the catacombs. It is impossible to visit them without feeling
that the Roman Christians looked on the apostles Peter and Paul
as the founders of their local church. Eusebius was struck by the
"monuments marked with the names of Peter and Paul," which he saw
in the cemeteries at Rome, and these have been discovered, in
modern times, by the indefatigable industry of Christian
antiquarians; they are a living testimony to the fact that St.
Peter, as well as St. Paul, labored in Rome. The illustrious
Cardinal Borgia has traced the tradition in regard to the
presence of St. Peter's body in the Vatican from the beginning of
the third century, [Footnote 106] when, as we have seen, Cajus, a
priest of Rome, in a work against heretics, [Footnote 107] spoke
of the trophy of Peter in the Vatican, down to the days of Pope
Urban VIII. And thus the most splendid monument Christianity has
erected to the worship of the living God is also an authentic
record of the fact that the chief of the apostles selected the
city of Rome, in a special manner, as the scene of his labors,
and there consummated his glorious career in the service of his
Master. No wonder learned Protestants are ashamed to join with
their more ignorant brethren. One learned German writer of this
century says: "There is, perhaps, no event in ancient (church)
history so clearly placed beyond doubt by the consenting
testimony of ancient Christian writers as that of Peter having
been at Rome." [Footnote 108] Another more forcibly, if possible,
remarks: "Nothing but the polemics of faction have induced some
Protestants, especially Spanheim, in imitation of some mediaeval
opponents of the popes, to deny that Peter ever was at Rome."
[Footnote 109]
[Footnote 106: In the work _Vaticana Confessio B.
Petri._]
[Footnote 107: _The Montanists._]
[Footnote 108: Berthold, _Historisch-Krit. Inlet. in A. und
N. T. apud_ Perrone.]
[Footnote 109: Gieseler, _Lehrbuch der Kirchengesch._
Ibid.]
A caviller may, indeed, say that all these witnesses prove, at
most, that Peter was at Rome, not that he was bishop of Rome. And
this is the point made by Bishop Browne, in the work to which we
have referred.
"It is not to be doubted," he says, "that a tradition did exist
in early times that St. Peter was bishop of Rome. But if that
tradition be submitted, like others of the same kind, to the
test of historical investigation, it will be found to rest on a
very slender foundation.
{379}
In the first place, Scripture is silent about his having been
at Rome--a remarkable silence, if his having been bishop there
was a fact of such vital importance to the church as Roman
divines have made it to be. Then, the first tradition of his
having been at Rome at all does not appear for more than a
century after his death. It is nearly two centuries after that
event that we meet with anything like the opinion that the
Roman bishops were his successors. It is three centuries before
we find him spoken of as bishop of Rome. But when we reach
three centuries and a half, we are told that he not only was
bishop of Rome, but that he resided five and twenty years at
Rome; a statement utterly irreconcilable with the history of
the New Testament." [Footnote 110]
[Footnote 110: Loc. cit.]
There is, indeed, no good reason to doubt that St. Peter was at
Rome; that he assisted St. Paul to order and establish the
church there; that, in conjunction with Paul, he ordained one
or more of its earliest bishops, and that there he suffered
death for the sake of Christ. But there is no reason to believe
that he was ever, in any proper or local sense, bishop of
Rome." [Footnote 111]
[Footnote 111: _Ibid_.]
We leave aside for the present the alleged silence of the New
Testament. In the first place, it is not true that "the first
tradition of Peter's having been at Rome does not appear for more
than a century after his death." Clement of Rome, Ignatius of
Antioch, Papias, Dionysius of Corinth, belong to this period, and
all unmistakably testify to Peter's having been at Rome. Irenaeus
may be fairly counted also, as he was sent from Lyons to Rome in
A.D. 177. Of these, Bishop Browne mentions only Papias and
Irenaeus. He quotes Papias's opinion about the word
_Babylon_ in St. Peter's first Epistle, and tries to set it
aside. But, whatever the exegetical value of the opinion, it is
proof that Papias held it as an undoubted fact that St. Peter was
at Rome; besides, he also states that Mark wrote his gospel at
Rome, under the eye of Peter. Nor is it at all pertinent to say
that Eusebius tells us that Papias was a narrow-minded man, and
an enthusiast about the Apocalypse. Neither narrow-mindedness nor
enthusiasm prevents men from being competent witnesses to simple
facts, and the one about which we are now inquiring is a simple
fact. The only question is--Could Papias have known for certain
whether St. Peter was at Rome or not? He lived in the apostolic
age, not half a century after the death of the apostle. This is a
sufficient answer, and his views about either Babylon or the
Apocalypse cannot impair its sufficiency. As to Irenaeus, our
lord bishop quibbles in a way that is not handsome. He tries to
break down his and other writers' testimony by alleging, first,
that they disagree as to the first bishop of Rome after St.
Peter; second, that they disagree about the _time_ St. Peter
came to Rome.
We are almost ashamed to have to answer such quibbling. Neither
disagreement at all touches the substantial part of the
narrative. Neither is as great as our expounder of the articles,
in his despair, tries to make it. Neither could ever have been
alleged in ordinary controversy. All authors, save Tertullian,
mention Linus as first bishop of Rome after Peter. The African
father in reality says only that Clement was ordained by Peter;
the context, however, would suggest that he supposed he was the
immediate successor of the apostle. The truth appears to be that
Linus, Cletus, and Clement were consecrated bishops by one or the
other of the apostles. This was commonly done in the first age;
only one person in every city possessed episcopal jurisdiction,
but more clergymen than one were frequently invested with the
episcopal order. This was done in the Roman Church. St. Peter was
its first bishop; after his death, Linus, Cletus, Clement
governed it in succession, all three having been ordained by the
apostles.
{380}
There is nothing in this supposition at all at variance with what
is known to have been the common practice of the first age, a
practice which it is not ingenuous in the lord bishop of Ely to
suppress. As to the discrepancy about the time of the apostle's
coming to Rome, it is easily explained on the commonly received
hypothesis that St. Peter twice visited Rome. Eusebius says that
he went first under Claudius. He was obliged to leave Italy in
consequence of that emperor's decree banishing thence the Jews.
He returned thither, toward the end of his life, and there
suffered martyrdom. But it is plain that such discrepancies
cannot affect the substance, namely, that Peter was at Rome;
indeed, they are intelligible only on the supposition that all
the authors quoted held the main fact as certain. It is plain
also that there is not the slightest foundation for the lord
bishop's assertion that "at whatever time St. Peter came to Rome,
there was some one else bishop of Rome then." The courage
required for this assertion can be measured from another
statement, just four lines above: "All (the early writers) agree
in saying that the first bishop of the see was Linus." This is
simply shameful. Put after "see" the words _after Peter_,
and the quotation will be correct. But then what becomes of the
bishop's argument? He says Linus was bishop of Rome when Peter
went thither; and he also admits that "some (early writers) say
that St. Paul, others that St. Peter and St. Paul, ordained him."
These latter writers surely did not suppose that St. Peter
ordained a man in Rome before he himself ever went to Rome. The
bishop clearly does not stick at trifles. His chronology is also
entirely at fault. He says that it "is three centuries (after St.
Peter's death) before we find him spoken of as bishop of Rome."
But St. Cyprian, whom even Bishop Hopkins admits spoke thus of
the apostle, was put to death before the end of the second
century from St. Peter's martyrdom. He sneers at the statement
that St. Peter was five-and-twenty years bishop of Rome; yet he
admits that it is based on the authority of that eminent and
judicious critic, St. Jerome, who, from his high position under
Pope Damasus, had abundant opportunity for an accurate
examination of the then extant records. In reality, it is based
on an earlier authority, the great historian Eusebius. It is
plain that his polemic system is simply factious; he ignores some
authorities, misconstrues others, miscalculates dates, and
mistakes mere accessories for the principal fact; such a course
is not only a crime against historical truth, it is also a
blunder, for it can mislead only the unlearned or the unwary
reader.
The writers of the first age do not, it is true, assert in so
many words that St. Peter was bishop of Rome. The reason is
obvious. Treating of other matters, their allusions are merely
incidental, such as we might expect immediately after the death
of SS. Peter and Paul, and relating chiefly to the fact of the
apostle's connection with the Roman Church, or his martyrdom
there. For these facts they are unanswerable authority. These are
a necessary preliminary to the assertion of St. Peter's Roman
bishopric. This fact is broadly stated as soon as we meet with
the polemical development of the doctrine of apostolic
succession. Tertullian, in the text we have quoted from the book
_On Prescriptons_, where he accurately defines in what this
succession consists, namely, that the first bishop was appointed
and preceded by an apostle or an apostolic man, (_Apostolum ...
habuerit auctorem et antecessorem,_) says that in the Roman
Church Clement was ordained by Peter.
{381}
Tracing thus the succession in Rome from Peter, not from Paul,
whose death in the imperial city he mentions, he shows that he
knew Peter was the bishop of the see. St. Cyprian uses
unmistakable language on the same subject, and Eusebius asserts
positively that St. Peter was bishop of Rome. We might quote
other catalogues, but, though of great authority, they are of a
more recent date. But we shall give two more authorities which
can be connected with the period to which we have confined
ourselves. St. Jerome [Footnote 112] positively states that St.
Peter held the episcopal chair (_cathedram sacerdotalem_) of
Rome for twenty-five years. His historical knowledge and critical
acumen give to his words the authority of a statement based on
the very best records of the early age. No one can deny that in
the latter half of the fourth century there were such records at
Rome. St. Optatus of Millevi, in Africa, (A.D. 370,) in a
controversial work against the Donatists, speaks of St. Peter's
Roman bishopric as a matter of notoriety, which no one would dare
deny. "You ought to know," says he to the Donatist leader,
Parmenian, "and _you dare not deny_, that Peter established
at Rome an episcopal chair, which he was the first to occupy, in
order that through (communion with) this one chair all might
preserve unity." [Footnote 113]
[Footnote 112: In Catal.]
[Footnote 113: Contr. Parmenianum.]
A statement made so positively, so unhesitatingly, so boldly,
must have been founded on the very best historical evidence. And
the nineteenth century must accept the judgment of competent
writers of the fourth on such a subject. Unless, then, we wish to
deny all authority to authentic record of the early age of the
church, we must conclude, with the good leave of the lord bishop
of Ely, that there is excellent reason to believe that St. Peter
was bishop of Rome. Nor is there any force in the bishop's remark
that all the apostles had the world for their diocese, and were
not confined to any particular city. We do not, of course mean to
say that St. Peter confined his preaching to Rome. He was apostle
as well as head of the church. As apostle, he preached chiefly to
the Jews. As head of the church, he chose for his episcopal see
the capital of the world, in order that there might be no doubts
about the legitimate heir of his great dignity. For this reason
we find him in Rome among the Gentiles, though St. Paul had a
special mission to them. Dr. Browne says Peter was St. Paul's
_assistant_ at Rome; and this, in the face of the facts that
every writer, from Clement down, puts him before the great vessel
of election, and that St. Paul himself, as we shall see, speaks
of his ministry to the Romans as one merely of mutual
consolation, a tone he never adopted toward a church which he
himself had founded. We have purposely left to the last the
argument based on the alleged silence of the New Testament,
because we wished to clear an historical question of all purely
exegetical difficulties. We have established our thesis on
indubitable evidence; we might rest here and simply say that,
inasmuch as no one pretends that the New Testament contains the
entire history of the apostles, its silence cannot affect the
certainty of our proposition. This silence may puzzle the curious
reader; it may be variously interpreted, according to the
theological bent of the student; but it cannot disprove facts
which are proved by historical authority.
{382}
Bishop Browne feels the force of this, and does not insist much
on the silence of the New Testament. He merely remarks that this
silence is strange, if St. Peter's Roman bishopric be as
important as Roman divines make it out to be. Strictly speaking,
we might let this pass, as we are not now concerned in
establishing the supremacy of the Roman pontiffs, but merely
treating the historical question, Who was first bishop of Rome?
We may observe, however, that no believer in the doctrine of
apostolical succession can consistently urge this silence. How
does Dr. Browne trace _his_ succession in the office of
bishop from the apostles? Is it from St. Peter? Then he has to
meet the same objection about the silence of the New Testament on
what, from his point of view, is a vital matter. Is it from St.
Paul? But there is no scriptural evidence that St. Paul ever
ordained a bishop in Rome, or anywhere in the west. Is it from
any other apostle? The same remark holds good. No claim to
apostolical succession can be established for any see in the
western church unless on the evidence of tradition. This is
virtually admitted by Dr. Browne himself.
Since, however, the silence of the New Testament is commonly
urged as affording presumptive evidence that St. Peter never was
at Rome, we shall examine all that Protestants have to say on the
subject. The principal text--the only one having direct reference
to the subject--is I Peter v. 13: "The church which is in
Babylon, elected together with you, saluteth you, and so doth
Mark, my son." Nearly all ancient writers, commencing with
Papias, say that this letter was written at Rome, which city St.
Peter designates under the name of Babylon. Our Protestant
opponents, of course, reject this interpretation. Now, we wish it
to be understood that we do not allege this text to prove that
St. Peter wrote from Rome. We admit that, taken in itself, apart
from tradition, it is obscure, and can afford, at best, ground
but for conjecture. But, having established beyond all doubt the
fact that St. Peter was at Rome, we follow the interpretation of
the respectable ancient writers whom we have quoted. When the
letter was written, old Babylon of Assyria was in ruins,
according to Strabo and Pliny; and the Jews, to whom St. Peter
wrote, had been banished from Assyria, according to Josephus;
and, though Seleucia was afterward called Babylon, it had not
received the name at this early period. Some think that the
Babylon referred to was in Egypt, the place now called Cairo. But
it was then but a fort, or fortified village, (_castellum_,)
and the Christian church of Egypt has always looked on Alexandria
as its birthplace. St. Peter, moreover, warns the Christians of
the approaching persecution, and exhorts them to be subject to
the emperor and his subordinates. These allusions come very
naturally from the pen of one writing at Rome, but are almost
unintelligible if we suppose the writer in Babylon of Assyria,
out of the Roman empire. The opinion that the letter was written
at Rome, called Babylon by St. Peter for some reason which we can
only conjecture, is based on excellent ancient authority, agrees
with well-known facts of history, and with the internal evidence
of the letter itself. Leaving aside its bearings on the main
question we are discussing, it is by far the most probable view,
and, in any other case, would be accepted without difficulty.
[Footnote 114]
[Footnote 114: Occasionally the love of novelty induces some
Catholic writer to differ from his brethren. This is the case
with Hug, who holds that we cannot admit mystical names in
the letters of the apostles, as there is no instance of their
use, save in this disputed case. This is criticism based on
internal evidence run mad. One would suppose that there was a
perfect course of sacred epistolary literature in the New
Testament, based on fixed rules, instead of a few detached
letters, written by different authors at different times,
without any communication or agreement with one another about
literary style. There is nothing more fallacious than the
interpretation of any of the letters of the apostles on mere
internal evidence. Hug's remark at most shows that internal
evidence does not afford any proof that St. Peter meant Rome,
which no one will deny.]
{383}
Protestants, moreover, commonly allege the absence of any mention
of St. Peter's voyage to Rome in the Acts of the Apostles, and
the absence of any reference to him, either in St. Paul's Epistle
to the Romans or in those he wrote from Rome. The silence of the
Acts is easily explained. After the council of Jerusalem, the
writer relates only the missionary labors of St. Paul, so that we
could not expect any mention of St. Peter's voyages. Dr. Browne
infers from Acts xxviii. 22, that "the Jews of Rome had had no
communication with any chief teacher among the Christians." This
inference is not borne out by the text, "We desire to hear from
thee what thou thinkest; or as concerning this sect, we know that
it is everywhere opposed." The obvious meaning is that the Jews
of Rome knowing that Paul was a Pharisee learned in the law,
wished to hear what he had to say in favor of the new religion.
They must have looked on St. Peter as a Galilean fisherman, who
had no right to attempt to expound the law and the prophets. It
is puerile for Dr. Browne to allege that they should have heard
him with respect because he was the apostle of the circumcision;
for, of what importance could this title be in their eyes, if
they did not believe in Him who sent the apostles?
If St. Peter went to Rome in the reign of Claudius, he certainly
was afterward absent from the city, as we find him after this
period at the council of Jerusalem. His absence from Rome
accounts for the fact that St. Paul does not salute him in his
Epistle to the Romans, a straw at which some Protestant writers
clutch with great avidity. The great respect with which St. Paul
speaks of the Roman Church, whose faith, he says, was spoken of
in the whole world, agrees with the supposition that St. Peter
had already preached there. On these words, [Footnote 115] "For I
long to see you, that I may impart to you some spiritual gift,
that ye may be strengthened; that is, I may be comforted together
with you, by that which is common to us both, your faith and
mine." Theodoret remarks as follows: "Because the great Peter had
first given them the doctrine of the gospel, he said merely,'that
ye may be strengthened.' I do not wish, he says, to bring a new
doctrine to you, but to confirm that which you have received, and
to water the trees which have already been planted." [Footnote
116]
[Footnote 115: Ch. i. 11, 12.]
[Footnote 116: In locum.]
The words certainly indicate that the faith had already been
firmly established by some teacher of high rank, and are a very
apposite commentary on Dr. Browne's reason why the Jews, some
years afterward, were anxious to hear St. Paul. We cannot really
understand what hallucination led him to quote these words to
show that St. Paul writes much as "if no apostle had ever been
amongst the Romans." But we admire his prudence in giving purely
a reference, not the words of the text. His other reference to
Rom. xv. 15-24 is even more unlucky. St. Paul therein says
plainly that he generally preached, "not where Christ was named,"
lest he should build on another man's foundation.
{384}
"_For which cause_," he adds, "I have been much hindered
from coming to you." Therefore some other apostle _had_
preached to the Romans. He even goes on to say that he hoped to
be gratified in his desire of seeing them, _when on his way to
Spain_, so that it is plain that he, though apostle of the
Gentiles, considered there was no necessity for his making a
journey to Rome on purpose to instruct the Roman Church. St.
Paul, then, writes very much as if an apostle _had_ been
with the Romans. Whatever else Dr. Browne does, he ought to quote
Scripture fairly. St. Paul's allusions, obscure though they may
be to us, were, of course, clear to those to whom they were
written. No familiar letter can be fully understood without
taking into account the facts which, being well known to those to
whom he writes, the author merely alludes to in a passing way.
The letters which St. Paul wrote from Rome were all written
during his first stay there, with the probable exception of the
second to Timothy. Colossians iv. II, and 2 Timothy iv. 16, are
quoted to show that St. Peter was not at Rome, else he would have
stood by St. Paul. But the epistle to the Colossians was written
during St. Paul's first imprisonment, when St. Peter, as we have
seen, must have been absent, and in the second to Timothy he
speaks expressly of his "first defence." Most writers think he
refers to his first imprisonment. Others suppose him to speak of
a preliminary hearing before Nero, during his second
imprisonment. Admitting this interpretation, he cannot include
St. Peter, who was his fellow-prisoner, in the list of those who
had forsaken him. The words apply to persons at large, who had
influence with the authorities, which they did not use.
We have thus fully examined all that Protestants allege
concerning the silence of the New Testament. The candid reader
will see that there is nothing in the sacred pages to contradict
the historical facts we have established; the allusions of St.
Paul to the instruction of the Romans in the faith by a teacher
of high rank, and the interpretation of the word _Babylon_
in St. Peter's first letter, which has come down to us from the
apostolic age, must be counted in their favor.
It is on historical evidence that the case must rest; and on it,
as we have rehearsed it, we are satisfied to submit it to
unprejudiced criticism. The testimony of the apostolic age, and
the two immediately following, is conclusive; it cannot be
explained away; much less can it be impeached. We must give up
all belief in well-authenticated history, or else admit that St.
Peter went to Rome, founded the church there, and was its first
bishop, and there died a martyr of Christ.
"O Roma felix, quae duorum principum
Es consecrata glorioso sanguine
Horum cruore purpurata ceteras
Excellis orbis una pulchritudines."
"O happy Rome! whom the great Apostles' blood
For ever consecrates while ages flow:
Thou, thus empurpled, art more beautiful
Than all that doth appear most beautiful below."
Note By The Editor On The Chronology Of St. Peter's Life.
Eusebius says that St. Peter established his see at Antioch in
the last year of Tiberius, who died March fifteenth, A.D. 37. It
was probably, therefore, in the year 36; and St. Ignatius, the
second successor of St. Peter in that see; St. John Chrysostom,
who had been a priest there; Origen and St. Jerome, as well as
Eusebius, state that he governed that church seven years; which
probably means, not that his episcopate was just of that length,
but, that seven calendar years were included (the first and the
last partially) in it.
{385}
At any rate, this would make the establishment of his see in Rome
in A.D. 42 or 43; and the day celebrated by the church is January
18th. Now, Eusebius, St. Jerome, Cassiodorus, and others say that
SS. Peter and Paul were put to death in the fourteenth year of
Nero, that is, in A.D. 67; and their martyrdom is celebrated on
June 29th. This gives twenty-four and a half or twenty-five and a
half years for St. Peter's Roman episcopate, or twenty-five years
in the sense that the Antiochan was seven, if he came to Rome in
43; in which case he may even have established his see at Antioch
in 37.
St. John Chrysostom says that St. Paul's life after his
conversion was thirty-five years; which would make that event to
have occurred in A.D. 32 or 33. He himself says (Gal. i.) that
three years afterward he went to Jerusalem, and thence to Tarsus,
as is also stated in Acts ix. From this place he was called to
preach to the church at Antioch, as mentioned in Acts xi.; and
this visit, which could not have much preceded the establishment
of St. Peter's see there, may well have been in A.D. 35 or 36,
agreeing with the chronology given above.
These dates do not agree with that commonly assigned for the
crucifixion; but numerous evidences show that this occurred in
the year 29. As late a date as A.D. 31 might, however, be
allowed.
----------
A Ruined Life.
It was the saddest, saddest face I ever saw.
She stood before the stove in my front office, on that dark
December day, and the steam from her wet, heated garments almost
concealed her from my sight. Yet the first glimpse I caught of
her, through the partition door, excited my interest to an
unusual degree; and, though I saw her not again for a half hour,
that one glance fixed her features in my memory as indelibly as
they are printed there to-day.
It was term time, and the second return-day of the term. For ten
days my eyes and brain had both been crowded with all that varied
detail of business which sessions aggregate upon the hands and
conscience of a rising lawyer; and the musty retinue of
_assumpsit, ejectment_, and _scire-facias_ had nearly
vexed and worn out the little life I had at the beginning. But
the criminal week, which was my peculiar sphere, was close at
hand, and I looked to its exciting, riskful cases as a relief
from the dull, dreary current of civil forms and practice.
The little room I dignified with the name of "_front
office_" was filled, as far as seats went, with rough
backwoodsmen, witnesses on behalf of a gentleman who occupied
with me the snugly carpeted "_sanctum_" in the rear. While
we discussed together the points of strength or weakness to be
tested at the impending trial, the voices of the rude laborers
reached us brokenly, and more than once words fell upon my ear
which made me tremble for the sensibilities of the lonely woman
who was with them.
{386}
They meant no harm, those bluff, hearty men. A tear from her
drooping eyes would have unmanned them. But they were not
well-bred, nor tender to the weakness of the other sex. My poor
client, as she afterward became, stood while they sat, kept
silence while they laughed and jeered each other. It was not
their fault that they never minded her. They were not hypocrites,
that's all.
At length I had the happiness to see the door close on the last
of them, and, after arranging the maps and diagrams which would
be needed on the morrow, I called to the stranger to come in. She
obeyed, hesitatingly, and then, for the first time, I saw that
she belonged to that most forlorn and pitiable of all the many
classes who throng around our mining districts, the recent Irish
emigrant. The very clothes she wore were the same with which she
dressed herself in the green isle far away, and her voice and
manner had not yet caught that flippancy and pertness which pass
among the longer landed for tokens of American independence and
equality. She was certainly very poor, or the rough, wintry winds
would not have been permitted to toss her long, black hair in
tangled masses around her shoulders, or drop their melting
snowflakes on her uncovered head. My chivalric interest died
without time to groan, and whatever thought of profit or romance
in assisting her I might have had, at the first sight of her,
perished at the same instant. But I saw poverty and sorrow, and I
determined in my heart, before she told her errand, that my life
of legal labor should embrace at least one act done thoroughly
and for nothing.
Her story was a short one. Her husband and herself had lived in a
neighboring village. Others of their own people dwelt around
them, and among these was an old woman and her son. No
difficulty, that she knew of, had ever risen between her family
and theirs. But, a few days before, as her husband was gathering
fuel by the roadside, these two had rushed out on him, and in
cold blood murdered him. The son had fled, and the murderer's
mother, with barred doors and windows, forbade the vicinage of
friend or foe. The broken-hearted wife, urged on to take such
vengeance as the law afforded, had come to me and asked my
counsel and assistance.
It was of little use to question her. Like most of her peculiar
class, her mind could entertain but one idea, and that, in some
form or other, recurred in answer to every inquiry I could make.
Satisfying myself, however, that a murder had really been
committed, and taking down such names and dates as were necessary
for the initial steps of prosecution, I sent her home, with the
assurance that justice should be done her, and her dead husband's
ghost avenged.
The warrant was issued, the arrest made, the indictment found,
the trial finished. There was no doubt of guilt. The murder was
committed in the broad light of day, and many eyes had seen it.
The counsel for the defence had felt the untenability of his
position before a tithe of the evidence was in, and slipped down
from innocence to justifiability, until his last hope for the
prisoner was in the allegation of insanity, late suggested and
faintly urged. It was useless. The twelve inexorable men brought
in their verdict of "wilful murder," and Bridget Davanagh was
sentenced to be hanged by the neck till she was dead.
{387}
It has never been my custom to follow cases, on which the solemn
judgment of the law has been pronounced, beyond those immediate
consequences of that judgment which the connection between a
lawyer and his client has compelled me to superintend. But there
was something in this case which both attracted and disquieted
me, and one day in vacation I found myself at the grated
prison-door, seeking admission to the cell of the condemned. The
old woman received me quietly. She seemed to have forgotten me,
or, at least, how active a part I had taken in the proceedings
which had ended in dooming her to a shameful death. She was
taciturn and moody; and, the longer I remained, the more
satisfied I became that her mind was now unsettled, if it had not
been before. I went several times after that, and gradually, by
kind words and the gift of such simple comforts as aged matrons
most desire, I won her confidence so far that, in her faltering,
disconnected way, she told me all that sad history of woe and
wrong and suffering which had brought an untimely grave to
Michael Herican, and a felon's fate to her. It was one of those
tales of falsity and sorrow which we cannot hear too often, and
whose moral none of us can learn too well.
The little village of Easky, in the County Sligo, was, when this
present century was young, one of those lonesome, scanty-peopled
hamlets whose very loneliness and isolation render them more dear
and homelike to their few inhabitants. The waters of the Northern
Ocean foamed about the rocks where its fisher-boats were moored.
The feet of its rambling children trod the rough paths and
crumpled the grey masses of the wild Slieve-Gamph hills. Thus
hemmed in between the mountains and the sea, it was almost
separated from the world. The white sails that now and then
flitted across the far horizon, and the slow, lazy car that twice
a month brought over his majesty's mail-bags from Dromore, were
all that Easky ever had to tell it that there were nations and
kingdoms on the earth, or that its own precipices on the one
side, and its weed-strewn rocks upon the other, did not embrace
the whole of human joys and sorrows.
In this solitary village the forefathers of Patrick Carrol had
dwelt for immemorial years. So far back as tradition went they
had been fishermen, and the last remaining scion now followed the
ancestral calling. He was a sort of hero among his
fellow-villagers. True, he was as poor as the poorest of them
all, and had no personal boast save of his vigorous arms and
honest heart. But his father, contrary to the custom of his race,
had refused to lay his bones within an ocean bed, and had died
fighting in the bloody streets of Killala. All victims of '98
were canonized by those rude freemen, and the mantle of honor
fell from the father upon the children, and gave to Patrick
Carrol a deserved and well-maintained pre-eminence. And so, when
Bridget Deery became his wife, the whole hamlet agreed that the
village favorite had found her proper husband, and, when the
little Mary saw the light, the christening holiday was kept by
every neighbor, old or young.
Four years of perfect happiness flew by. Death or misfortune came
to other families, but not to theirs. The little hoarded wealth,
hid away in the dark corner, grew yearly greater. Health and
affection dwelt unremittingly upon the hearthstone, and the
hearts of the father and mother were as full of gratitude as the
heart of the child was of merriment and glee. But the four years
had an end, and carried with them, into the trackless past, the
sunshine of their lives.
{388}
One long, long summer day the wife sat among the rocks, watching
for her husband's boat, and playing with the prattler at her
side. The boat came not. The sun went down. The gathering clouds
in the offing loomed up threateningly. The hoarse northwesters
felt their way across the waters, and whistled in her ears, as
she clasped the child to her bosom and hurried home out of the
storm. As the gale strengthened with the darkness, she fell upon
her knees, and all that wakeful night besought the Mother and the
saints to keep her baby's father from the awful danger. In vain;
for when the morning dawned, the waves washed up his oars and
helm upon the beach, and an hour later his drowned corse was
found beneath the broken crags of Anghris Head.
For the first few years after that fatal shock the widowed mother
lived she knew not how. One by one the treasured silver pieces
went, till destitution stared her in the face. The charity of her
neighbors outdid their means, but even that could not keep her
from actual suffering, and work for the lone woman there was
absolutely none. What wonder was it, then, that, when the flowers
had bloomed three times above the peaceful bed of Patrick Carrol,
his widow, more for her child's sake than her own, consented to
violate the sanctity of her broken heart, and become the wife of
Bernard Davanagh?
Bernard was a bold, reckless, wilful man, and both the mother and
the child soon felt the difference between the dead father and
the living. As time passed on, and the boy Bernard was born, the
passions of the man grew stronger, and cruel words, and still
more cruel blows, became the daily portion of the helpless three.
Oh! how often did the widow yearn to lie down with her children
by her dead husband's side, in the drear churchyard, and be at
peace for ever. But not _without_ them. No, not even to be
united with the lost, could she have left them, and so they clung
together, closer and closer, as the years rolled on--knowing
little of life except its dark page of sorrow.
There never yet was a life without some ray of joy, and, even in
the midnight darkness which hung around the childhood of Mary
Carrol, there were faint gleams of happiness. Next door but one
to their poor cot lived James Herican. He too was a fisherman,
and, in better days, had been Patrick Carrol's most intimate and
faithful friend. He had remained such to the widow and the
fatherless, and, but for him, the family of Bernard Davanagh also
might sometimes have perished from want and cold. He was the
father of one child, the boy Michael, older by two years than
Mary, and doubly endeared to his heart by the mother's early
death. The gossips of Easky had wondered, in their simple way,
why James Herican and Bridget Carrol did not marry, but the
memory of his dead wife and his dead friend forbade the one ever
to entertain the thought, and the poor widow was as far from
wishing it as he. They were happier as they were; he, by his
kindness and true Christian charity, laying up heavenly
treasures, which, as the second husband of a second wife, he
never could accumulate; she, keeping ever fresh and pure the one
love of her maiden's heart, the one hope of reunion in the skies.
What, and how different, the end had been, if they had married,
the eye of the Eternal can alone discern.
{389}
The friendship of these parents descended to the children. In all
their sports, their rambles, their labors, (for in that toiling
hamlet even tender childhood labored,) Michael Herican and Mary
Carrol were together. When her half-brother, eight years younger
than herself, grew into boyhood, Michael was his champion against
the impositions of larger boys, and taught him all those arts of
wood and water craft which village youth so ardently aspire to,
and so aptly learn. It could not happen otherwise than that these
constantly recurring kindnesses should beget firm and fast
affection, and knit together these young hearts in bonds
difficult, if not impossible, to sunder.
It may have been the law of nature, it may have been the
chastening of God, that Michael Herican and Mary Carrol should
come, in later years, to love each other. It was simply fitting,
to all human sight, that it should be so; and it was so. The
father and the mother thanked God for it, day by day, and
bestowed upon them such tokens of encouragement as the bashful
lovers could comfortably receive. The boy Bernard, when he heard
of it, (and there could be no secrets in Easky,) threw up his cap
for joy, and the old village crones for once smiled on the
prospects of a happiness they had never known. Only Davanagh
appeared displeased, but his abuse of the poor girl had been so
extreme for years that it could scarcely suffer any increase, and
all the influence he exerted over her or them was by his ruthless
fist and cursing tongue. This at last ceased; for ears less
patient than her own received his stinging insults, and a blow,
quicker than his drunken arm could parry, stretched him upon the
ground to rise no more.
Mary Carrol reached her twentieth birthday. She was a frail,
delicate girl, below the middle height, and with that beautiful
but strange union of large blue eyes and pearly complexion with
jet black hair and lashes which tells at once of the pure Irish
blood. We should not have called her handsome; perhaps no one
would, except those who loved her, and in whose sight no
disfigurement or disease could have made her homely. But she was
one of those superior natures which solitude and suffering must
unite with Christian culture to produce; and the whole
neighborhood, for this, and not for her beauty, claimed her as
its favorite and charm. Michael had grown to be a stalwart man,
half a head taller than his sire, and his fellows said that none
among them promised better for diligence and success than he. His
devotion to Mary Carrol knew no bounds, and she, in turn,
cherished scarcely a thought apart from him. Her mother had
rapidly grown old and broken. Grief, and that yearning for the
dead which is stronger than any sorrow, had made her an aged
woman long before her time, and the fond daughter, between her
and the one hope of her young life, had no third wish or joy. Her
only trouble was for her brother. The wild elements of his
father's nature became more apparent in him every day, and,
though he loved his mother and half-sister with an almost inhuman
passionateness, they frequently found it impossible to restrain
his turbulent and curbless will. The stern control of a seafaring
life seemed to be their only chance of saving him, and so, at
little more than twelve years old, he was torn away from home and
friends and sent out on a coasting merchantman to be subdued.
This parting nearly broke his mothers's heart, but her discipline
of suffering had been borne too long and patiently for her to
rebel now. It was only another drop to her full cup of
bitterness, when, a few months later, news came, by word of mouth
from a sailor in Dromore, that the merchantman had foundered in
the stormy Irish Sea.
{390}
It would be beyond the power of human pen to describe how these
lone women now clung to Michael Herican. His father went down to
the grave in peace, and he had none but them, as they had none
but him. Already the one looked on him as a husband and the other
as a son. When a few more successful voyages were over, and when
the humble necessaries, which even an Easky maid could not become
a wife without providing, were completed, the benediction of the
church was to fulfil the promise of their hearts, and give them
irrevocably to each other in the sight of God and man.
It was an ill-starred day for Michael Herican and the Carrols
when the Widow Moran and her daughter came to live in Easky.
Pierre Moran, deceased, had been a small shopkeeper in Sligo,
where he had amassed a little competence, and, now that he was
dead, his widow returned to her native village to pass her
remaining life among her former neighbors. There were few among
them who had not known more or less about the reckless girl who
ran away with the half-French half-Irish shopman, twenty years
ago, and her name and memory was none of the best among those
virtuous villagers. But she cared less for this because she had
enough of filthy lucre to command exterior respect, and it was
better, so she thought, to be highest among the lowly than to be
low among the high. In coming to Easky she had had two ends in
view: to queen it over her former associates, and to secure a
steady and good husband for her daughter. Kitty Moran was like
her mother, but without her mother's faults. She was a girl of
dash and spirit, and with a pride as quick and a nature as
impressible as her mother was emotionless. She was a thorough
brunette, with a brunette's violence and passion, with a
brunette's power to love and power to hate. In actual beauty no
maiden of the neighborhood could vie with her, and she had just
enough of city polish and refinement to give her an appearance of
superiority to those around her. Between her and Mary Carrol the
angels would not have hesitated in choosing--unless, indeed, they
were those ancient sons of God who took wives from among the
daughters of men because they saw that they were fair, and then,
like men, they would have chosen wrongly.
It was not many days before the Widow Moran heard of Michael
Herican, or many weeks before she had decided that he should be
the husband of her child. True, she knew of his betrothal, for
his name was rarely spoken unconnected with the name of Mary
Carrol, but this made no difference. The pale-faced step-daughter
of the drunken Davanagh was of no consequence to her, and to the
right or wrong of her designs she never gave a thought. Whatever
she wished, she determined to have. Whatever she determined to
have, she set herself industriously to secure. So when she
marketed, it was Michael's boat from which she purchased. When
there was a message to send to Sligo, or packages from thence to
be brought home to her, it was Michael's boat that carried it.
When she had work to be done around her cottage, it waited until
Michael had an idle day, and then he was hired to do it. Well
skilled, as every woman is, in arts like these, she used her
knowledge and her chances all too well.
{391}
It is but just to say that Kitty Moran had no share in her
mother's wicked plans. She was young and gay. Michael Herican was
the finest young man in the village. It was not disagreeable to
her to watch him and to talk with him, as he worked by her
directions in the little garden, or to sit beside him at their
noontide meal. Unconsciously, she grew to miss him when he was
away at sea, to have a welcome for him in her heart when he came
home, to look for him with impatience when she knew that his
vocation brought him back to her. Before she was aware of it, she
loved him; and when she realized her love, she threw herself into
it, as her one absorbing passion, without a dream of its results
or a suspicion of her error. She would not, for an empire, have
deliberately wronged the patient girl whom, by the stern law of
contraries, she had already learned to cherish, but to her love
there was no limit, no moderation. She could not help loving
Michael Herican, and no more could she mete out or restrain her
love. So, when it mastered her, it _was_ her master, and her
reason and her conscience were whirled away before the rushing
tide of passion like bubbles on the bosom of a cataract.
How Michael Herican came to love this new maiden not even he
himself could tell. Rochefoucault says, "It is in man's power
neither to love nor to refrain from loving." And false as this
may be as a general law of life, there are cases in which it
appears almost divinely true. It was so in his. He simply could
not help it. When he compared the calm, deep, tried affection of
the heart that had been his for years with the tumultuous
outburst of this impetuous soul, his judgment taught him there
ought to be no such comparison between them. He never had one
doubt as to his duty. He fought nobly and manfully against the
spell that seemed to be upon him. He would gladly have left
Easky, and have stretched his voyages beyond the northern seas;
but he could not leave Mary and her mother there alone. He
thought of hastening his marriage, thereby to put an end to all
possibility of faithlessness, (and this is what he should have
done,) but he had no reason for it that he dared to give. It was
a fearful trial for him, and would have bred despair in stronger
hearts than his, if such there be. He became lax and careless in
his business, harsh and moody in his intercourse with others. A
few tattling croakers, here and there, wiser than the rest, laid
the evil at the Widow Moran's door; but they could give no proof
when asked for it, and the frowns and chidings of the
neighborhood soon put them down.
In this way things went on for months. The day drew near when the
wedding-feast should usher in a new life to the waiting pair. It
was a drawing near of doom to him. The enchantment had not
weakened by indulgence. The siren's song was as soft and
seductive as when its first notes took possession of his soul.
Feeling as he did toward Kathleen Moran, he would not marry Mary
Carrol, although from his heart of hearts he could have sworn
that his love for her had known no change or diminution. Nor did
he dare to tell her that the fascinations of the stranger had
enchained him; for he knew that he was all she had, and all she
loved. But it could not go on thus always, and he knew it.
Something must be done. Had it been the mere sacrifice of
himself, he would not have hesitated for a moment. As little did
he hesitate between marrying where he did not love supremely, and
not marrying at all.
{392}
He had a conscience, and when his conscience decided between
these, and told him that he must not marry Mary Carrol, it
compelled him also to go to her and in plain words tell her so.
It almost killed her. The shock was so great, at the moment,
mightily though she strove to command herself, that her life was
in immediate danger. After a while she rallied again, a very
ghost to what she had been, though little else before. Her mother
bore the blow less calmly. She could not understand the
powerlessness of the one to save himself, or the self-sacrifice
of the other, which gave up her life's last greatest hope without
a murmur. She felt the disappointment keenly, but the injury
more. Dispositions, that through all her sorrows had never been
apparent in her character, began to show themselves. She grew
stem and vengeful in place of her old meekness and submission,
and brooded over their cruel wrong until it became a second
nature with her to impute to Michael Herican all her troubles,
and curse him in her heart as the destroyer of her child.
Of course all Easky soon knew the grief that had come to Bridget
Davanagh's household; and, not unnaturally, most of them sided
with her in her condemnation of Michael Herican. They could not
understand, they would not have believed, that he was under the
dominion of a passion which he could neither escape nor resist.
To them there was no fascination in the Widow Moran's daughter,
and they loved the mother too little for them to suppose that any
one could love the child. It was a hard lot for her, poor girl,
to hear their cutting censures passed upon her as the cause of
Mary Carrol's sufferings; for the people of that uncultivated
neighborhood did not care to conceal their bitterness beneath
soft-spoken words, and did not hesitate to tell her to her face
all that they felt concerning her. Nor spared they Michael
Herican. Old men and young greeted him now with looks askance and
cold, instead of the warm welcomes which every hearth had had for
him a month before. And every woman in Easky, except the few old
crones who grudgingly had wished him well when all was well with
him, went by him on the other side, and prayed the saints to
deliver their young maidens from such faithless lovers as he.
Intolerable as all this was to him, and unjust as it would have
been, even in their sight who did it, could they have known how
he had fought against his destiny, it still had its inevitable
effect upon him. As there was but one house in Easky where he met
a cordial greeting, that house became his continual resort. As
there was but one heart into which he could look and find
responsive love, he sought his consolation in that heart alone.
To Mary Carrol he would gladly have continued to be a friend and
brother, but her mother would not suffer him to come inside the
doors, and if the broken-hearted maiden could have received his
kindnesses, they would have been to her a mockery worse than
death. Thus Kathleen Moran's was sometimes the only voice he
heard for days, her smile the only smile ever bestowed upon him,
and she became, in time, as necessary to his existence as Eve to
Adam. They were almost always together. He made longer voyages,
and took longer rests; and, when on shore, rarely left the roof
under which she dwelt. But he had no definite aim and purpose for
which to earn, or to lay up his earnings. He never trusted
himself to plan for, or look upon the future.
{393}
He never yet had dreamed of marrying Kitty Moran. The light had
fallen out of his life as effectually as out of Mary Carrol's;
and it would have seemed to him as bootless to have heaped
together money as it would to her to have finished and arranged
her bridal gear.
A year like this told terribly upon him. The indignation of the
villagers did not abate with time, and more and more did Michael
Herican become an outlaw. It was strange that an event which, in
the swift whirl of our metropolitan career, we meet almost every
day, should have made such an impression on the minds of sturdy
men and women. But it was the first time, in the memory of man,
that an Easky lover had proved faithless to an Easky maid, and
these rude hearts were as honest in their hate as in their love.
He bore it as long as he could, but he was only human; and when
the Widow Moran, herself made most uncomfortable by the active
hostility of her neighbors, determined to return to Sligo, he was
only too willing to go with her. He sold the little cottage where
his forefathers had lived and died for many generations, and bade
farewell for ever to the home where he had known so many years of
happiness, such months of weary suffering.
If Mary Carrol suffered less in conscience and in self-respect
than Michael Herican, her suffering made far more fearful havoc
with her bodily and mental health. The privations of her
childhood had sown the seeds of premature decay; and, at her best
and strongest, she was frail and weakly. The shock she had
sustained when her life's hopes were shattered had partially
unsettled her mind, and physical disease, now slowly developing,
sank her into hopeless imbecility. She was not violent or
peevish. She never needed any restraint, and, usually, but little
care. She would sit all day in the sunlight, listening to the
roaring of the sea, her hands folded in her lap, and her great
blue eyes gazing out vacantly into the sky. She knew enough to
keep herself from danger, and, at long intervals would go alone
into the narrow street, and wander up and down, groping her way
like a blind person, yet taking no notice of anything that passed
around her. It was a sad sight, indeed, for any eyes to see, but,
far more so to those who knew her history, and could repeat the
story of the cruel wound she bore. There was not among them a
heart that did not bleed for her, and scarce a hand that could
not have been nerved to vengeance, if the blood of her destroyer
could have put away her doom.
The old woman--God knows how old in sorrows!--became more firm
and resolute as her daughter grew more helpless. She never
wearied in doing all that a mother's heart could prompt, but it
was gall and bitterness to her that Mary suffered so
uncomplainingly. If she could once have heard her say one hateful
word of Michael Herican, it would have satisfied her, but she
never did. She learned that Michael had left his home, and had
gone with the Morans, and she felt as if she were robbed of her
prey. Not that she ever purposed ill to him, but she did wish it,
and the scoffs and denunciations of his neighbors seemed to her
so many weapons in her hands against him. Alas! for her that this
should be the lot of Patrick Carrol's bride.
{394}
It might have been a half year since the widow and her victim
left Easky, and the midsummer days had come. Mary Carrol had been
so long an invalid, and, in her many wanderings, had been so
singularly free from harm, that her absence from the cottage
caused her mother no surprise or fear. The village children, as
they met her rambling in the fields, would sometimes lead her
home, and the seaward-going fishermen would often watch her
footsteps on the beach with fond solicitude; but they became
accustomed to it by and by, and let her have her way.
One cloudless day in July she had strayed out at early dawn while
the dew was scarcely dry, and wandered off along the shore,
beyond the furthest cottage. The matron of that house, as she
went by, sent out her little boy to see that she came to no
danger, but in a moment he returned to say that she was sitting
on a broken rock out of the water's reach, and so for the time
she was forgotten. The day wore on, and Bridget Davanagh grew
lonely in her desolate home. A dread of coming evil fell upon
her, and, though her cup already so ran over that she could
hardly realize the possibility of further misfortune, she could
not shake off the new shadow. Restless and uneasy, she started
out to seek her child. She hurried past the village eastwardly
along the sands. She peered into every crevice of the rocky coast
that was large enough to hide a sea-gull's nest, and hunted
behind every fallen fragment that might conceal the object of her
quest. Slowly, for it was severest toil to her aged feet, she
groped over one mile after another, until the lofty cap of
Anghris Head rose up before her. She had never been so near it
since that fearful day, long years ago, when she came out to see
the mangled body of her young husband lying underneath its stormy
crags. And now there came over her an impulse to go there once
again; again to visit the place where the waves cast him in their
murderous wrath; the place whither she event last to meet him
when he last came home to her. So she climbed over the huge
boulders, one by one, in the declining sunlight, till she stood
directly underneath that ragged spire which Anghris lifts aloft
above the waves, and there she saw the spot where her beloved had
lain in his sad hour of death. There, too, she found her
daughter, lying on the same rocky couch where her father lay
before her, one arm beneath her head, her face turned up to
heaven in the unbreaking slumber of the dead.
This same midsummer's day brought news, from Sligo to Easky, that
Michael Herican had married Kitty Moran, and that the widow's
heartless schemes had been accomplished.
The house of Bridget Davanagh was now desolate indeed. Her son
lost for ever in the unknown waters. Her daughter sleeping in the
village churchyard, bearing the burden of her cross no more.
There was no cheer for her in the well-meant gossip of her
neighbors. There was no comfort for her in the promise of a land,
beyond this mortal, of perpetual rest. If her religious instincts
and principles were still alive, they remained dumb and dormant.
She could not read. She loved not company. Her few personal
necessities rendered much bodily toil superfluous, and, when her
work was done, she had no other occupation than to sit down and
brood over her sorrows. The range of her thought was narrow. She
had no future to look forward to. Her eyes were only on the past,
and the past held for her but two figures--her murdered Mary and
her Mary's murderer. It was in vain that the good parish priest
sought to divert her mind and lead her to better things; for,
though she said but little and that quietly, he could see, like
all who now came intimately near her, that her faculties were
clouded and her control over her will and imagination almost
totally destroyed.
{395}
How long she might have lived thus without becoming fully crazed
was, fortunately, never tested. A letter came to her one evening,
bearing a foreign post-mark, and dotted over with the many
colored stamps which tell of journeys upon sea and land. It was
the first letter she had ever received. No relative or friend, no
acquaintance except Michael Herican, has she out of Easky, and
she was sorely puzzled, as she broke the seal and turned the
pages up and down and sideways, in the useless attempt to tell
from whence it came. She called in a passing school-child to
decipher it, and, as he blundered through its weary lines, she
sat with her face buried in her hands, rocking her body
ceaselessly to and fro. He reached the end and read the signature
of "Bernard Davanagh." The widow's boy still lived. She lifted
her worn face out of her hands and the tears chased each other
down her cheeks. They eased her throbbing brain, and she bade the
child go over it again, for of its first reading she had scarcely
heard a word except the name. And now she learned that he was in
America. He had been left sick on shore, at the last voyage of
his ill-fated vessel, and escaped alive. Since then he had been
tossed on every sea which bears a name, till, tired of the toil
and danger, he had settled in the far-off mining regions of the
western continent. He now sent for her and Mary to come out to
him, enclosing money and passage certificates for each, and
saying that in two month's time he hoped to have them both with
him in his new home. It was a long time before the old woman
could comprehend the message; but, when she once really
understood that Bernard was alive, she would have started on the
instant to reach her boy. Her idea of the distance was, that
America lay somewhere out beyond Dromore, as far, perhaps, as
that was from Easky, and it was with difficulty that the
neighbors, who came flocking in when the news went flitting up
and down the street, could control her. Those who stayed with her
through the night, and those who went back homeward, had settled
it, however, before morning dawned, that, though the journey
might be fearful and the chances few, it was better she should go
and perish by the way, than stay at home to grieve, and craze,
and die.
There was not much preparation. Her cottage sold, her furniture
distributed among her friends, the other passage-paper given to a
woman in Dromore, who eagerly grasped the chance of going out to
seek her husband, and Bridget Davanagh left Easky and its graves
for ever. The emigrant best knows the weariness and hardship of a
steerage passage in a crowded ship, and this old and worn-out
woman endured them as a thousand others, old and feeble, have
done since then and before. But the long voyage had an end some
time, and, in a day after the ship was moored at New York
wharves, the mother had found her son. He had a cabin built and
furnished, deep in the wild gorge of a mountain, out of whose
sides the glittering anthracite was torn by hundreds of tons a
day; and here he took her to live and care for him. Not a face
around her that she ever saw before; the dialect of their
language so differing from her own that she could only here and
there make out a word; Bernard himself grown up into a tall,
stout, burly man, black with dust and reeking with soot and oil,
she longed almost fiercely for her home by the green sea, and
wished herself back again a score of times a day.
{396}
When her homesickness wore off, as it slowly did, and she formed
new acquaintances, and grew familiar with the scenes around her;
above all, when she began to realize the comforts which the new
world gave beyond the old--she became reconciled to her strange
life, and seemed almost herself again. Only when, now and then,
her spite and hatred to the name of Herican broke out again did
her mind reel with its fury; otherwise, she was more like Bridget
Davanagh in her early days of second widowhood than she had been
for years.
Meanwhile, of Michael Herican. He had married Kitty Moran, as the
Easky story said. It was, on his part, an act of sheer despair.
Not that he did not love her. His passion had grown stronger and
more absorbing every hour, and she well returned it. But it was
no calm conclusion of his judgment that led him to unite his life
with hers. It was more like the suicide of a felon who sees his
fate before him, but would rather die by his own free act,
to-day, than anticipate inevitable death to-morrow. When the
Widow Moran "went to her own place," her fortune fell to them. He
opened a little store, and, for a while, life, cheered by
business, seemed more bearable; but misfortune followed him and,
by one loss and another, both his credit and his stock were
sacrificed. Honest to the last farthing, he stripped himself of
everything to pay his debts, and turned himself and his young
wife, to whom privation had ever been a stranger, into the
streets--to work, or beg, or starve. Then, for a time, he went to
sea; but the lone hours of watchful idleness upon the deep gave
him too many opportunities for recollection, and he could not
endure it. As a common hireling he worked about the docks, and
earned by this chance toil a meagre pittance for the bare
necessities of life. But he could not settle permanently to
anything. Of good abilities, with strong arms and a willing
heart, it was this mental burden only which unmanned him, and
this pursued him everywhere and always, like an avenging ghost.
Then he began to wander. From Sligo they went to Ballina, and
thence to Galway, and thence to Dublin, living awhile in each,
but evermore a restless, wavering, aimless man. His poor wife
suffered fearfully. Deprived of all the comforts she had ever
known, and cut down sometimes to a mere apology for food and
clothing, she rued the day when she was born; but she never
blamed her husband. Through all, she clung to him faithfully; and
when she found herself, at last, in the lowest portion of the
capital, and living among those whose touch in other days would
have been infection, however else she murmured, it was never
against him. They stayed in Dublin for a year and more. A child
was born there, but it soon died from exposure and insufficient
food, and this made the mother's heart uneasy, and she longed to
move. A berth fell in his way on board a homeward-bound Canadian
timber-ship, and he agreed to go. He also paid the passage of his
wife with labor, and, in due time, their weary feet were standing
on the shores of a new world, ready for other journeys and,
perhaps, better paths.
{397}
But it did not so eventuate. He was the same man still, though
under other skies. There was a doom upon him. His family grew on
his hands and opened in his heart new chambers of affection, but
they could give no ballast to his brain. He could not anchor
anywhere. The weird ship that sails up and down antarctic seas in
an eternal voyage is no more harborless than was he. He fought
the forests, axe in hand, and smote down many pillars of the
olden fane. He toiled on board the river-craft that drift to and
fro upon the broad St. Lawrence. He was a stevedore in Quebec, a
laborer in Montreal. So he worked on from one town to another,
fretting away his own existence, wearing out the health and
strength of his devoted wife, until he reached the "States," and,
by some mysterious fatality, came into the very village where
Bernard Davanagh and his mother lived. Here he found work
congenial to his tastes. The dark gloom of the long tunnels
underground, the ghastly lamps, and, more than all, the exciting
danger of the labor, kept his mind on the stretch and drowned his
memory more effectually than it had ever been before. He did not
know the nearness of Mary Carrol's mother. He would as soon have
dreamed of meeting his dead children in the street as her, and
his work late and early kept him out of sight, so that they did
not hear of him.
But it happened on one Sunday morning, as he went to Mass in the
great town, two miles away, that he heard the name of "Bernard"
called by some one in the throng. He looked anxiously around him,
and had no difficulty in recognizing, in the features of the man
addressed, the son of the detested Bernard Davanagh of his youth.
Had he not known the contrary, he might have thought it that very
father stepped out of his grave. The recognition was not mutual,
but the unquiet heart of Michael Herican reeked little of the
sacrifice that day, for thinking where this new phase of his life
would end. He feared no bodily injury. He had not lost his animal
courage by his sufferings. But he felt like Orestes at the
banquet, when he dispels with wine the knowledge of the
ever-present furies, and then suddenly beholds the gorgon face
pressed closely up to his. He saw in this an omen that, go where
he would, the wrongs of Mary Carrol must live on outside him, as
they did within.
How Bridget Davanagh and her son became aware that Michael
Herican and his family were near them, it is of little
consequence to know. When they did find it out, however, it was
an evil greater in its results to them than to their enemy.
Bernard had warmly espoused his mother's hatred, and added to it
the natural fierceness of his own disposition. The discovery of
her child's betrayer, and an occasional glimpse of him as he went
by, revived all the old woman's vengefulness, and aggravated it
beyond control. If Kathleen Herican had known all this, sick of
her wandering life as she might be, she would not have stayed
near them for a single hour. But she did not know it. Bernard and
Bridget she had never seen in Easky, and Michael never told her
they were here. Thus she, at least, lived on unconsciously, while
vengeance sharpened its relentless sword for retribution, and
hung it by an ever-weakening hair over the head of him she loved
most of all.
Up to the morning of the fatal day no word or sign had passed
between Michael Herican and either of the Davanaghs. But, as he
went by to his work that morning, they both stood in their cabin
door. The old woman could not resist the impulse to curse him as
he passed her, and Bernard was as ready with his malison as she.
{398}
Michael turned up the path that led toward them, and tried to
speak in friendliness, but they would not hear him. At last,
exasperated by their violence and abuse, he told the mother she
was mad--mad as her daughter had been before her. It was a cruel
word for him to speak, cruel for them to hear; but he did not
mean it. It smote upon him as he hurried off to his work, and the
image of the dead Mary came back and upbraided him many times
that day. He left his work early, and went home. There was a
strange look in his eye which made the timid heart of Kathleen
beat faster when she saw it, and he was more than usually kind
and tender to her and his child. His half-eaten supper over, he
took his woodman's basket, and went out to gather fagots for the
morning's fire. On his way home with others who had been on the
like errand, as he came opposite the Davanagh cottage, the mother
and the son came out and rushed upon him. One struck him with a
stone, and felled him to the earth. The other smote him with an
axe, and cleft his skull. It was all over in an instant. Not a
word was said. The horror-stricken neighbors stood aghast a
moment. When they came to their senses, Bernard Davanagh was
climbing up the mountain on the further side of the ravine, and
Bridget Davanagh, with bolted doors, kept ward in her devoted
house alone.
They would have lifted Michael Herican from the roadside where he
lay, but he was dead. The red blood oozed out of the gaping
wound. It trickled on in narrow streamlets down the path. It
clotted on the feet of men and women who came to gaze upon the
mangled corpse. It stained the hands, and face, and garments of
his wife and baby as they lay sobbing and shrieking on his
pulseless breast. It dried up in the purple sunlight of the dying
day, and soaked away into the dust and ashes of the trampled
street.
I have little else to tell. The circumstances of the story, as I
heard them, piece by piece, left on my mind an impression which
would not let me stand by and do nothing. I was satisfied that,
if not absolutely crazed, the murderess had acted in a moment of
exceeding passion, no doubt resulting from the rankling words her
victim spoke to her on the morning of that day; and, in her
unsettled state of mind, the ordinary presumptions of the law,
that passion cannot last, were not reliable. It seemed unjust, to
me, that she should suffer the highest penalty known to our law,
when probably her guilt was actually less than that of hundreds
whom a few years in the state prison give their due. I therefore
drew up a petition which the presiding judge and nearly all of
the convicting jury signed, praying a commutation of her sentence
to imprisonment for life. The prayer was granted, and Bridget
Davanagh lives and will die an inmate of the Eastern Penitentiary
of Pennsylvania.
-------
{399}
The Philosophy Of Immigration.
It is strange that while so many of the most enlightened minds of
the country are engaged in the investigation of the mysteries of
social and physical sciences, so few, if any, appear to give the
least attention to the phenomenon of American immigration; a
study which is equal in importance to any that can come within
the purview of the economist, and of much more practical value to
us, nationally, than most of the developments of nature,
considered in her material aspect.
The researches of geologists and astronomers often supply us with
curious and pleasing discoveries, and the laws which regulate
commerce and labor, manufactures and capital, are doubtless well
worth the attention of intelligent public men; but not more so
than the habits, qualifications, and destiny of the millions of
foreigners who of late years have made their homes among us, and
who are still annually coming in myriads to our shores.
It may safely be said that neither ancient nor modern history
presents a parallel to this American immigration. The emigration
from the plains of Shinar was a dispersion of one people over the
surface of the globe, a disintegration of a nation into several
fragments, each particle the nucleus of a separate and
independent race, speaking a peculiar tongue, and destined to
establish distinct laws and forms of religion. Ours is the
convergence of many peoples to one common centre, silently
arraying themselves under a uniform system of public polity,
yielding up their own political predilections, and to a certain
extent their creeds and language, and destined eventually to
profess one faith and speak one language. Subsequent migrations
in the old world offer points as strikingly dissimilar as the
first great exodus. Those were nothing else than succeeding waves
of population borne from one portion of the earth to the other,
generally preceded and heralded by fire and sword, and ending in
the subjugation and spoliation of the inhabitants of that country
over which they swept with irresistible violence. Our immigrants,
on the contrary, come to us in detail, peaceably to enjoy the
benefits of our laws and to respect our institutions, with no
thought of conquest but such as may be suggested by our yet
untilled fields of the west and our comparatively undeveloped
mineral treasures.
Viewed in this light, our knowledge of the past gives no rules of
guidance in our relations with this new and very important
element of our population, and it becomes the duty of every
patriot jealous of the welfare and reputation of his land to draw
lessons of wisdom from every-day, experience, in order to help
direct this perennial flood of life into the most proper and
useful channels. A country's true wealth lies primarily in its
population; the product of its soil is its surest and most
permanent concomitant. To give a helping hand and a word of cheer
and advice to those future citizens and parents of citizens is
the common duty of humanity and patriotism; to protect them until
sufficiently domiciled to be able to protect themselves, is the
absolute duty of our legislators.
{400}
The city of New York, being the centre of the commerce of the
country, is necessarily the objective point of European
emigration, though many of our neighboring seaports receive their
proportionate share of the precious human freight. It will be
scarcely credited that in the space of twenty-one years, ending
with 1867, there arrived at this city alone no less than _three
million eight hundred and thirty-two thousand four hundred and
four_ immigrants, or a number almost equal in amount to the
entire white population of the country at the time of the
Revolution. [Footnote 117] Those arrivals included natives of
every country in Europe, China, Turkey, Arabia, East and West
Indies, South America, Mexico, and the lower British Provinces.
Emigrants from Ireland and Germany were of course largely in
excess of all others. Until 1861, these two countries were nearly
equally represented, the numbers from them for fourteen years
previously being respectively 1,107,034 and 979,575, or nearly
four fifths of the whole arrivals. Since that year the German
element has largely preponderated, and is now equal to one half
the entire immigration. England, Scotland, France, and
Switzerland follow next in rotation, the northern countries of
Europe supplying a respectable number in proportion to their
sparse population, and the southern countries, like Spain and
Portugal, comparatively few.
[Footnote 117: We are indebted to Bernard Casserly, Esq., the
efficient General Superintendent under the Commissioners of
Emigration, for the following official report of arrivals at
Castle Garden:
1847, 129,062
1848, 189,176
1849, 220,791
1850, 212,603
1851, 289,601
1852, 300,992
1853, 284,945
1854, 319,223
1855, 136,233
1856, 142,342
1857, 183,773
1858, 78,589
1859, 79,322
1860, 105,162
1861, 65,539
1862, 76,306
1863, 167,844
1864, 182,396
1865, 196,352
1866, 233,418
1867, 242,730
Total, 3,832,404]
It were beyond the scope of this article to enter into an
extended inquiry as to the cause of this unequal abandonment of
nationality on the part of our new denizens. The misgovernment of
Ireland, which culminated in the terrible famine of 1846-7-8, and
the natural affinity of the people of that country for the
advantages afforded by free governments, will easily account for
the immensity of their numbers who have sought political and
social independence in this republic; while the low rewards of
labor and the heavy burdens of taxation experienced by the German
in his own home, form powerful incentives in his economical mind
to change his condition and abandon the fatherland of which he is
so justly proud. The same reasons, to a lesser extent perhaps,
operate on Englishmen and Scotchmen, with the additional one of
the rapid growth of our infant manufactures requiring the
experience of the workmen of Leeds, Birmingham, and Glasgow.
Spain and Portugal, the pioneers of immigration in former ages,
though now not essentially an emigrant people, as a general rule
prefer Central and South America, where their languages are
spoken and their religion universally established; while France,
of all European countries the least disposed to colonization,
has, on account of political troubles, sent us many of her best
mechanics, and Italy some of her finest artists.
With the influx of such vast unorganized masses of strangers,
representing all conditions, ages, and degrees, into one port,
and considering the unusual trials and dangers of a long
sea-voyage, it is not to be wondered at that a great amount of
sickness and distress should be developed; but we are glad to
know that all that private benevolence and judicious legislation
could do has been done for the unfortunate.
{401}
Refuges for the destitute and hospitals for the sick have been
established in this neighborhood. Employment for the idle, food
for the hungry, and transportation for the penniless have been
provided by the Commissioners of Emigration with a free and even
profuse liberality. Nearly thirty _per centum_of the total
arrivals, each year, have been thus benefited without any cost
whatever to the state, the money required being derived from a
fund created mainly by a small commutation-tax on each emigrant
passenger. Though this fund, as we have said, is especially
intended for the protection and support of immigrants, a portion
of it has necessarily been expended in the erection or purchase
of valuable buildings, requisite for the purposes of the
commission, all of which will revert to the state when no longer
required for their original objects.[Footnote 118]
[Footnote 118: This property, besides some on Staten Island,
consists of one hundred and eight acres of land with water
rights, etc., on Ward's Island, in the East River, upon which
the commissioners have built very spacious and substantial
structures, such as five hospitals capable of accommodating
eight hundred patients; four houses of refuge for destitute
males and females; a nursery, lunatic asylum, and two
chapels, besides a number of residences for the officers of
these institutions, out-offices, etc.--_See Commissioners'
Report_, 1868.]
But this is not the only direct pecuniary advantage which we
derive from immigration. In 1856 it was ascertained that the
average cash means of every person landing at Castle Garden was
about sixty-eight dollars, a sum which, considering the improved
condition of those who have since arrived, must amount to much
more _per capita_, still, taking the standard of that year,
we find that in twenty-one years over three hundred and twenty
millions of dollars have been brought to the country and put into
direct circulation. Its effect on our shipping interest will be
appreciated when we learn that during 1867 there were engaged in
the passenger business alone, at this port, two hundred and
forty-five sailing vessels and four hundred and four steamships,
requiring large investments of capital and employing thousands of
men.
It would be impossible to estimate the indirect stimulus given to
the general interests of the Union by the acquisition of so much
skilled labor and brawny muscle. We can see its developments,
however, in the rapid rise of our towns and cities, the superior
condition of arts and manufactures, and the extraordinary
increase of our agricultural productions. Coming from so many
lands, each heretofore celebrated for some peculiar excellence,
the European artisan, while he does not necessarily excel his
American fellow-workmen in the aggregate, contributes his special
knowledge to the general stock of industrial information. The
Swede brings his knowledge of metallurgy, the Englishman of
woolens, the Italian of silk; the German, of grape culture, and
the Frenchman, of those finer fabrics and arts of design for
which his country has been so long famous. When the ancient
Grecian sculptor designed to make a representation of the human
form in all its perfection, he selected, it is said, six
beautiful living models, copying from each some member more
perfect than the rest, and thus, by the combination of several
excellences, modelled a perfect and harmonious whole, in which
were combined grace, beauty, and harmony. So the republic,
availing itself of the genius and skill which every country sends
us so superabundantly, may attain that general superiority in the
arts of peace which was formerly divided among many nations.
{402}
The destination of this flood of knowledge and strength forms not
the least interesting phase of this subject. From the data before
us, we find that the State of New York retains about forty-four
per cent; the Western States receive over twenty five; the Middle
States, eleven; the New England States, eight; the Pacific slope,
two, and the Southern States a little less than two per cent, the
residue being scattered among various portions of the continent
outside of our jurisdiction. The comparatively small number who
have sought homes in the South may be accounted for partly by the
occurrence of our late civil war, but principally by the peculiar
organization of labor in that section before the abolition of
slavery. In [the] future we may expect a much greater percentage
of people, particularly from Southern Europe, to assist in
developing the almost inexhaustible wealth of such states as
Georgia and Tennessee. It is to be regretted that no record has
been kept of the nationalities and occupations of those who so
instinctively choose their favorite sections of our country; but
our own everyday experience, and the laws of labor and climate,
enable us to form a sufficiently accurate general opinion.
Irishmen, though not adverse to agricultural pursuits, generally
prefer large cities and towns, like those of New England, where
skilled labor is least required in the production of fabrics. The
Germans, on the contrary, though quite numerous in New York,
Philadelphia, and St. Louis, avoid New England, and prefer
farming in the Western States, in some of which they already form
a majority of the rural population. Englishmen are to be met with
either in the Eastern factories or in the Atlantic cities,
keeping up a business connection with their countrymen at home.
Frenchmen find a market for their superior mechanical skill amid
the luxury of large cities, and are seldom tillers of the soil,
while a Welsh miner (if he do[es] not find his way to Salt Lake)
goes as naturally to Pennsylvania, and the slate quarries of New
York and Vermont, as the Swede and Norwegian do to the northern
parts of Michigan and Wisconsin. The mode of emigration may have
something to do with these selections. The continental nations,
particularly the Germans, understand migration better than their
insular neighbors, always leaving home in families and groups,
and settling down in small colonies where, as in all new
countries, union is strength; but the inhabitants of Ireland and
the other islands of the United Kingdom too frequently emigrate,
one member of a family at a time, without system or organization,
to the great disruption of those ties of relationship which are
always a bond of unity and a source of comfort, amid the
hardships attendant on great changes of habitation.
Considering the various manners, habits, and opinions of so many
nationalities, some of them, if not repugnant, at least strange
to the native-born of America, the power of absorption possessed
by the people of the United States is astonishing. Columbia,
taking to her ample bosom the fiery Celt and the phlegmatic
Teuton, the self-asserting Briton and the _débonnaire_ Gaul,
smiles complacently at their peculiarities, or, remembering the
good qualities which underlie such eccentricities, waits
patiently for time and example to cure them; and we venture to
assert that the German feels himself as free to indulge in his
national games and festivals in New York or Buffalo as if he were
in Vienna or Berlin, and the Irishman can dance as lively and
attend a wake or a wedding with as light a heart, and as free
from hindrance as if he had never left his own green isle.
{403}
In justice, also, to the immigrant, it must be said that, once
settled in America, he gives to its government his hearty and
unqualified allegiance, notwithstanding the occasional spasmodic
attempts of a despicable few to subject him to ridicule and
social ostracism. How many instances do we find of worthy men
who, having gained a competency here, acting upon that natural
and beautiful love of native land, return to the homes of their
childhood to end their days, but who almost invariably return to
us and the scenes of their manhood's toils and triumphs!
There are two other sources of accession to our population,
independent of that of acquisition of territory, which are worthy
of notice. The first, of present importance, is the passage of
our borders by natives of Lower Canada, and which, though now
more than usually remarkable, has been going on quietly but
steadily for at least a hundred years. [Footnote 119]
[Footnote 119: Five hundred French Canadians took passage at
Montreal, C. E., for the United States, in one week, during
March, 1869.]
The French Canadians are a decidedly _unique_ people.
Originally from Normandy, early deprived of the protection of
France, and practically cut off from their fellow-countrymen by
the cessation of emigration, they have still retained all the
primitive simplicity, keenness, and hardiness of their ancestors.
Increasing in numbers with extraordinary rapidity, they have
tenaciously adhered to their faith, language, and manners of
life, in face of the opposition of a dominant and intolerant
master. They have not only, so far, held their own against
English laws and customs; but, despite the increase of British
colonists among them, they have nearly, if not altogether, kept
pace in numbers with the English-speaking inhabitants of the two
Canadas. They have likewise constantly shot forth numerous hardy
offshoots which have taken root and flourished in the far west.
Detroit, La Salle, Dubuque, St. Louis, St. Paul, Sault Ste.
Marie, and many other western centres of wealth and population,
were first selected and settled by those enterprising followers
of Jacques Cartier and the missionary fathers, and their names
are still honored in those places. Many of the later immigrants
from Canada find employment in our seaboard cities, but the
majority either still seek the northwest, as being more congenial
in climate, and offering more opportunities for that spirit of
adventure which distinguishes the race, or go directly to
California, where so many of the French people have already
settled.
The Chinese immigration to the Pacific coast is one of the most
unaccountable events in the history of that section of our
country, and one which may well attract serious public attention.
Those people, remarkable for centuries for their ingenuity and
industry, as well as for their exclusiveness and dislike to
foreigners, have at last crossed the Rubicon that confined them
within the limits of the Celestial empire, and when we reflect
that that empire contains within itself nearly half the
population of the world, we can readily suppose that a few
millions, more or less, transplanted to the new world would not
very perceptibly diminish its influence or strength. The Chinamen
are represented as quiet and docile, economical in their way of
living, and working for small wages, and as being eminently
adapted for the building of railroads, and the development of the
mineral wealth with which nature has so lavishly enriched the
territory on both slopes of the Rocky Mountains, and, being as
yet only a moiety of the population, are easily controlled. But,
should the tide of Asiatic emigration commence to flow freely
eastward, the gravest fears are entertained by many that it would
lead either to the systematic oppression or even partial
enslavement of the Chinese themselves, or to the deterioration of
the Caucasians of that beautiful region, soon destined to become
the garden of America.
{404}
Taking into account, however, the great adaptability of all
classes of immigrants in this country to the condition of affairs
by which they find themselves surrounded, the fears of even a
Chinese invasion appear groundless. Every day and year bring with
them large accessions of energetic and healthy minds to the ranks
of the native-born Americans--some the children of the sons of
the soil; others, of adopted citizens; but all American in spirit
and purpose, no matter what their parentage. Even this uniformity
extends to their _physique_, and it has been remarked by
visitors to our shores that the native-born boy or girl, however
dissimilar the peculiar physical traits of their progenitors,
presents strong points of resemblance in figure and face to each
other. Something of this may be accounted for by food and
climate, training and association, but much more by the fact of
the admixture of races constantly going forward. The heavy
features of the northern European are more or less elongated and
brightened into thoughtful cheerfulness in his American child,
while the angularity and pugnacity supposed to be characteristic
of the Celtic countenance are reduced to finer lines of grace and
repose in their cis-Atlantic descendants.
Taking American character as it stood at the beginning of this
century, we cannot deny our admiration of its essential features,
though many of its details were susceptible of improvement. Our
stateliness had a tendency to what is now generally called
Puritanism, and our simplicity was apt to degenerate into
parsimoniousness. Our ancestors wanted a little more breadth of
view, a little leaven of the poetry of life to mix with its stern
realities, and a great deal more love for innocent amusements,
and taste for the fine arts, which make man feel more kindly to
his fellow, and raise him so high above irrational animals.
Immigration has done much for us in this way, and we have done
something for ourselves. If we have extended to the strangers
within our gates hospitality, protection, and the rewards of
labor, they have paid us with the sculpture of Italy, the music
of Germany, the melodies of Ireland, and the fashions of France.
It has not only done this, but it has reproduced and naturalized
the love for them, and made them "racy of the soil." But what is
of more importance than all, it has efficiently helped the spread
of true religious faith over this portion of the continent. True,
there were Catholics and very good ones here, even in colonial
times; but they were few in number, and so scattered over the
country that they were in constant danger either of losing their
faith for want of spiritual ministration or were powerless to
assert their proper position before the opposing sects. We have
now not only numbers, but the influence that flows from numbers,
and generously and judiciously has our immigrant population used
the power inherent in it. During the late civil strife which so
afflicted our country, and endangered the Union, citizens by
adoption vied with citizens by birth in defence of our
institutions, and in their contributions to works of piety,
charity, and education they have been so profuse that to others
the results of their charities seem little short of miraculous.
{405}
Even those who have come among us of a different creed, or no
creed at all, have here a better opportunity of learning the
truth than they have had in their own countries. Unfettered by
statecraft or sectional laws, the Catholic priesthood have a
field of labor in America such as the whole of Europe cannot
present, and an audience composed of as many races as the sons of
Adam represent. Realizing the great things done by our
immigrants, and what may yet be expected from them, we hope to
see their protection and welfare occupy a portion, at least, of
the attention of our national and state authorities. But it is
not enough that the law has so completely thrown its protecting
shield over them. Individual charity can do much to supply the
deficiencies which every general law presents. In the city of New
York, especially, where a great deal has already been done by the
commissioners to whose especial care the immigrants are entrusted
by law, much remains still to be performed, in view of the
hundreds of thousands of strangers who may annually be expected
among us, for the next decade, at least.
----------
Vigil.
I.
Mournful night is dark around me,
Hushed the world's conflicting din;
All is still and all is tranquil--
But this restless heart within!
II.
Wakeful still I press my pillow,
Watch the stars that float above,
Think of _One_ for me who suffered;
Think, and weep for grief and love!
III.
Flow, ye tears, though in your streaming
Oft yon stars of his grow dim!
Sweet the tender grief _he_ wakens,
Blest the tears that flow for him!'
Richard Storrs Willis.
-------
{406}
The Geography of Roses.
Wherever man has found a dwelling-place, bounteous nature has
conferred on him not only the necessaries of life, but a share
also of its pleasures. From "sultry India to the pole," the
useful and the beautiful are met with side by side. The bright
poppy and the blue cornflower rise with the wheat-ear in the same
broad field; the sweet-smelling amaryllis and the delicate iris
unfold their variegated petals among the thick stalks of the
African maize, while the marsh-rose and the water-lily float on
the surface of the waters that inundate the rice-grounds of Egypt
and India.
It is evident that nature regards these fair blossoms as
indispensable to man's happiness as those other more substantial
gifts are to his comfort and existence; and so, with lavish hand,
she scatters them on the mountain and in the valley, amidst
plains of burning sand, or half-buried in snow and ice.
"Floral apostles! that in dewy splendor
Weep without woe, and blush without a crime,
Oh! may I deeply learn, and ne'er surrender,
Your law sublime.
"Not useless are ye, flowers! though made for pleasure.
Blooming o'er field and wave, by day and night,
From every source your sanction bids me treasure
Harmless delight.
"Ephemeral sages! what instructors hoary
For such a world of thought could furnish scope?
Each fading calyx a _memento mori_,
Yet fount of hope."
The rose, fairest of the floral train, has been said by some
botanists to take its birth in Asia. "The east, the cradle of the
first man," writes a French author, "is also the native place of
the rose; the flowery hillsides near the chain of the frowning
Caucasus were the first spots on earth adorned with this charming
shrub." We do not incline to this opinion, for the researches of
science have proved that the lovely flower is found in every
clime, from the arctic circle to the torrid zone, and that under
every sun it seems to be endowed with some different grace. The
same species is sometimes met with over a whole continent;
another is unknown beyond the limits of a certain province; while
another again never leaves the mountain or dale where it first
shed its sweetness on the air. Thus Pollin's rose (_rosa
Pollinaria_) is never found but at the foot of Monte Baldo in
Italy, nor the Lyon rose (_rosa Lyonii_) out of the State of
Tennessee; while the field-rose (_rosa arvensis_) trails its
long branches and clusters of white flowers all over Europe, and
the dog-rose (_rosa canina_) displays its pale pink petals
and scarlet hips, not only throughout Europe, but also in
northern Asia and a part of America.
So numerous, indeed, are the varieties of this favorite of
nature, that we will not attempt to describe all that are
peculiar to each country; we will confine our attention to those
only most remarkable for their beauty, and most easy of culture.
First on the list of American roses, and far away among the
eternal ice that covers the almost desert regions which lie
between the seventieth and seventy-fifth degrees of north
latitude, blooms _rosa blanda_, the charming
_soft-colored_ rose, which as soon as the sun has melted the
snow in the valleys opens its large corolla, always solitary on
its graceful stem, to the warm breathings from the south.
{407}
We can picture to ourselves the delight of the stunted,
amphibious Greenlander, when, the long months of the fierce
winter past, he suddenly meets the expanding blossom. He smiles
as he remembers how his young wife mourned last year over the
death of the flowers, and he plucks the first rose of Greenland's
short summer to carry back to her as a proof that she must ever
hope and trust.
"Why must the flowers die?
Prisoned they lie
In the cold tomb, heedless of tears and rain.
O doubting heart!
They only sleep below
The soft white ermine snow:
While winter winds shall blow,
To breathe and smile on you again!"
_Rosa blanda's_ nearest neighbor is the pretty _rosa
rap_ of Hudson's Bay, whose slender, graceful branches are
laden in the early summer with corymbs of pale pink double
flowers. Nature herself has doubled _rosa rapa's_ sweet
corolla, as if she had foreseen that the wandering tribes of
Esquimaux who inhabit those inclement shores would have too much
to do in their never-ending struggle to pick up a precarious
existence ever to busy themselves with the culture of the cold,
unyielding soil.
_Rosa blanda_ and _rosa rapa_ are still at home in
Labrador and Newfoundland, but with them two remarkable
varieties--the ash-leaved rose, (_rosa fraxinifolia_,) with
small red heart-shaped petals, and the lustrous rose, (_rosa
nitida_,) which shelters its brilliant red cup-like flower and
fruit beneath the scraggy trees that grow sparsely along the
coast. The lustrous rose is a great favorite with the young
Esquimaux maidens, who dress their black hair with its shining
cups, and wear bunches of it, "embowered in its own green
leaves," in the bosom of their seal-skin robes.
The United States possess a great number of different roses. At
the foot of almost every rocky acclivity we meet the rose with
diffuse branches, (_rosa diffusa_,) whose pink flowers,
growing in couples on their stem, appear at the beginning of the
summer. On the slopes of the Pennsylvanian hills blooms the
small-flowered rose, (_rosa parviflora_,) an elegant little
species bearing double flowers of the most delicate pink; it may
fairly vie in beauty with all other American roses. In most of
the Middle States, on the verge of the "mossy forests, by the
bee-bird haunted," we find the straight-stemmed rose, (_rosa
stricta_,) with light red petals, and the brier-leaved rose,
(_rosa rubifolia_,) with small, pale red flowers, growing
generally in clusters of three.
The silken rose (_rosa setigera_) opens its great red
petals, shaped like an inverted heart, beneath the "cloistered
boughs" of South Carolina's woods, and in Georgia the magnificent
smooth-leaved rose, (_rosa loevigata_,) known in its native
wilds as the Cherokee rose, climbs to the very summit of the
great forest trees, then swings itself off in festoons of large
white flowers glancing like stars amidst their glossy, dark green
leaves.
When we leave the hills and woodlands, we find the marshes of the
Carolinas gay with the _rosa evratina_, the _rosa
Carolina_, and the _rosa lucida_, the resplendent rose,
whose corymbs of brilliant red flowers overtop the reeds among
which they love to blossom; while, nearer to the setting sun, we
see the pink petals of Wood's rose (_rosa Woodsii_)
reflected in the waters of the great Missouri.
The last American rose we shall note in this slight sketch is the
rose of Montezuma, (_rosa Montezumae_,) a solitary,
sweet-scented, pale red flower with defenceless branches. It was
discovered by Humboldt and Bonpland on the elevated peaks of the
Cerro Ventoso, in Mexico, and is perhaps the very rose of which
the unhappy Guatimozin thought when writhing on his bed of
burning charcoal.
{408}
These are some of the species yet known to belong peculiarly to
the western hemisphere; but it is highly probable that many
others remain still to be discovered. When we remember the
prodigality with which nature lavishes her gifts, we cannot
believe that while France alone possesses twenty-four varieties
of roses, all described by De Candolle in his _Flore
Française_, the great American continent owns but fifteen.
We will commence our European rose search in that most
unpromising of all spots, Iceland; there, where volcanic fire and
polar ice seem to dispute possession of the unhappy soil. So
scarce is every kind of vegetation in this rude clime, that the
miserable inhabitants are frequently compelled to feed their
cows, sheep, and horses on dried fish. And yet even here, growing
from the fissures of the barren rocks, a solitary cup-shaped rose
opens its pale petals to the transient sunbeams of summer. This
hardy little plant is, as its name, _rosa spinosissima_,
indicates, covered all over with prickles. Its cream-colored
flowers, numerous and solitary, are sometimes tinged with pink on
the outside, and its fruit, at first red, becomes perfectly black
when ripe.
In Lapland, too, a country almost as disinherited by nature as
Iceland, the pretty little May rose (_rosa maïalis_) expands
its bright red corolla even before the tardy sun has melted away
all the snow that has covered it during nine long months. A
little later on, in the full blush of the short summer, "when the
pine has a fringe of softer green," the Lapp maidens gather the
blood-red flowers of the _rosa rubella_ among the stunted
trees whose parasitical mosses and lichens afford a scanty
nourishment to the flocks of reindeer, sole riches of the land.
The May rose is also found in Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and
Russia, together with the cinnamon rose (_rosa cinnamomea_,)
and several other species.
England claims ten indigenous roses, many of them, however,
exceedingly difficult to distinguish from each other. The most
common is the dog-rose or Eglantine, found in every hedge and
thicket, and very precious to rose-cultivators, its elegant,
straight, vigorous stems being admirable for receiving grafts.
The light pink corolla is slightly perfumed. In olden times the
scarlet fruit was made into conserve, and highly esteemed in
tarts, but it seems now to be abandoned to the birds. The _rosa
arvensis_, a small shrub with long trailing branches and white
flowers, and the burnet-leaved rose, which resembles the _rosa
spinosissima_ of Iceland, are also very frequently met. But
the pride of the southern counties is the _rosa rubiginosa_,
the true sweet-briar, with deep pink petals and leaves of the
most delicious fragrance; a flower that seems to belong as
peculiarly to the soft English spring as the primrose and violet,
and like them to be emblematic of the English girl, delicate in
her beauty, modest and retiring in her garb and manners, and
diffusing around her an atmosphere of gentle sweetness. Such, at
least, was the English girl five-and-twenty years ago; it is said
that hoops and boots and croquet have produced strange changes.
Alas! that simplicity and modesty and sweetness should ever go
out of fashion.
{409}
In the Scotch fir-woods is found the rose with rolled petals,
(_rosa involuta_.) The large flowers are red and white, and
the remarkably sombre leaves when rubbed between the fingers give
forth a strong smell of turpentine, an odor the plant has
probably acquired from the resinous trees that shelter it. All
the rugged mountains of Scotland possess their roses; the _rosa
sabini_, with clustering flowers, and the villous or hairy
rose, (_rosa villosa_,) with white or deep red, are the most
worthy of notice.
It is only in the environs of Belfast that we encounter the Irish
rose, (_rosa hibernica_,) a species somewhat resembling both
the _spinosissima_ and the _canina_. The other roses of
beautiful Ireland are identical with those of England.
The fields and forests of France have been richly endowed with
nature's favorite flower. Our now well-known friend _canina_
flourishes there also in every hedge and by every wood-side,
together with a pretty white rose, (_rosa alba_,) which has
been very successfully cultivated in gardens. The smiling
hill-sides around Dijon are gay with the lovely little crimson
double flowers of the rose of Champagne, (_rosa
parviflora;_) and, in the south, the yellow rose (_rosa
eglantaria_) and its varieties surpass all others in the
richness of their coloring; their petals sometimes gleaming with
the brightest gold, sometimes deepening into a brilliant orange
red, sometimes reproducing both hues in vivid flecks and streaks.
The woods of Auvergne are bedecked with the small red solitary
corollas of the cinnamon rose, (_rosa cinnamomea_,) so
called from the color of its stalks; and in the department of the
eastern Pyrenees the musk-rose blooms spontaneously in
magnificent corymbs. This exquisitely scented species is also
extensively cultivated for its aromatic essential oil; one of its
kindred is the nutmeg rose, a pretty flower that smells of the
spice.
The Province rose, so often remarkable for its variegated petals
of white, crimson, and pink, is a variety of the rose of France,
(_rosa gallica_,) a species that has given horticulturists a
great number of beautiful offshoots.
Crossing the Pyrenean mountains, we again meet with the
musk-rose, but this time in close companionship with the rose of
Spain, (_rosa hispanica_,) whose bright red petals expand in
the month of May.
In the Balearic Islands the climbing branches of the evergreen
rose (_rosa semper-virens_,) are seen constantly arrayed in
lustrous green leaves mingled with innumerable white perfumed
flowers. This beautiful rose is also found in other parts of the
south of Europe, and in Barbary.
We have already mentioned Polin's rose, a sweet Italian blossom
which never strays from the foot of Monte Baldo, in the
neighborhood of Verona. Its large crimson corollas open in
handsome clusters.
Sicily and Greece possess the gluey rose, (_rosa
glutinosa,_) a small, red, solitary flower, with glandular,
viscous leaflets.
Germany is poorer in native roses than any other part of Europe;
nevertheless nowhere do the blossoms of the field-rose display
such beauty, unless, indeed, among the mountains of Switzerland.
Nowhere else are they so large, so deeply tinted, and
_double_. Germany also gives birth to the curious turbinated
rose, (_rosa turbinata_,) whose double corolla rests on a
top-shaped ovary.
The whole chain of the Alps abounds with roses. The field-rose,
and the ruby-red Alpine rose, (_rosa alpina_,) an elegant
shrub which has contributed many esteemed varieties to our
gardens, bloom in admirable luxuriance in every forest glade and
mountain dingle; while the red-leaved rose, (_rosa
rubrifolia_,) with red stalks and dark red petals, stands out
in the summer landscape, a charming contrast to the green foliage
of the surrounding trees.
{410}
The leaves of another species growing among the pines and firs of
these elevated regions, the rose with prickly leaflets, (_rosa
spinulifolia_,) emit when rubbed the same odor of turpentine
that we have already noticed in the _rosa involuta_of
Scotland. It is singular to observe that the only two roses we
know with this smell are both natives of pine-covered mountains.
The east has for ages been esteemed the home of flowers; almost
as soon as we can lisp, we are taught that
"In eastern lands they talk with flowers,
And they tell in a garland their loves and cares;
Each blossom that blooms in their garden bowers
On its leaves a mystic language bears."
And in joyous youth who has not dreamed of that "bower of roses
by Bendemeer's stream," so sweetly sung by the Irish bard? The
very name of India reminds one of Nourmahal and of that most
enchanting of all feasts, "the feast of roses."
It will then scarcely surprise any one to be told that Asia, the
birthplace of the great human family, is also the birthplace of
more varieties of roses than all the other parts of the world put
together. Thirty-nine species have been discovered indigenous to
this favored portion of the globe, fifteen of which belong to the
Chinese empire.
One of the prettiest of these fifteen is the Lawrence rose,
(_rosa Lawrenceana_,) a fairy-like bush, six inches high,
with flowers not much larger than a silver dime, blooming all the
year round. By the side of this pigmy tree, which we must not
forget to observe is remarkable for the symmetry of its
proportions, is often found the many-flowered rose, (_rosa
multiflora_,) whose flexible branches, rising sometimes to the
height of sixteen feet, are covered in the early summer with
magnificent clusters of pale pink double flowers.
Among the many double Chinese roses, the small-leaved one
(_rosa microphylla_) is highly prized and most assiduously
cultivated in its native land. Its delicate foliage and pale pink
very double flowers are well known also to the rose-fanciers of
the United States. Another beautiful variety, the _rosa
Banksiae_, climbs the rocky fells of China, hiding their
rugged barrenness with a living curtain of verdure, enamelled
with multitudes of little drooping flowers of a yellowish white,
which exhale the sweet odor of violets.
Cochin-China, with these same species, lays claim to two others
that we must notice; the very thorny rose, (_rosa
spinosissima_,) with scentless flesh-colored petals, and the
white rose, (_rosa alba_,) which we also find indigenous in
France, Lombardy, and other parts of Europe. Japan, besides the
roses of China, possesses the _rosa rugosa_, the only one
peculiar to the clime.
Passing on to Hindostan, we may believe that the tiger which
prowls along the burning shores of the Bay of Bengal ofttimes
crouches under the boughs blooming with the lovely white corollas
of the many-bracted rose (_rosa involucrata_) to make his
deadly spring, and that the crocodiles of the Ganges find secure
hiding-places to lie in wait for their prey, beneath the
ever-succeeding red blossoms and never-fading luxuriant foliage
of the _rosa semperflorens_. How often, all the world over,
are sweetest things but lurking-places for pain and death!
{411}
Among the hills of the peninsula we meet the large-leaved rose,
(_rosa macrophylla_,) the tips of whose white petals are
each stained with a small bright red spot; and on the margin of
the sunny lakes of cool Cashmere, the milk-white flowers of
Lyell's rose, (_rosa Lyellii_,) a beautiful species that has
been successfully acclimatized in France.
In the gardens of Kandahar, Samarcand, and Ispahan the rose
_tree_ (_rosa arborea_) is cultivated; a real tree,
with wide-spreading branches, covered in the spring with snowy
flowers of the richest perfume, making fragrant the surrounding
hill and dales. In Persia we also find the barberry-leaved rose,
(_rosa berberifolia_,) a singular variety which displays a
star-like yellow corolla marked in the centre with a deep crimson
stain. So unlike is this flower to all others of the family that
one feels almost inclined to deny its claim to any relationship
with the queen of flowers. Science, however, has decided that the
_rosa berberifolia_ is a true rose.
Further on to the west, beneath "the sultry blue of Syria's
heaven," we encounter the lovely corymbs of the damask rose,
(_rosa damascena_,) with crimson velvet or variegated petals
and gold-colored stamens. It is said that the valiant knights who
accompanied the French king Saint Louis to the Crusades brought
back with them to France this beautiful flower, an ever-living
witness of their prowess in the Holy Land. It is as beloved by
the honey-bees of Europe as its wilder sisters on the sweet banks
of Jordan have ever been by the blossom-rifling rovers of
Palestine.
As the rose-seeker wanders forth from Syria toward the north he
is arrested for a moment by the vivid yellow double flowers of
the _rosa sulfurea_, but has scarcely time to admire them,
graceful though they be, before he catches sight of the loveliest
and most fragrant of all roses, the _rosa centifolia_, the
hundred-leaved rose, the rose of the nightingale, the rose of the
poet!
"Rose! what dost thou here?
Bridal, royal rose!
How, 'midst grief and fear,
Canst thou thus disclose
That fervid hue of love which to thy heart-leaf glows?
"Smilest thou, gorgeous flower?
Oh! within the spells
Of thy beauty's power
Something dimly dwells
At variance with a world of sorrows and farewells.
"All the soul forth-flowing
In that rich perfume,
All the proud life glowing
In that radiant bloom,
Have they no place but _here_, beneath th' o'ershadowing tomb?
"Crown'st thou but the daughters
Of our tearful race?
Heaven's own purest waters
Well might wear the trace
Of thy consummate form, melting to softer grace.
"Will that clime enfold thee
With immortal air?
Shall we not behold thee
Bright and deathless there?
In spirit-lustre clothed, transcendently more fair!"
The valleys of Circassia and Georgia are the birthplace of this
most beautiful of flowers, of whose exquisite form, color, and
perfume even Mrs. Hemans's rapturous verses can give no idea.
The fierce rose (_rosa ferox_) is sometimes found mingling
its great red flowers with those of _rosa centifolia_, and
the pulverulent rose (_rosa pulverulenta_) dwells near them
on the declivities of the Peak of Manzana.
As we hasten on through the dreary steppes of Russian Asia, we
meet the sad-looking yellowish rose, dismal in aspect as the land
it lives in, and more remarkable for its great pulpy hip than for
its flower. A little nearer to the north, the handsome,
large-flowered rose (_rosa grandiflora_) expands its elegant
corolla in the form of an antique vase, and on the plains lying
at the foot of the Ural mountains the reddish rose, (_rosa
rubella_,) with petals sometimes rich and deep in color, but
more often faint and faded-looking, gladdens for a moment the
heart-sore Polish exile as he wends his weary way to his living
grave, faint and faded-looking as the flower that reminds him of
his distant home.
{412}
Despite the cold breath of the frozen ocean, the acicular rose
(_rosa acicularis_) lives and thrives on its shores, and
regularly opens its pale-red solitary blossoms at the first call
of the short-lived Siberian summer. The icy breezes of the frigid
zone may have done much, however, toward developing the
ill-natured tendency to long, needle-like thorns to which this
rose owes its uncouth name.
Omitting ten or twelve other varieties, we will conclude the list
of the indigenous roses of Asia with the rose of Kamtschatka,
(_rosa Kamtschatica_,) a beautiful solitary flower of a
pinkish white color, and bearing some resemblance to the _rosa
rugosa_ of Japan.
The roses of Africa are still to be discovered; its vast
unexplored regions perhaps contain many as beautiful as those we
possess, but at present we are only acquainted with four or five
species, one of which, the dog-rose, so common all over Europe,
is a native of Egypt. Among the mountains of Abyssinia blooms a
pretty red variety with evergreen foliage, and on the borders of
that "wild expanse of lifeless sand," the great Sahara in Egypt,
and on the plains of Tunis and of Morocco, the corymbs of the
white musk-rose (_rosa moschata_) perfume the ambient air.
This charming flower is also indigenous to the Island of Madeira.
We have thus taken a bird's-eye view of the rose's
_habitat_, passing over much of interesting, much of curious
that has been written about the favorite flower. We might go on
and mention the singular and marvellous virtues attributed to it
by the ancients; we might (were we learned) learnedly discourse
on the Island of Rhodes, whose coins are found bearing the effigy
of the rose; of the rose-noble, and the old English fashion of
wearing a rose behind the ear; we might describe the gardens of
Ghazipour and the whole process of extracting the delicious attar
of roses; we might hint at the mysterious influence the scented
blossom appears to exercise over some strangely organized
individuals, who seem capable "of dying of a rose, in aromatic
pain;" but we prefer to conclude here our sketch of the geography
of roses.
Unlearned and superficial as we well know it is, it may show some
pleasant meanings to the young lover of flowers, and awaken his
curiosity to examine for himself the floral treasures that bloom
in every field, garden, and grove. Such a study will do more
toward filling his heart with a spirit of love and peace, and
elevating his mind above purely material cares, than any other
pursuit; for
"Where does the Wisdom and the Power divine
In a more bright and sweet reflection shine?"
"From nature up to nature's God" is the natural result of all
scientific investigations which are carried on with a real
capacity of observation and a sincere love of truth. Feeling and
thought, purified and sanctified by constant intercourse with the
high objects of life, with the enduring things of nature, fail
not to recognize the "Wisdom and the Spirit of the universe" in
his works.
"Were I, O God! in churchless lands remaining,
Far from all voice of teachers or divines,
My soul would find, in flowers of thy ordaining,
Priests, sermons, shrines!"
----------
{413}
Spanish Life and Character. [Footnote 120]
[Footnote 120: _Impressions of Spain_. By Lady
Herbert. New York: The Catholic Publication Society.
1869.
_Letters from Spain_. By William Cullen Bryant. 12mo.
New York: D. Appleton & Co.
_Voyage en Espagne_. Par M. Eugène Poitou. 8vo, pp.
483. Tours: A. Mame et Fila. 1869.]