laudable principles, if we do not restrain ourselves to a general
approbation, which may be given in few words, the article will
unavoidably contain more from the author of it, than from ourselves;
this, if any excuse is needful for enabling our Readers, in some
measure, to judge for themselves, is pleaded as an apology for our
copious extracts from these excellent letters. To conclude; if
_reason_ is to decide between us and our colonies, in the affairs
here controverted, our Author, whose name the advertisements inform
us is Dickenson,[7] will not perhaps easily meet with a satisfactory
refutation."
[7] Of Pennsylvania. See his dispute with Mr. Galloway, Review,
vol.
xxxii. p. 67.
LETTERS
FROM
A FARMER.
LETTERS
FROM
A FARMER in _Pennsylvania_,
To the INHABITANTS
OF THE
BRITISH COLONIES.
BOSTON:
PRINTED BY MEIN AND FLEEMING, AND TO
BE SOLD BY JOHN MEIN, AT THE
LONDON BOOK-STORE, NORTH-SIDE
OF KING-STREET.
M DCC LXVIII.
LETTERS
FROM
A FARMER.
LETTER I.
_My Dear Countrymen_,
I am a farmer, settled after a variety of fortunes, near the banks,
of the river _Delaware_, in the province of _Pennsylvania_. I
received a liberal education, and have been engaged in the busy
scenes of life: But am now convinced, that a man may be as happy
without bustle, as with it. My farm is small, my servants are few,
and good; I have a little money at interest; I wish for no more: my
employment in my own affairs is easy; and with a contented grateful
mind, I am compleating the number of days allotted to me by divine
goodness.
Being master of my time, I spend a good deal of it in a library,
which I think the most valuable part of my small estate; and being
acquainted with two or three gentlemen of abilities and learning,
who honour me with their friendship, I believe I have acquired a
greater share of knowledge in history, and the laws and constitution
of my country, than is generally attained by men of my class, many
of them not being so fortunate as I have been in the opportunities
of getting information.
From infancy I was taught to love humanity and liberty. Inquiry and
experience have since confirmed my reverence for the lessons then
given me, by convincing me more fully of their truth and excellence.
Benevolence towards mankind excites wishes for their welfare, and
such wishes endear the means of fulfilling them. Those can be
found in liberty alone, and therefore her sacred cause ought to
be espoused by every man, on every occasion, to the utmost of his
power: as a charitable but poor person does not withhold his _mite_,
because he cannot relieve _all_ the distresses of the miserable,
so let not any honest man suppress his sentiments concerning
freedom, however small their influence is likely to be. Perhaps he
may "[8]touch some wheel" that will have an effect greater than he
expects.
[8] POPE.
These being my sentiments, I am encouraged to offer to you, my
countrymen, my thoughts on some late transactions, that in my
opinion are of the utmost importance to you. Conscious of my
defects, I have waited some time, in expectation of seeing the
subject treated by persons much better qualified for the task; but
being therein disappointed, and apprehensive that longer delays will
be injurious, I venture at length to request the attention of the
public, praying only for one thing,--that is that these lines may be
_read_ with the same zeal for the happiness of British America, with
which they were _wrote_.
With a good deal of surprise I have observed, that little notice has
been taken of an act of parliament, as injurious in its principle to
the liberties of these colonies, as the STAMP-ACT was: I mean the
act for suspending the legislation of New-York.
The assembly of that government complied with a former act of
parliament, requiring certain provisions to be made for the troops
in America, in every particular, I think, except the articles of
salt, pepper, and vinegar. In my opinion they acted imprudently,
considering all circumstances, in not complying so far, as would
have given satisfaction, as several colonies did: but my dislike of
their conduct in that instance, has not blinded me so much, that I
cannot plainly perceive, that they have been punished in a manner
pernicious to American freedom, and justly alarming to all the
colonies.
If the BRITISH PARLIAMENT has a legal authority to order, that we
shall furnish a single article for the troops here, and to compel
obedience to that order; they have the same right to order us to
supply those troops with arms, cloaths, and every necessary, and to
compel obedience to that order also; in short, to lay _any burdens_
they please upon us. What is this but _taxing_ us at a _certain
sum_, and leaving to us only the _manner_ of raising it? How is this
mode more tolerable than the STAMP ACT? Would that act have appeared
more pleasing to AMERICANS, if being ordered thereby to raise the
sum total of the taxes, the mighty privilege had been left to them,
of saying how much should be paid for an instrument of writing on
paper, and how much for another on parchment?
An act of parliament commanding us to do a certain thing, if it
has any validity, is a tax upon us for the expence that accrues in
complying with it, and for this reason, I believe, every colony
on the continent, that chose to give a mark of their respect for
GREAT-BRITAIN, in complying with the act relating to the troops,
cautiously avoided the mention of that act, lest their conduct
should be attributed to its supposed obligation.
The matter being thus stated, the assembly of _New-York_ either
had, or had not a right to refuse submission to that act. If
they had, and I imagine no AMERICAN will say, they had not, then
the parliament had no _right_ to compel them to execute it.--If
they had not _that right_, they had _no right_ to punish them for
not executing it; and therefore had _no right_ to suspend their
legislation, which is a punishment. In fact, if the people of
_New-York_ cannot be legally taxed but by their own representatives,
they cannot be legally deprived of the privileges of making laws,
only for insisting on that exclusive privilege of taxation. If
they may be legally deprived in such a case of the privilege of
making laws, why may they not, with equal reason, be deprived of
every other privilege? Or why may not every colony be treated in
the same manner, when any of them shall dare to deny their assent
to any impositions that shall be directed? Or what signifies the
repeal of the STAMP-ACT, if these colonies are to lose their _other_
privileges, by not tamely surrendering that of _taxation_?
There is one consideration arising from this suspicion, which is
not generally attended to, but shews its importance very clearly.
It was not _necessary_ that this suspension should be caused by an
act of parliament. The crown might have restrained the governor
of _New-York_, even from calling the assembly together, by its
prerogative in the royal governments. This step, I suppose, would
have been taken, if the conduct of the assembly of _New-York_,
had been regarded as an act of disobedience _to the crown alone_:
but it is regarded as an act of "disobedience to the authority of
the BRITISH LEGISLATURE." This gives the suspension a consequence
vastly more affecting. It is a parliamentary assertion of the
_supreme authority_ of the _British legislature_ over these colonies
in _the part of taxation_; and is intended to COMPEL _New-York_
unto a submission to that authority. It seems therefore to me as
much a violation of the liberty of the people of that province,
and consequently of all these colonies, as if the parliament had
sent a number of regiments to be quartered upon them till they
should comply. For it is evident, that the suspension is meant as a
compulsion; and the _method_ of compelling is totally indifferent.
It is indeed probable, that the sight of red coats, and the beating
of drums would have been most alarming, because people are generally
more influenced by their eyes and ears than by their reason: But
whoever seriously considers the matter, must perceive, that a
dreadful stroke is aimed at the liberty of these colonies: For
the cause of _one_ is the cause of _all_. If the parliament may
lawfully deprive _New-York_ of any of its rights, it may deprive
any, or all the other colonies of their rights; and nothing can
possibly so much encourage such attempts, as a mutual inattention
to the interest of each other. _To divide, and thus to destroy_,
is the first political maxim in attacking those who are powerful by
their union. He certainly is not a wise man, who folds his arms and
reposeth himself at home, seeing with unconcern the flames that have
invaded his neighbour's house, without any endeavours to extinguish
them. When Mr. _Hampden's_ ship-money cause, for three shillings and
four-pence, was tried, all the people of _England_, with anxious
expectation, interested themselves in the important decision; and
when the slightest point touching the freedom of a single colony is
agitated, I earnestly wish, that all the rest may with equal ardour
support their sister. Very much may be said on this subject, but I
hope, more at present is unnecessary.
With concern I have observed that two assemblies of this province
have sat and adjourned, without taking any notice of this act. It
may perhaps be asked, what would have been proper for them to do? I
am by no means fond of inflammatory measures. I detest them.----I
should be sorry that any thing should be done which might justly
displease our sovereign or our mother-country. But a firm, modest
exertion of a free spirit, should never be wanting on public
occasions. It appears to me, that it would have been sufficient for
the assembly, to have ordered our agents to represent to the King's
ministers, their sense of the suspending act, and to pray for its
repeal. Thus we should have borne our testimony against it; and
might therefore reasonably expect that on a like occasion, we might
receive the same assistance from the other colonies.
"_Concordia res parvæ crescunt._"
Small things grow great by concord.--
A FARMER.
LETTER II.
_Beloved Countrymen_,
There is another late act of parliament, which seems to me to be as
destructive to the liberty of these colonies, as that inserted in
my last letter; that is, the act for granting the duties on paper,
glass, &c. It appears to me to be unconstitutional.
The parliament unquestionably possesses a legal authority to
_regulate_ the trade of _Great-Britain_, and all its colonies.
Such an authority is essential to the relation between a mother
country and its colonies; and necessary for the common good of
all. He, who considers these provinces as states distinct from the
_British Empire_, has very slender notions of _justice_ or of _their
interests_. We are but parts of _a whole_; and therefore there must
exist a power somewhere, to preside, and preserve the connection in
due order. This power is lodged in the parliament; and we are as
much dependant on _Great-Britain_, as a perfectly free people can be
on another.
I have looked over every _statute_ relating to these colonies, from
their first settlement to this time; and I find every one of them
founded on this principle, till the STAMP-ACT administration[9].
_All before_ are calculated to preserve or promote a mutually
beneficial intercourse between the several constituent parts of the
empire; and though many of them imposed duties on trade, yet those
duties were always imposed _with design_ to restrain the commerce
of one part, that was injurious to another, and thus to promote
the general welfare. The raising a revenue thereby was never
intended. Thus, the king by his judges in his courts of justice,
imposes fines, which all together amount to a considerable sum,
and contribute to the support of government: but this is merely
a consequence arising from restrictions, which only meant to
keep peace, and prevent confusion; and surely a man would argue
very loosely, who should conclude from hence, that the King has a
right to levy money in general upon his subjects; Never did the
_British parliament_, till the period abovementioned, think of
imposing duties in America FOR THE PURPOSE OF RAISING A REVENUE.
Mr. _Greenville's_ sagacity first introduced this language, in the
preamble to the 4th of Geo. III. Ch. 15, which has these words--"And
whereas it is just and necessary that a REVENUE BE RAISED IN YOUR
MAJESTY'S SAID DOMINIONS IN AMERICA, _for defraying the expences
of defending, protecting and securing the same_: We your Majesty's
most dutiful and loyal subjects, THE COMMONS OF GREAT BRITAIN, in
parliament assembled, being desirous to make some provision in the
present session of parliament, towards raising the said revenue
in America, have resolved to give and grant unto your Majesty the
several rates and duties herein after mentioned," &c.
[9] For the satisfaction of the reader, recitals from former
acts of parliament relating to these colonies are added. By
comparing these with the modern acts, he will perceive their
great difference in expression and intention.
The 12th Cha. II Chap. 18, which forms the foundation of
the laws relating to our trade, by enacting that certain
productions of the colonies shall be carried to England only,
and that no goods shall be imported from the plantations but
in ships belonging to England, Ireland, Wales, Berwick, or the
Plantations, &c. begins thus: "For the increase of shipping, and
encouragement of the navigation of this nation, wherein, under
the good providence and protection of God, the wealth, safety,
and strength of this kingdom is so much concerned," &c.
The 15th Cha. II. Chap. 7. enforcing the same regulation,
assigns these reasons for it. "In regard to his Majesty's
plantations, beyond the seas, are inhabited and peopled by his
subjects of this his kingdom of England; for the maintaining a
greater correspondence and kindness between them, and keeping
them in a firmer dependence upon it, and rendering them yet more
beneficial and advantageous unto it, in the further employment
and increase of English shipping and seamen, vent of English
woolen, and other manufactures and commodities, rendering the
navigation to and from the same more safe and cheap, and making
this kingdom a staple, not only of the commodities of those
plantations, but also of the commodities of other countries and
places for the supplying of them; and it being the usage of
other nations to keep their plantations trade to themselves," &c.
The 25th Cha. II. Chap. 7, made expressly "for the better
securing the plantation trade," which imposes duties on certain
commodities exported from one colony to another, mentions this
last for imposing them: "Whereas by one act passed in the 12th
year of your Majesty's reign, intitled, an act for encouragement
of shipping and navigation, and by several other laws, passed
since that time, it is permitted to ship, &c. sugars, tobacco,
&c. of the growth, &c. of any of your Majesty's plantations in
America &c. from the places of their growth, &c. to any other of
your Majesty's plantations in those parts, &c. and that without
paying of custom for the same, either at the lading or unlading
the said commodities, by means whereof the trade and navigation
in those commodities from one plantation to another is greatly
encreased, and the inhabitants of divers of those colonies, not
contenting themselves with being supplied with those commodities
for their own use, free from all customs (while the subjects
of this your kingdom of England have paid great customs and
impositions for what of them hath been spent here) but, contrary
to the express letter of the aforesaid laws, have brought into
diverse parts of Europe great quantities thereof, and do also
vend great quantities thereof to the shipping of other nations,
who bring them into divers parts of Europe, to the great hurt
and diminution of your Majesty's customs, and of the trade and
navigation of this your kingdom; for the prevention thereof, &c."
The 7th and 8th Will. III. Chap. 21, intitled, "An act for
preventing frauds, and regulating abuses in the plantation
trade," recites that, "notwithstanding diverse acts, &c. great
abuses are daily committed, to the prejudice of the English
navigation, and the loss of a great part of the plantation trade
to this kingdom, by the artifice and cunning of ill disposed
persons: for remedy whereof, &c. And whereas in some of his
Majesty's American plantations, a doubt or misconstruction has
arisen upon the before mentioned acts, made in the 25th year
of the reign of Charles II. whereby certain duties are laid
upon the commodities therein enumerated (which by law may be
transported from one plantation to another, for the supplying of
each others wants) as if the same were, by the payment of those
duties in one plantation, discharged from giving the securities
intended by the aforesaid acts, made in the 12th, 22d and 23d
years of the reign of King Charles II. and consequently be at
liberty to go to any foreign market in Europe," &c.
The 6th Anne, Chap. 37, reciting the advancement of trade, &c.
and encouragement of ships of war, &c. grants to the captors the
property of all prizes carried into America, subject to such
customs and duties, &c. as if the same had been first imported
into any part of Great-Britain, and from thence exported, &c.
This was a gift to persons acting under commissions from the
crown, and therefore it was reasonable that the terms prescribed
should be complied with----more especially as the payment of
such duties was intended to give a preference to the productions
of the British colonies, over those of other colonies. However,
being found inconvenient to the colonies, about four years
afterwards, this act was, for that reason, so far repealed,
by another act "all prize goods, imported into any part of
Great-Britain, from any of the plantations, were liable to such
duties only in Great-Britain, as in case they had been of the
growth and produce of the plantations," &c.
The 6th Geo. II. Chap. 13, which imposes duties on foreign rum,
sugar and molasses, imported into the colonies, shews the reason
thus.--"Whereas the welfare and prosperity of your Majesty's
sugar colonies in America, are of the greatest consequence
and importance to the trade, navigation and strength of this
kingdom; and whereas the planters of the said sugar colonies,
have of late years fallen under such great discouragements that
they are unable to improve or carry on the sugar trade, upon
an equal footing with the foreign sugar colonies, without some
advantage and relief be given to them from Great-Britain: For
remedy whereof, and for the good and welfare of your Majesty's
subjects," &c.
The 29th Geo. II. Chap. 26. and the 1st Geo. III. Chap. 9, which
contains 6th Geo. II. Chap. 13, declare, that the said act hath,
by experience, been found useful and beneficial, &c. There are
all the most considerable statutes relating to the commerce of
the colonies; and it is thought to be utterly unnecessary to add
any observations to these extracts, to prove that they were all
intended solely as regulations of trade.
A few months after came the _Stamp-act_, which reciting this,
proceeds in the same strange mode of expression, thus--"And whereas
it is just and necessary, that provision be made FOR RAISING A
FURTHER REVENUE WITHIN YOUR MAJESTY'S DOMINIONS IN AMERICA, towards
defraying the said expences, we your Majesty's most dutiful and
loyal subjects, the COMMONS OF GREAT-BRITAIN, &c. GIVE and GRANT,"
&c. as before.
The last act, granting duties upon paper, &c. carefully pursues
these modern precedents. The preamble is, "Whereas it is expedient
that a revenue should be raised in your Majesty's dominions in
America, for making a more certain and adequate provision for the
defraying the charge of the administration of justice, and the
support of civil government in such provinces, where it shall be
found necessary; and towards the further defraying the expences
of defending, protecting and securing the said dominions, we
your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the COMMONS OF
GREAT-BRITAIN, &c. give and grant," &c. as before.
Here we may observe an authority _expressly_ claimed to impose
duties on these colonies; not for the regulation of trade; not for
the preservation or promotion of a mutually beneficial intercourse
between the several constituent parts of the empire, heretofore the
_sole objects_ of parliamentary institutions; _but for the single
purpose of levying money upon us_.
This I call an[10] innovation; and a most dangerous innovation.
It may perhaps be objected, that _Great-Britain_ has a right to
lay what duties she pleases upon her[11] exports, and it makes no
difference to us, whether they are paid here or there.
[10] It is worthy observation how quickly subsidies, granted
in forms usual and accustomable (tho' heavy) are borne;
such a power hath use and custom. On the other side, what
discontentment and disturbances subsidies formed on new moulds
do raise (such an inbred hatred novelty doth hatch) is evident
by examples of former times. Lord Coke's 2d institute, p. 33.
[11] Some people, whose minds seem incapable of uniting two
ideas, think that Great-Britain has the same right to impose
duties on the exports to these colonies, as on those to Spain
and Portugal, &c. Such persons attend so much to the idea of
exportation, that they entirely drop that of the connection
between the mother country and her colonies. If Great-Britain
had always claimed, and exercised an authority to compel Spain
and Portugal to import manufactures from her only, the cases
would be parallel: But as she never pretended to such a right,
they are at liberty to get them where they please; and if they
chuse to take them from her, rather than from other nations,
they voluntary consent to pay the duties imposed on them.
To this I answer. These colonies require many things for their use,
which the laws of _Great-Britain_ prohibit them from getting any
where but from her. Such are paper and glass.
That we may be legally bound to pay any _general_ duties on these
commodities, relative to the regulation of trade, is granted; but
we being _obliged by her laws_ to take them from Great Britain, any
_special_ duties imposed on their exportation _to us only, with
intention to raise a revenue from us only_, are as much _taxes_ upon
us, as those imposed by the _Stamp-act_.
What is the difference in _substance_ and _right_, whether the same
sum is raised upon us by the rates mentioned in the Stamp-act, on
the _use_ of the paper, or by these duties, on the _importation_ of
it. It is nothing but the edition of a former book, with a new title
page.
Suppose the duties were made payable in _Great-Britain_?
It signifies nothing to us, whether they are to be paid here or
there. Had the _Stamp-act_ directed, that all the paper should
be landed in _Florida_, and the duties paid there, before it was
brought to the _British Colonies_, would the act have raised less
money upon us, or have been less destructive of our rights? By no
means: For as we were under a necessity of using the paper, we
should have been under the necessity of paying the duties. Thus, in
the present case, a like _necessity_ will subject us, if this act
continues in force, to the payment of the duties now imposed.
Why was the _Stamp-act_ then so pernicious to freedom? It did
not enact, that every man in the colonies _should_ buy a certain
quantity of paper--No: It only directed, that no instrument of
writing should be valid in law, if not made on stamp paper, &c.
The makers of that act knew full well, that the confusions that
would arise upon the disuse of writings would COMPEL the colonies
to use the stamp paper, and therefore to pay the taxes imposed. For
this reason the _Stamp-act_ was said to be a law THAT WOULD EXECUTE
ITSELF. For the very same reason, the last act of parliament, if it
is granted to have any force here, will execute itself, and will be
attended with the very same consequences to _American Liberty_.