I shall be extremely sorry if any man mistakes my meaning in any

thing I have said. Officers employed by the crown, are, while

according to the laws they conduct themselves, entitled to legal

obedience and sincere respect. These it is a duty to render them,

and these no good or prudent person will withhold. But when these

officers, thro' rashness or design, endeavour to enlarge their

authority beyond its due limits, and expect improper concessions

to be made to them, from regard for the employments they bear,

their attempts should be considered as equal injuries to the crown

and people, and should be courageously and constantly opposed. To

suffer our ideas to be confounded by names, on such occasions, would

certainly be an inexcusable weakness, and probably, an irremediable

error.

We have reason to believe, that several of his Majesty's present

ministers are good men, and friends to our country; and it seems

not unlikely, that by a particular concurrence of events, we have

been treated a little more severely than they wished we should

be. They might not think it prudent to stem a torrent. But what

is the difference to us, whether arbitrary acts take their rise

from ministers, or are permitted by them? Ought any point to be

allowed to a good[65] minister, that should be denied to a bad one?

The mortality of ministers is a very frail mortality. A * * * may

succeed a Shelburne--a * * * may succeed a Conway.

[65] "Ubi imperium ad ignaros aut minus bonos pervenit; novum

illud exemplum, ad dignis et idoneis, ad indignos et non idoneos

transfertur."

Sall. Bed. Cat. s. 50.

We find a new kind of minister lately spoken of at home----"The

minister of the house of Commons." The term seems to have particular

propriety when referred to these colonies, with a different meaning

annexed to it, from that in which it is taken there. By the word

"minister" we may understand not only a servant of the crown, but a

man of influence among the Commons, who regard themselves as having

a share of the sovereignty over us. The minister of the house may,

in a point respecting the colonies, be so strong, that the minister

of the crown in the house, if he is a distinct person, may not

chuse, even where his sentiments are favourable to us, to come to a

pitched battle upon our account. For tho' I have the highest opinion

of the deference of the house for the King's minister; yet he may

be so good natured as not to put it to the test, except it be for

the mere and immediate profit of his master or himself.

But whatever kind of minister he is, that attempts to innovate a

single iota in the privileges of these colonies, him I hope you will

undauntedly oppose, and that you will never suffer yourselves to be

either cheated or frightened into any unworthy obsequiousness. On

such emergencies you may surely without presumption believe that

ALMIGHTY GOD himself will look down upon your righteous contest with

gracious approbation. You will be a "Band of brother's" cemented by

the dearest ties--and strengthened with inconceivable supplies of

force and constancy, by that sympathetic ardour which animates good

men, confederated in a good cause. Your honour and welfare will be,

as they now are, most intimately concerned; and besides----you are

assigned by Divine Providence, in the appointed order of things,

the protectors of unborn ages, whose fate depends upon your virtue.

Whether they shall arise the noble and indisputable heirs of the

richest patrimonies, or the dastardly and hereditary drudges of

imperious task-masters, you must determine.

To discharge this double duty to yourselves and to your

posterity; you have nothing to do, but to call forth into

use the good sense and spirit, of which you are possessed.

You have nothing to do, but to conduct your affairspeaceably----

prudently----firmly----jointly. By these means you will support the

character of freemen, without losing that of faithful subjects--a

good character in any government--one of the best under a British

government. You will prove that Americans have that true magnanimity

of soul, that can resent injuries without falling into rage; and

that tho' your devotion to Great-Britain is the most affectionate,

yet you can make proper distinctions, and know what you owe to

yourselves as well as to her----you will, at the same time that

you advance your interests, advance your reputation--you will

convince the world of the justice of your demands, and the purity

of your intentions--while all mankind must with unceasing applauses

confess, that you indeed deserve liberty, who so well understand it,

so passionately love it, so temperately enjoy it, and so wisely,

bravely, and virtuously, assert, maintain, and defend it.

"_Certe ego libertatem quæ mihi a parente meo tradita est,

experiar, verum id frustra, an ob rem faciam, in vestra manu

situm est, quirites._"

"For my part, I am resolved strenuously to contend for the

liberty delivered down to me from my ancestors; but whether

I shall do this effectually or not, depends on you, my

countrymen."

How little soever one is able to write, yet, when the liberties

of one's country are threatened, it is still more difficult to be

silent.

A FARMER.

_Is there not the greatest reason to hope, if the universal sense of

the colonies is immediately exprest by resolves of the assemblies,

in support of their rights; by instructions to their agents on the

subject; and by petitions to the crown and parliament for redress;

that those measures will have the same success now that they had in

the time of the Stamp-act._

To the ingenious Author of certain patriotic Letters, subscribed A

FARMER.

MUCH RESPECTED SIR,

When the rights and liberties of the numerous and loyal inhabitants

of this extensive continent are in imminent danger,--when the

inveterate enemies of these colonies are not more assiduous to forge

fetters for them, than diligent to delude the people, and zealous to

persuade them to an indolent acquiescence: At this alarming period,

when to reluct is deemed a revolt, and to oppose such measures as

are injudicious and destructive, is construed as a formal attempt

to subvert order and government; when to reason is to rebel; and a

ready submission to the rod of power, is sollicited by the tenders

of place and patronage, or urged by the menace of danger and

disgrace: 'Tis to YOU, worthy SIR, that AMERICA is obliged, for

a most seasonable, sensible, loyal, and vigorous vindication of

her invaded rights and liberties: 'Tis to YOU, the distinguished

honour is due; that when many of the friends of liberty were ready

to fear its utter subversion: Armed with truth, supported by the

immutable laws of nature, the common inheritance of man, and leaning

on the pillars of the BRITISH constitution; you seasonably brought

your aid, opposed impending ruin, awakened the most indolent and

inactive, to a sense of danger, re-animated the hopes of those,

who had before exerted themselves in the cause of freedom, and

instructed AMERICA in the best means to obtain redress.

Nor is this western world alone indebted to your wisdom, fortitude,

and patriotism: GREAT-BRITAIN also may be confirmed by you, that to

be truly great and successful, she must be just: That to oppress

AMERICA, is to violate her own honours, defeat her brightest

prospects, and contract her spreading empire.

To such eminent worth and virtue, the inhabitants of the town of

BOSTON, the capital of the province of the MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, in

full town meeting assembled, express their earliest gratitude.

Actuated themselves by the same generous principles, which appear

with so much lustre in your useful labours, they will not fail

warmly to recommend, and industriously to promote that union among

the several colonies, which is so indispensably necessary for the

security of the whole.

Tho' such superior merit must assuredly, in the closest recess,

enjoy the divine satisfaction of having served, and possibly

saved this people; tho' veiled from our view, you modestly shun

the deserved applause of millions; permit us to intrude upon your

retirement, and salute The FARMER, as the FRIEND OF AMERICANS, and

the common benefactor of mankind.

_Boston, March 22, 1768._

The above letter was read, and unanimously accepted by the town,

and ordered to be published in the several news-papers.

_Attest._ WILLIAM COOPER, Town-Clerk.

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* * * * *

Transcriber's note:

Minor typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected

without note. Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have

been retained as printed.

Mismatched quotes are not fixed if it's not sufficiently clear where

the missing quote should be placed.

In the book there are notes at the bottom of pages xxxii to xxxvii

referring to certain toasts. For ease of reading, the transcriber

has moved the notes to follow the toast to which it refers.

Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies · 第 11 / 11 段