seconding the desire expressed by the
Congregation of the Propaganda in this respect. But the measures
adopted for this end cannot be everywhere the same, and general
rules are, therefore, hard to determine. The negroes must have
churches either in common with or separate from the other
faithful; they must have schools, missions, orphan asylums.
Laborers are wanting to this harvest. The superiors of religious
orders are requested to designate some of their subjects for this
purpose, and secular priests, who feel this to be their vocation,
to fly to the succor of this class, so destitute and so
interesting. As to particular measures, provincial councils will
determine in those regions where the negroes are more numerous.
VII.
Books and journals exercise such a great influence on society,
both for evil and for good, that they could not fail to be the
object of a special decree. After noticing the disastrous effects
of an immoral press, the prelates call on all the servants of
Jesus Christ, especially those who are fathers of families, to
rid their houses of all noxious and dangerous books. They do not
hesitate in this instance to employ the severe words of the
apostle, "If any man have not care of his own, and especially of
those of his house, he hath denied the faith, and is worse than
an infidel." I Tim. v. 8. School-books must be carefully revised,
expurgated, when necessary, and submitted to episcopal
approbation. A sort of permanent committee is created for this
purpose, composed of the superiors of three colleges existing in
the arch-diocese of Baltimore.
As to good books, their circulation should be favored as much as
possible. It is desirable that associations should everywhere be
formed, to employ themselves in this work. The fathers
particularly recommend the "Catholic Publication Society" of New
York, which has existed for some years, and has already done
immense good. Committees in every city are to be formed, and
affiliated to the central society, and collections are ordered to
be made yearly for assisting this good work.
{510}
Prayer-books ought always to be examined by theologians, and none
should be printed without the approbation of the ordinary. This
has hitherto been only a wish; hereafter it shall be a law
obliging all bishops.
Among current periodicals there are many impious and immoral,
some more tolerable, but very few deserving eulogy and full
recommendation to the faithful. The prelates continue:
"Journals edited or directed by Catholics indirectly
contributing to the advantage of religion, must exist. But for
fear lest the political opinions of the writers may be
attributed to ecclesiastical authority, or to Christianity
itself, as often happens, thanks to the bad faith of
adversaries, we desire that all should be duly warned not to
recognize any journal as _Catholic_ unless it bears the
express approbation of the ordinary.
"In several dioceses, there are journals furnished with this
approbation, under one form or another, because the bishops
require them as a means of conveying their orders or ideas to
their clergy and people. Hence they are assumed to have an
official character, as if the voice of the pastor were to be
heard from every page and line. This is a misunderstanding,
although quite general, chiefly propagated by sectarians. From
it result grave and intolerable inconveniences. For, whatever
may be written by these editors, who may often be controlled by
passions private and political, is laid to the account of the
bishop, and seems to form a part of his pastoral teaching.
"In order that such a responsibility may cease to weigh upon
the episcopate, and in order clearly to set forth the relations
between the ordinary and the ecclesiastical journals, the
fathers declare that the approbation accorded by a bishop to a
Catholic journal merely signifies that he has found in it
nothing contrary to faith or morals; and that he hopes such
will be the case in future; and moreover, that the editors are
well-deserving men, and their writings useful and edifying. The
bishop, then, is only responsible for what appears in the paper
as his own teaching, counsel, exhortation or command; and for
this, only when signed with his own hand." (Act. tit. xi. p.
256.)
They spoke of establishing a journal or review, solely devoted to
the exposition and defence of Catholic dogma, of which the
archbishops of Baltimore, New York, and perhaps other
metropolitans with them, would have the ownership. The question
was submitted by the council to the judgment of the ordinaries.
If the fathers wish to be free from a solidarity often
compromising, they none the less recognize the services of
Catholic writers. The felicitations which they address to them
are borrowed from the pontifical allocution of April 20th, 1849,
and from the letters apostolic of February 12th, 1866.
VIII.
The church has frequently uttered severe condemnations of secret
societies, engaged in acts forbidden by religion and justice.
After having recalled to mind and published anew these
condemnations, the fathers add that they do not see any reason
for applying them to societies of artisans which have no other
object than the mutual support and protection of people of the
same calling.
These must not favor the practices of condemned sects, nor
proceed contrary to equity and the rights of patrons. No one must
regard as even tolerated, associations which demand of those
entering an oath to do whatever the chiefs command, or which
would maintain an inviolable secrecy in the face of lawful
questioning. If there be doubt of the nature of an association,
the holy see must be consulted. No person, however high his
ecclesiastical dignity, ought to condemn any society which does
not fall under the censures of the apostolical constitutions.
[Footnote 148]
[Footnote 148: At the request of certain bishops, this decree
was to be suppressed. It was re-established in acts according
to directions from Rome.]
{511}
In the thirteenth chapter, the bishops request the erection of
fifteen new episcopal sees; to wit, four in the province of
Baltimore, seven in that of St. Louis, one in each of the
provinces of Cincinnati, Oregon, San Francisco, and New York.
They also desire the churches of Philadelphia and Milwaukee to be
raised to metropolitan dignity. Excepting this last demand, this
chapter has met favorable reception at Rome; and at the present
moment, America counts twelve new bishoprics or vicarates
apostolic.
We will not speak of the pastoral letter addressed by the bishops
of the council to the faithful of their dioceses. It was
published at the time in many French journals. Moreover, it
merely recapitulates the measures and decrees which ought to be
brought to the knowledge of all the Catholic populations. In it
one perceives the accent of ardent zeal for the salvation of
souls. Amid the felicitations which they address to their flock,
the American prelates mingle cries of sorrow at the sight of the
abuses which still exist and the souls which are lost. A warm
appeal is made to families to favor the development of
ecclesiastical vocations; in this country, more than in any other
in the world, the harvest is immense, and arms alone are often
wanting to gather it.
As to the relations between the church and the state, the fathers
declare that, apart from a few brief instances of over-excitement
and madness, the attitude taken by the civil power and its
non-interference in religious matters is a matter for
congratulation; they complain only of its not according the
necessary guarantees for church property, according to ancient
canons and discipline. But several States have already done what
is reasonable in this respect; it is hoped that others will soon
follow their example.
Such is the incomplete but at least faithful _résumé_ of the
decrees of this great assembly. In reading, one is struck with
the wisdom and prudence which characterize them. After the divine
assistance, certainly not denied to so holy an undertaking, one
here finds something of that American good sense, eminently exact
and practical, which, in dealing with lofty things, seizes them
principally by their positive side, and, without losing sight of
principles, adapts them always to times and circumstances.
If doctrine is greatly represented in this volume, pure theory
occupies but a small space. Above everything else the council has
wished to be a work of organization. No less remarkable for what
it has not said than for what it has said, it seems to embody the
device of the poet, "Semper ad eventum festinat;" no superfluous
details, no useless erudition; all bears the seal of a
legislation soberly but firmly motived, wherein nothing is
omitted which can enlighten and convince the mind, and nothing
allowed to lengthen a text by right short, or to complicate a
simple matter; a majestic monument, of simple and severe
proportions, art seems therein neglected, but is by no means
wanting.
If it were permissible in presence of so great a work to recur to
a secondary detail, we would say that pupils of the seminaries,
in studying these acts, will find in them a model of that
beautiful Latinity unfortunately too rare in theological
treatises.
Their task ended, the prelates had only to congratulate
themselves on the success obtained. After having announced to
their children that they would be more fully notified of the
result in provincial councils and diocesan synods, they have been
able to add, with lawful pride, that they expect all manner of
good from the practical organization given for the future to the
churches of this vast continent.
-------
{512}
The Legend of St. Thomas.
And it came to pass, in those days, that Thomas abode at
Jerusalem. And in a dream the Lord appeared to him, and said,
Behold, Gondaphorus, who ruleth in India, hath sent Abbas his
servant into Syria, that he may find men skilful in the art of
building. Go thou, therefore, and I will show thee unto him. But
Thomas answered, and said, Lord, suffer me not to go into India.
But the Lord answered, and said to him, Fear not, but rise up and
depart; for behold, I am with thee, and when thou shalt have
converted the nations of India, thou shalt come to me, and I will
give unto thee the recompense of thy reward. And when Thomas
heard this, he said, Thou art my Lord and I am thy servant. Let
it be as thou hast said. And he went his way.
And it came to pass that as Abbas, the servant of Gondaphorus the
king, stood in the market-place, the Lord met him, and said,
Young man, what seekest thou? And Abbas answered, and said,
Behold, my master hath sent me hither, that I might bring to him
cunning workmen who shall build for him a palace like unto those
that are in Rome. And when he had spoken these things, the Lord
showed unto him Thomas, as that skilful and cunning workman whom
he sought.
And straightway Thomas the apostle, and the servant of
Gondaphorus the king, departed. And as they journeyed, the word
of the Lord spake by the mouth of Thomas, and great multitudes of
the Gentiles were converted and baptized. And when they came to
Aden, which lieth at the going in of the Red Sea, they tarried
many days.
And departing thence, they came into the coasts of India. And
behold, there was a marriage in that city, and both Thomas and
Abbas were called to the marriage. And the whole city was with
them. And while they rejoiced together, behold, Thomas spake to
the people the word of the Lord, and wrought many mighty works
before them all, so that great multitudes believed and were
baptized. And the daughter of the king, (whose feast it was,) and
her husband, and the king also, were among them. And this was
she, who, after a long time, was called Pelagia, and took the
holy veil, and suffered martyrdom. But the bridegroom was called
Denis, and became the bishop of that city.
And going from thence, they departed, and came to Gondaphorus the
king. And to him was Thomas the apostle brought, as a cunning
workman, skilled in all manner of building. And the king
commanded him to build for him a royal palace, and gave him vast
treasures wherewith to build it, and having done this, he went
into another country.
And it came to pass, that when Thomas received the treasure of
the king, he put not his hand to the palace of the king, but went
his way throughout the kingdom, for the space of two years,
preaching the Gospel, healing the sick, and giving his treasures
to the poor.
{513}
And after the space of two years, Gondaphorus the king returned
into his own city, and when he had asked concerning his palace,
Thomas answered, and said, Behold, O king! the palace is builded;
but thou shalt dwell therein only in the world that is to come.
Then was the king exceeding wroth, when he had heard these
things, and commanded his soldiers to cast Thomas into prison,
and to flay him alive, and afterward to burn his body with fire.
And it came to pass, that in those days Syd, the brother of
Gondaphorus, died, and the king commanded them to prepare for him
a goodly sepulchre. And on the fourth day, as they made
lamentation over him, behold, he that was dead sat up and began
to speak. And they were sore affrighted and amazed. But he said
to the king, Behold, O king! he whom thou hast commanded to be
flayed and burned is the friend of God. For lo! the angels of
God, who serve him, took me into paradise, and showed to me a
palace adorned with gold and silver and precious stones. And when
I was astonished at its beauty, one cried out to me, and said,
Behold, this is the palace which Thomas has builded for the king,
thy brother. But he has become unworthy; yet, if thou thyself
wouldst dwell therein, we will beseech the Lord, that thou mayest
live again and redeem it of thy brother by paying unto him the
treasure he has lost.
And when Gondaphorus had heard these things, he was sore afraid.
And he straightway ran to the prison, and came in unto the
apostle, and smote off his chains. And bringing a royal robe, he
would have put it on him. But Thomas answering, said, Knowest
thou not, O king! that those who would have power in heavenly
things care not for that which is carnal and earthly? And when he
had said this, the king fell down at his feet, confessing his
sins. And Thomas baptized both him, and his brother, and all his
house, and said to them, In heaven there are many mansions,
prepared from the foundation of the world. But these are
purchased only by faith and almsgiving. Your riches are able to
go before you into these heavenly habitations, but thither they
can never follow you.
And after these things, Thomas arose and departed, and came into
all the kingdoms of India, preaching the Gospel, and doing many
mighty miracles. And all the nations of India believed and were
baptized, hearing his words, and seeing the wonders which he did.
And it came to pass that Mesdeus the king heard thereof. And when
Thomas came into his country, he laid hands upon him, and
commanded him to adore his idols, even the images of the Sun,
which he had made. And Thomas answered, and said, Let it be even
as thou hast said, if at my word the idol bow not its head into
the dust. And when he had said this, the idol fell down prostrate
to the earth.
And there arose a great sedition among the people, and the
greater part stood with Thomas. But the king was exceeding angry,
and cast him into prison, and delivered him up to the soldiers,
that they might put him to death. And the soldiers, taking him,
led him forth to the top of a mountain over against the city. And
when he had prayed a long time, they pierced him with their
spears, and, falling down, he yielded up the ghost. And his
disciples, which stood by, wept for him with many tears, and,
taking up his body, they wound it in precious spices, and laid it
in a tomb. But the church grew and waxed mightily, and Siforus
the priest, and Zuganes the deacon, whom Thomas had ordained as
he went forth to die on the mountain, taught in his stead.
{514}
Such is the legend of St. Thomas, as recited in the name of
Abdias of Babylon, "bishop and disciple," [Footnote 149] in his
"_ten_ books upon the conflicts of the apostles." Whatever
we may think of the individual events therein detailed, the great
outline of the story has much intrinsic probability, and is of no
slight interest to the student of Christian history. Especially
is this so in the present age, when the vast and mystic East
opens her gates once more to the knock of the evangelist, and
when the whole Christian world is agitated with a missionary zeal
which must be comparatively fruitless, unless guided by a
knowledge of the people whom it approaches, and of the religious
traditions with which it must combat or agree. It is our
intention in this article to suggest some of the chief facts in
the ecclesiastical annals of these unknown lands, and to trace,
so far as we may be able, the dogmatic genealogy of those
religious notions with which the Gospel has been, and will be,
there forced to contend.
[Footnote 149: Abdias of Babylon, to whom is ascribed the
work mentioned in the text, is accounted among the
ecclesiastical writers of the first age. He was a Jew by
birth, and one of the seventy disciples of our Lord. He went
with SS. Simon and Jude into Persia, and by them was made
bishop of Babylon. The work which bears his name was first
printed in the year 1532. Its alleged authorship, on account
of its citations, and for some other reasons, has generally
been denied by the learned. On this point the present writer
ventures no opinion, although convinced that the tradition,
as contained in _The Legend of St. Thomas_, is
substantially true, and has existed in the same general
outline from the earliest periods of Christian history.]
In the legend which we have repeated, and the discussion of which
will occupy the present article, the scene of the labors of St.
Thomas is laid in India. The tradition that he preached in
Parthia and other countries of the east, and that he perished by
martyrdom, is nearly as old as Christianity itself. All of the
early writers are agreed that his apostolic province lay north
and east of Palestine, and that the Persians, Bactrians,
Scythians, and other kindred nations were entrusted to his
spiritual care. But in regard to the particular regions over
which he travelled, and the extent of his missionary efforts, as
embraced in modern geographical divisions, there appears to be no
small discrepancy between them. Thus, while certain ancient
authors ascribe to him the evangelization of the entire East,
Socrates and Theodoret expressly state that the Gospel was not
preached in India till the fourth century, when Frumentius
carried thither the knowledge of the true faith, and established
a mission, of which he himself became the bishop; while some
extend his wanderings to the Ganges, or even to the Celestial
empire itself, others limit him within the eastern boundary of
Persia, and place his death and burial-place near the city of
Edessa, less than two hundred miles north-east from Antioch.
Much of this apparent disagreement, however, is explained away by
the acknowledged ambiguity of the phrases under which these
different countries were anciently described. "India" and
"Ethiopia" seem to have been terms as loosely applied in that age
as "the East," in Europe, and "the West," in America, are today;
and it is not at all unlikely that, as has been the case with the
latter phrase in this country, the application of the former was
gradually changed as their nearer frontiers became better known,
and were localized under distinct and peculiar names. The India
of Socrates and Theodoret may or may not embrace the districts
included in the India of Gaudentius and Sophronius; and each, in
his historic statement, may be entirely accurate in fact, though
contradictory to the others in his language.
{515}
Moreover, in those early ages kingdoms were less known than
nations. The ancients spoke of "Persians," "Romans," "Jews,"
"Egyptians," rather than of the countries in which they were
supposed to dwell; while in our day, on the contrary, the
explorations of geography have rendered the regions far more
definite than the nations which inhabit them. For this reason,
what would be comparatively a safe guide to any given locality in
modern usage, would be far less reliable in writings of a
thousand years ago. Thus we may well dismiss whatever doubts this
seeming disagreement at first sight throws around the
post-scriptural account of this apostle, or at least hold it in
abeyance, to be obliterated if subsequent investigations should
disclose sufficient evidence of the toils and triumphs of St.
Thomas in the vast empires of oriental Asia.
It is in this _generic_ sense of the terms that "India" and
"the Indies" are employed by the author of this legend, and under
the singular as well as under the plural name are included many
kingdoms through which the apostle travelled, from that in which
he preached the Gospel at the nuptials of a king to that in which
he found the mountain of his martyrdom. Each of these seems to
have had its own court and king, and to have been so far
independent of the others that the same religion which was
maintained and promulgated by the state in one, was persecuted
and condemned by the rulers of the other. It is not, therefore,
to these names that we can look with any confidence of finding
such vestiges of the apostle's footsteps as shall afford us a
definite clue to the countries or the nations which enjoyed the
fruits of his laborious love.
Such, however, is not the case with the name of King Gondaphorus
to whom particularly, according to the legend, the mission of St.
Thomas was directed. Until within a few years, the age, the
residence, even the existence of this personage has been matter
of serious controversy. The opinion most commonly received among
the learned was, that "Gondaphorus" was a corruption of "Gun
dishavor" or "Gondisapor," a city built by Artaxerxes, and
deriving its name from Sapor or Schavor, the son and successor of
its founder. [Footnote 150] As the city could have acquired this
title only in the fourth century, this, among other reasons, has
generally led historians to deny the substantial authenticity of
the legend itself, and to regard it as the fabrication of some
later age.
[Footnote 150: Gundisapor was the episcopal and metropolitan
city of the province of Sarac, situated on the Tigris, six
leagues from Susa. It is said to have been built by
Hormisdas, the contemporary of the Emperor Constantine, and
to have been called by the name of Sapor, his son, by whom it
was afterward immensely enriched and beautified with the
treasures which he ravished from the Roman empire.]
Recent investigations among Indian antiquities have thrown new
light upon this subject, and, in this particular, at least, seem
to have cleared the legend from all suspicions of fraud. Among
the many coins and medals lately discovered in the East are those
of the Indo-Scythian kings who ruled in the valley of the Indus
about the beginning of our present era. One of these kings bore
the name of "Gondaphorus," and pieces of his coinage are now said
to be preserved in different collections of Paris and the East.
[Footnote 151] This striking corroboration, in the nineteenth
century, of a tradition which, in one shape or another, has been
current in the Christian world for eighteen hundred years, can
hardly fail to satisfy the most critical examiner that the legend
ascribed to Abdias is, in its grand outline, entitled to a far
higher degree of credit than it has been accustomed lately to
receive.
[Footnote 151: Vide _Le Christianisme en Chine_, etc.,
par M, Huc. Paris, 1857, p. 28, etc.]
{516}
The course of the apostle and his companion toward the east, so
far as this tradition and its modern limitations have defined it,
may thus be traced. Leaving Jerusalem, they journeyed by the
usual route to the Red Sea, and thence along the coasts of Arabia
Petraea and Arabia Felix to Aden, then, as now, a city of much
commercial importance, on account of its excellent harbor and
commanding situation. Here they remained for a considerable
period of time, the apostle preaching the Gospel and laying
foundations on which other men might build. Embarking thence,
they sailed around the southern borders of the Arabian peninsula,
and, crossing the Gulf of Oman, landed at one of the then
flourishing cities near the mouths of the Indus. After some
delay, of which St. Thomas made good use in the service of the
Gospel, they pushed north-easterly into the interior to the
immediate province of King Gondaphorus, where, after the labors
of two years, the apostle brought the monarch and his family
under obedience to the yoke of Christ. His special work thus
accomplished, St. Thomas travelled into many other kingdoms on
the same divine errand, and terminated his devoted and fruitful
life by holy martyrdom. Thus far, the legend; and that it agrees
with and is in fact the interpreter of all other traditions of
St. Thomas, as well as of those various monuments which, until
recently, have been unknown as teachers of Christian history,
will shortly be made manifest.
The holy apostle, having once established Christianity in those
parts of India which lie nearest to Jerusalem, would naturally
extend his journey into more distant regions, rather than retrace
his steps, and occupy, as his field of labor, a territory to
which the Gospel would, without his intervention, probably be
soon proclaimed. For, having in himself powers plenipotentiary
for the organization and perpetuation of the church, wherever he
might plant it, and being assured, as a Christian and disciple,
that the zeal and perseverance of his fellow-workers might safely
be entrusted with the conversion of the nations adjacent to the
centres of Christian doctrine, it was simply manlike, simply
apostolic, for him to set his face steadfastly toward those who,
but for him, might not in many generations obtain the light of
faith. If, therefore, the footsteps which we have already traced
be genuine, we may with reason look for traces of the same
unwearied feet in other and still more unknown lands.
And herein also, the traditions of the early ages will not
disappoint us. Still reckoning by nations, rather than by
kingdoms, the ancient writers tell us that St. Thomas preached
the Gospel to the Parthians, Medes, Persians, Hyrcanians,
Bactrians, Germanians, Seres, Indians, and Scythians. Thus in a
fragment of St. Dorotheus, (A.D. 254,) "The apostle Thomas,
having announced the Gospel to the Parthians, Medes, Persians,
Germanians, Bactrians, and Mages, suffered martyrdom at Calamila,
a city of India." Theodoret, speaking of the universality of the
preaching of the apostles, says, "They have caused, not only the
Romans, and those who inhabit the Roman empire, but the
Scythians, ... the Indians, ... the Persians, the Seres, and the
Hyrcanians to receive from them the law of the Crucified."
Origen, and from him Eusebius, relates that St. Thomas received
Parthia as his allotted sphere; and Sophronius mentions that he
planted the faith among the Medes, Persians, Carmanians,
(Germanians,) Hyrcanians, Bactrians, and other nations of the
extreme east. Both the latter and St. Gaudentius declare that he
suffered at Calamina in India.
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The same traditions are faithfully preserved among the Christians
of India. In the breviary of the Church of Malabar, it is stated
that St. Thomas converted the Indians, Chinese, and Ethiopians,
and that these different nations, together with the Persians,
offer their adorations to God in commemoration of this devoted
apostle, from whom their forefathers received the truth of
Christ. The presumption of fact, which arises out of such a mass
of testimony as these and other witnesses which might be quoted
offer us, existing for so many ages and in countries so widely
separated from each other, is surely sufficient to justify a
careful study of the localities to which these different nations
belonged, as indicative of the later and more extended missionary
labors of St. Thomas.
According to the best authorities on the subjects of ancient
geography and ethnology, all the various territories which were
inhabited by the nations whose conversion has been attributed to
St. Thomas lie east of the Euphrates, and, with the single
exception of the Scythians, below the fortieth parallel of
latitude. The Medes occupied the districts between the Caspian
and Persian seas. The Hyrcanians lay on the south-east of the
Caspian, the Parthians and the Bactrians lying east of them; and
all three being included in the present Turkistan. The Persians
held the northeastern borders of the Persian Gulf, next to the
kingdom of the Medes; the Germanians, or Carmanians, lying next
on the south-east, in part of what is now known as Beloochistan,
and the lower corner of modern Persia. The "Seres" was a name
given to the Chinese in the earliest historic ages, and embraced
the vast and cultivated people who dwell beyond the Emodi, or
Himalaya, mountains, and east of the sources of the Indus. The
Indians and Scythians--the former occupying from the Indian Ocean
and the latter from the Arctic zone--met together between the
Bactrians and the Seres, and formed the Indo-Scythian races of
the ante-Christian age. Calamila, or Calamina, the city near
which the apostle finally rested from his labors, is on the
eastern coast of Hindostan, a short distance from Madras, and has
been known, at different periods, by the names of Meliapour,
Beit-Thoma, and St. Thomas.
The connection of these ancient nations and countries with, and
their successive propinquity to, each other enables us to form a
tolerably correct idea of the course of the apostle's missionary
work, from the baptism of Gondaphorus to the close of his own
career. For although our guide is simply the intrinsic
probability which grows out of the nature of the workman and the
work God had appointed him to do, yet, to whoever takes the map
of the various regions which we have described as the scenes of
the apostolic life and death, it will appear that one of two
courses must have been adopted. The first starts from the valley
of the Indus, and, leading westward, reaches in turn the
Germanians, Persians, and Medes; then, turning toward the north
and flexing eastward by the southern border of the Caspian Sea,
it penetrates the land of the Hyrcanians, Parthians, Bactrians,
Indo-Scythians, and Seres; where, again met by the upper Indus,
it bends southward, and, striking through the heart of Hindostan,
ends in the lower portion of the peninsula at or near Madras.
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The second, beginning at the same point, follows up the Indus in
a path directly opposite to the former, until the place of
departure is again reached and the final journey through modern
India begins. It is scarcely possible to say which of these two
routes is most probably correct. Future researches may throw
light upon the extent of the region over which King Gondaphorus
reigned, upon the relation of the dialects of these bordering
nations to each other, and thus afford a clue to the more exact
path of the apostle. But in either case, the districts over which
he travelled, and the races into contact with whom he carried the
Gospel, are distinguished with a high degree of certainty, and
the triumphs of the cross under his leadership may thus be
clearly understood.
Indeed, the work of scarce any apostle of the twelve can now be
better followed than that of Thomas. The chief indefiniteness
attaches to his mission to the Seres; for here little is extant
to show, with any great conclusiveness, whether his labors
terminated with the borders of Indo-Scythia, or penetrated to the
Yellow Sea. Some monuments of antiquity have, it is true, been
found, which point strongly to the spreading of the Gospel over a
large part of China by primitive if not by apostolic
missionaries; but nothing has as yet been discovered which would
justify the conclusion that St. Thomas actually attempted the
evangelization of that immense and thickly-populated empire. If
such had been the case, it is hardly possible that India should
have received him back again, and given him the distant Calamina
for his martyrdom.
The area of territory over which the apostle Thomas must thus
have journeyed embraces over three million two hundred and fifty
thousand square miles, and the people to whom he opened the doors
of heaven, through the Gospel, numbered more than two hundred
millions of souls. The linear distance of his own personal
travels probably exceeded ten thousand miles, and this, for the
most part, necessarily on foot. The consideration of these facts,
and of the results which followed from the apostle's labors, will
give us some idea of the work which our Divine Lord committed to
his immediate disciples, and of the untiring zeal and superhuman
endurance with which they were endowed. It has become far easier
for us to say, "The Lord hath shortened his hand," than to go and
do likewise.
Yet it is still true that Thomas was an apostle; that it was the
will of the Master that all nations should at once almost receive
some knowledge of his Gospel; that the miraculous gift of tongues
swept out of the way one of the greatest obstacles to missionary
labor; and that St. Thomas had received the gifts of faith and
charity to such a degree as enabled him to co-operate, to the
utmost, with the graces of his work. And it is also true that,
had not he and the others of the twelve been such as they were
and accomplished what they did, the promises of Christ would have
been unfulfilled, and the church have suffered from their failure
to its latest day. But in that they were _apostles_, in that
they did their work, the seed of the Gospel can scarcely fall,
to-day, on soil which has not been already watered by the blood
of martyrs, or among people in whom it has not, long ago, sprung
up and brought forth fruit abundantly.
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There were, however, in the case of St. Thomas, other and natural
reasons why his work should have been so vast and his success so
extraordinary. The facility of intercourse between the east and
the west was far greater in his day than in our own. The
successive conquests of Alexander had led him beyond the present
western boundary of China. The Roman empire, at the beginning of
our era, reached beyond the Euphrates, and the intimate
connection of part with part, and the ease of intercourse between
the imperial city and the farthest military outpost, can scarcely
be exaggerated. [Footnote 152] Up to the seventh century, this
unity continued to a great degree unbroken, and will account not
only for the presence of the minister of Gondaphorus in Jerusalem
and for the results which followed it, but for the diffusion and
preservation of the traditions which have handed down those
events to us.
[Footnote 152: De Quincey's _Caesars_. (Introduction.)]
Nor was this unity altogether that of conquest. Beyond the empire
of Augustus lay the realms of Porus, of whom history relates that
he held six hundred kings beneath his sway. Between these
emperors there seem to have been two formal attempts at an
intimate political alliance. Twenty-four years before the birth
of Christ, an embassy from Porus followed Augustus into Spain,
upon this errand, and another some years afterward met with him
at Samos. In the reigns of Claudius, Trajan, Antoninus Pius, and
succeeding emperors, the same royal courtesies were interchanged,
and it was not until the Mussulman power, sweeping like a sea of
fire between the east and the west, became an impassable barrier
to either, that these relations had an end.
Nearly the same may be said of commercial unity. The trade in
silk, from which substance the Seres, or Chinese, derived their
name, was carried on between the Romans and that distant nation
on no inconsiderable scale. Numerous caravans perpetually
journeyed to and fro through the wilds of Parthia and along the
southern border of the Caspian Sea; while the Erythrean, Red and
Mediterranean waters glittered with sails from almost every land.
The whole inhabited world (if we except this continent, the date
of whose first settlement no one can tell) was thus
providentially brought close together, and a higher degree of
unity and association established between its different nations
than had existed since the dispersion at Babel, or than has now
existed for over twelve hundred years.
How vast an advantage to apostolic labor this unity must have
been can easily be seen. While it removed almost entirely the
difficulties of travel, it assured for the traveller both safety
and good-will upon the way. While it conciliated in advance the
people among whom they labored, it gave weight and human
authority to the Gospel, when actually preached. And, when the
church had been established and little colonies of Christians
marked the track of the apostles, it enabled them to maintain a
constant intercourse with their spiritual children by messengers
or by epistles, and to keep watch and ward over the millions
entrusted to their care.
Those prophetic traditions of a coming Saviour, which pervaded
the east, as well as the south and west, also effected much
toward the rapid spread and wide espousal of Christian truth. The
origin of these traditions is shrouded in the mystery of an
unchronicled antiquity. They may be attributed to the promise in
paradise, to the transfusion of Mosaic teachings, or to direct
revelation by means of pagan oracles. But that they existed, in a
clear and well-defined prophetic form, is established beyond
question; while that they were in the first instance of divine
disclosure, it becomes no Christian to deny.
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The learned and contemplative minds of Asia especially delighted
in this state of expectation. Sons of a soil whereon the feet of
God had trodden in primeval days, the very atmosphere around them
still throbbed with the echoes of that voice which walked in Eden
in the cool of the day. The mountains that overlooked them had
aforetime walled in the garden of the Lord from a dark and
half-developed world. The deserts of their meditations lay like a
pall above the relics of those generations to whom the deluge
brought the judgment wrath of God. Children of Sem, the eldest
son of Noah, it had been theirs to see, even more clearly than
God's chosen Israel, the coming of the Incarnate to the world, as
it was also theirs to win from heaven the first tidings of his
birth through the glowing orient star.
Among the many forms which this tradition assumed, there is one
so beautiful and so theologically accurate, that we cannot omit
to cite it here. While the swan of Mantua, on the banks of father
Tiber, chanted the glories of the golden age, a Hindoo poet, on
the borders of the Ganges, thus painted to the wondering eyes of
Indian kings the grand event in which the disorders and miseries
of that present age should have an end:
"Then shall a Brahmin be born in the city of Sambhala. This
shall be Vishnu Jesu. To him shall the divine scriptures and
all sciences unfold themselves, without the use of so much time
in their investigation as is necessary to pronounce a single
word. Hence shall be given to him the name of Sarva Buddha, as
to one who fully knoweth all things. Then shall Vishnu Jesu,
dwelling with his people, perform that work which he alone can
do. He shall purge the world from sin; he shall set up the
kingdom of truth and justice; he shall offer the sacrifice; ...
and bind anew the universe to God. .... But when the time of
his old age draws nigh, he shall retire into the desert to do
penance; and this is the order which Vishnu Sarva shall
establish among men. He shall fix virtue and truth in the midst
of the Brahmins, and confine the four castles within the
boundaries of their laws. Then shall return the primeval age.
Then sacrifice shall be so common that the very wilderness
shall be no more a solitude. Then shall the Brahmins, confirmed
in goodness, occupy themselves only in the ceremonies of
religion; they shall cause penance, and all other graces which
follow in the path of truth, to flourish, and shall spread
everywhere the knowledge of the holy scriptures. Then shall the
seasons succeed each other in unbroken order; the rains, in
their appointed time, shall water the earth; the harvest, in
its turn, shall yield abundance; the milk shall flow at the
wish of those who seek it; and the whole world, being
inebriated with prosperity and peace, as it was in the
beginning, all nations shall enjoy ineffable delights."
[Footnote 153]
[Footnote 153: _Le Christianisme en Chine_, p. 5.]
The well-known policy of St. Paul, who, preaching on Mars' hill
to the Athenians, seized the inscription on their altar, "To the
unknown God," as the text of his most memorable sermon, is a
divine endorsement of the important part which God intended that
these far-reaching revelations should play in the conversion of
the world. St. Thomas, in the east, had but to repeat the
announcement, Him whom ye ignorantly worship, him declare I unto
you. He, for whom you have waited--he, Vishnu Jesu, has already
come; his wisdom and his counsels I reveal to you.
{521}
And among the clear-thoughted and pure-hearted sages of the east,
among the Magi of Persia, the Brahmins of India, and the
philosophers of China, among such as those who at the mere
bidding of a voiceless star followed it to the world's end--to
the cave of Bethlehem--these declarations of the apostle must
have been the signal of salvation. In them there were no
prejudices to wipe away, no new and strange ideas to be espoused.
The Gospel was not to them, as to the Jews, the subversion of
anticipated glory. It was the realization of expectation, the
golden day which had so long shot gleams of light into the
darkness of their iron age. And so it was that, while Judea could
give to Christianity but simple fishermen, or at most a ruler of
the synagogue, India and the orient thought not too highly of her
kings and sages to yield them up to Vishnu Jesu, and offered on
his altars the wealth of all her realms.
In the year 1521, certain excavations taking place under the
ruins of a large and ancient church at Meliapour, there were
found, in a sepulchre, at a great depth beneath the surface of
the earth, the bones of a human skeleton, in a state of
remarkable whiteness and preservation. With them were also found
the head of a lance, still fastened in the wood, the fragments of
an iron-shod club, and a vase of clay filled with earth. Some
years later, near the same spot, an attempt was made by the
Portuguese to build a chapel; and in digging for the foundations,
the workmen came upon a monumental stone on which was sculptured
a cross, some two feet long by eighteen inches wide, rudely
ornamented and surrounded by an inscription in characters which,
to the discoverers, were totally unknown. The authorities of
Meliapour, being desirous to ascertain the meaning of the letters
engraved around this cross, made diligent search among the native
scholars for an interpreter, and finally obtained one in the
person of a Brahmin of a neighboring city. His translation was as
follows:
"Thirty years after the law of the Christians appeared to the
world, on the 25th of the month of December, the apostle St.
Thomas died at Meliapour, whither he had brought the knowledge
of God, the change of the law, and the overthrow of devils. God
was born of the Virgin Mary, was obedient to her during thirty
years, and was the eternal God. God unfolded his law to twelve
apostles, and of these, one came to Meliapour, and there
founded a church. The kings of Malabar, of Coromandel, of
Pandi, and of other different nations, submitted to the
guidance of this holy Thomas, with willing hearts, as to a
devout and saintly man." [Footnote 154]
[Footnote 154: _Le Christianisme en Chine_, p. 26.]
The same inscription was afterward laid before other oriental
scholars, each of whom, without conference or collusion with the
rest, offered the same rendering of this forgotten tongue.