Transcriber's note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.
The carat character (^) indicates that the following letter is
superscripted (example: Esq^r).
LETTERS
FROM A FARMER IN
PENNSYLVANIA.
[Illustration: THE PATRIOTIC AMERICAN FARMER.
J-N D-K-NS--N Esq^r. BARRISTER AT LAW:
Who with Attic Eloquence and Roman Spirit hath Asserted, The
Liberties of the BRITISH Colonies in America.
'Tis nobly done, to Stem Taxations Rage;
And raise, the thoughts of a degen'rate Age,
For Happiness, and Joy, from Freedom Spring;
But Life in Bondage, is a worthless Thing.
Printed for & Sold by R. Bell. Bookseller]
LETTERS
FROM
A FARMER in _Pennsylvania_,
TO THE INHABITANTS OF
THE BRITISH COLONIES
BY
JOHN DICKINSON
WITH AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
BY
R. T. H. HALSEY
[Illustration: mark]
NEW YORK
THE OUTLOOK COMPANY
1903
Copyright, 1903 By R. T. H. HALSEY
TO THE MEMORY
OF ONE WHO LOVED HER COUNTRY
AND ALL THAT PERTAINED
TO ITS HISTORY
CONTENTS.
PAGE
INTRODUCTION xvii
NOTES xlix
LETTER I 5
LETTER II 13
LETTER III 27
LETTER IV 37
LETTER V 47
LETTER VI 59
LETTER VII 67
LETTER VIII 79
LETTER IX 87
LETTER X 101
LETTER XI 117
LETTER XII 133
LETTER OF THANKS FROM THE TOWN
OF BOSTON 147
ILLUSTRATIONS.
THE PATRIOTIC AMERICAN FARMER
J-N D-K-NS-N, Esq^r, Barrister-at-Law Frontispiece
Photogravure on copper.
INITIAL LETTER FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA
CHRONICLE OF 1768 Title
Line etching on copper.
CHELSEA DERBY PORCELAIN STATUETTE
OF CATHERINE MACAULAY xliii
Bierstadt process color print.
INTRODUCTION.
In the issue of the PENNSYLVANIA CHRONICLE AND UNIVERSAL ADVERTISER
of November 30th-December 3d, 1767, appeared the first of twelve
successive weekly "_Letters from a_ FARMER _in_ Pennsylvania _to
the Inhabitants of the_ British _Colonies_," in which the attitude
assumed by the British Parliament towards the American Colonies was
exhaustively discussed. So extensive was their popularity that they
were immediately reprinted in almost all our Colonial newspapers.
The outbursts of joy throughout America occasioned by the repeal of
the Stamp Act had scarcely subsided when, the protracted illness
of Lord Chatham having left the Ministry without a head, the
indomitable Charles Townsend, to the amazement of his colleagues
and unfeigned delight of his King, introduced measure after measure
under the pretence that they were demanded by the necessities of
the Exchequer; but in reality for the purpose of demonstrating the
supremacy of the power of the Parliament of Great Britain over her
colonies in America. Among these Acts were those which provided for
the billeting of troops in the various colonies; others called for
duties upon glass, lead, paint, oil, tea, etc. Of dire portent was
the provision therein, that the revenues thus obtained be used for
the maintenance of a Civil List in America, and for the payment of
the salaries of the Royal Governors and Justices, salaries which had
hitherto been voted by the various Assemblies. The Assembly of New
York, having failed to comply strictly with the letter of the law in
regard to the billeting of the King's troops, was punished by having
its legislative powers suspended.
This action boded ill for the future of any law-making body in
America which should fail to carry out strictly any measure upon
which the British Parliament might agree. The Colonies needed
a common ground on which to meet in their opposition to these
arbitrary Acts of Parliament. The deeds of violence and the
tumultuous and passionate harangues in the northern colonies met
with little sympathy among a large class in the middle and southern
colonies, who, while chafing under the attacks upon their liberties,
hesitated to favor resistance to the home government because of
their unswerving loyalty to their King and their love for the
country to whom and to which they owed allegiance. To these "The
Farmer" appealed when he wrote, "The cause of liberty is a cause of
too much dignity to be slighted by turbulence and tumult. It ought
to be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature, those who
engage in it should breathe a sedate yet fervent spirit animating
them to actions of prudence, justice, modesty, bravery, humanity and
magnanimity." The convincing logic of these letters clearly proved
that the constitutional rights belonging to Englishmen were being
trampled upon in the colonies, and furnished a platform upon which
all those who feared their liberties were endangered could unite.
Under the date of the fifth of November, 1767, the seventy-ninth
anniversary of the day on which the landing of William the Third
at Torbay gave constitutional liberty to all Englishmen, John
Dickinson, of Pennsylvania (for before long it became known that he
was the illustrious author), in a letter addressed to his "beloved
countrymen," called attention to the lack of interest shown by the
Colonies in the act suspending the legislative powers of New York,
and logically pointed out that the precedent thereby established was
a blow at the liberty of all the other Colonies, laying particular
emphasis upon the danger of mutual inattention by the Colonies to
the interests of one another.
The education and training of the author well qualified him to
handle his subject. Born in 1732 on his ancestral plantation on the
eastern shore of Maryland, from early youth John Dickinson had had
the advantages of a classical education.[1] His nineteenth year
found him reading law in a lawyer's office in Philadelphia. Three
years later, he sailed for England, where he devoted four important
years to study at the Middle Temple, and then and there obtained
that knowledge of English common law and constitutional history, and
imbibed the traditions of liberty belonging to Englishmen on which
he later founded his plea for the resistance of the Colonies to the
ministerial attacks upon their liberty. On his return home he took
up the practice of his profession at Philadelphia, and immediately
won for himself a high place at the Bar. Elected in 1760 a member of
the Assembly of Delaware, his reputation for ability and political
discernment gained him its speakership. In 1762 he became a member
of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, where he acquired great prominence
and unpopularity, which later cost him his seat in that body, on
account of his opposition to the Assembly's sending a petition to
the King praying that the latter "would _resume_ the government of
the province, making such compensation to the proprietaries as would
be equitable, and permitting the inhabitants to enjoy under the new
government the privileges that have been granted to them by and
under your Royal ministries."
[1] "The Life and Times of John Dickinson," by Charles J. Stillé.
Possibly Dickinson's knowledge of the personality of the Ministry
and the dominant spirits in English political circles gained
while abroad, led him bitterly to attack this measure, fathered
and supported by Franklin, for subsequent events soon showed the
far-sightedness which led him to distrust the wisdom of a demand for
the revoking of the Proprietary Charter, even though it were a bad
one. His part in the controversy forced even his bitterest opponents
to admire his ability. The enormous debt incurred by Great Britain
during the then recent war with France led the Ministry to look for
some way of lightening taxation at home. It was decided that America
must pay a share toward lifting the burden resting heavily on
those in England, caused by the financing of the expenses of a war
which drove France from North America. The fact that the colonies
had furnished, equipped and maintained in the field twenty-five
thousand troops and had incurred debts far heavier in proportion
than those at home was forgotten. In 1764 was passed the "Sugar
Act," which extended and enlarged the Navigation Acts and made
England the channel through which not only all European, but also
all Asiatic trade to and from the colonies must flow. At the same
time an announcement was made that "Stamp Duties" would be added
later on. The next year from Dickinson's pen appeared a pamphlet
entitled "THE LATE REGULATIONS RESPECTING THE BRITISH COLONIES ON
THE CONTINENT OF AMERICA CONSIDERED, in a Letter from a Gentleman
in PHILADELPHIA to his Friend in LONDON," in which these late
regulations and proposed measures were discussed entirely from an
economic standpoint. In it was clearly shown how dependent were the
manufacturers and traders in England for their prosperity upon the
trade of the colonies and that any restraint of American trade would
naturally curtail the ability of those in the colonies to purchase
from the home market. The Stamp Act was opposed on the ground that
the already impoverished colonies would be drained of all their gold
and silver which necessarily would have to go abroad in the payment
for the stamps. This letter was conciliatory and persuasive, yet in
the closing pages Dickinson asked:
"What then can we do? Which way shall we turn ourselves? How may we
mitigate the miseries of our country? _Great Britain_ gives us an
example to guide us? SHE TEACHES US TO MAKE A DISTINCTION BETWEEN
HER INTERESTS AND OUR OWN.
"Teaches! She requires--commands--insists upon
it--threatens--compels--and even distresses us into it.
"We have our choice of these two things--to continue our present
limited and disadvantageous commerce--or to promote manufactures
among ourselves, with a habit of economy, and thereby remove the
necessity we are now under of being supplied by _Great Britain_.
"It is not difficult to determine which of these things is most
eligible. Could the last of them be only so far executed as to bring
our demand for British manufactures below the profits of our foreign
trade, and the amount of our commodities immediately remitted home,
these colonies might revive and flourish. States and families are
enriched by the same means; that is, by being so industrious and
frugal as to spend less than what they raise can pay for."
The various Non-Importation Agreements signed during the next ten
years, bear testimony to the popularity of the proposed plan.
This pamphlet circulated freely and increased Dickinson's reputation
as that of a man capable of thoroughly discussing public measures;
it also brought his name to the attention of the British public for
whom the "Letter" was especially written.
At the call of Massachusetts, representatives of nine of the
colonies met in New York in October, 1764, and after a long
discussion (in which Dickinson's knowledge of constitutional law
and English colonial policy enabled him to assume the leadership)
issued a "Declaration of Rights," in which it was asserted
that the inhabitants of the Colonies, standing on their rights
as Englishmen, could not be taxed by the House of Commons while
unrepresented in that body. Memorials were sent abroad protesting
against the proposed acts, expressing, however, their willingness
to meet loyally as in the past any properly accredited requisitions
for funds sent to the various Assemblies. Notwithstanding this
opposition, and the protests of all friends of America in England,
the Stamp Act was passed. A year later it was repealed.
_JUST PUBLISHED._
_Printed on a large Type, and fine Paper_,
And to be sold at the _LONDON BOOK STORE_
North Side of King-street
_LETTERS_
FROM
A FARMER in _PENNSYLVANIA_
To the INHABITANTS of the
BRITISH COLONIES.
(_Price two Pistareens_)
Among all the WRITERS in favor of the COLONIES,
the FARMER shines unrivalled, for _strength_ of _Argument_,
_Elegance_ of _Diction_, _Knowledge_ in the _Laws_ of _Great Britain_,
and _the true interest_ of the COLONIES: A _pathetic_
and _persuasive eloquence_ runs thro the whole of these
Letters: They have been printed in every _Colony_ from _Florida_
to _Nova Scotia_; and the _universal applause_ so justly
bestowed on the _AUTHOR_, hath fully testified the GRATITUDE
of the PEOPLE OF AMERICA, for such an
_able Adviser_ and _affectionate Friend_.
Written in a plain, pure style, with illustrations and arguments
drawn from ecclesiastical, classical and English history, each point
proven with telling accuracy and convincing logic, conciliatory
to the English people, and filled with expressions of loyalty to
the King, these essays, popularly known as the "Farmer's Letters,"
furnished the basis on which all those who resented the attacks on
their liberty were able to unite. Town meetings[2] and Assemblies
vied with each other in their resolutions of thanks. The "Letters"
were published immediately in book form in Philadelphia (three
different editions), New York, Boston (two different editions),
Williamsburgh, London (with a preface written by Franklin), and
Dublin. Franklin was influential, also, in having them translated
into French, and published on the Continent. Owing to the beauty of
its typography and the excellence of its book-making, the Boston
edition, published by Messrs. Mein & Fleeming, has been selected
for republication, and has been reprinted line for line and page
for page, in a type varying but slightly from that used by Mein
& Fleeming. A few typographical errors have been corrected, but
the irregularities in spelling, wherever they exist throughout
the various editions, have been retained. The binding also is
a reproduction of that of the original. Its publication[3] was
announced in the "Boston Chronicle," March 14-21, 1768, by the
advertisement reprinted on the preceding page.
[2] The "Address from the Town of Providence," printed from the
original manuscript, is to be found in the Notes, page li.
[3] Two weeks later a letter of thanks voted by the town of Boston
was added to this edition.
Valuable as these "Letters" were at home in uniting all factions
in their measures of resistance, yet their influence abroad was of
even more far-reaching effect. Reprinted in London in June, 1768,
this two-shilling pamphlet quickly circulated through coffee-house
and drawing-room. In ministerial circles the "Farmer" caused great
indignation. In a letter from Franklin, addressed to his son,
dated London, 13th of March, 1768, appears the following: "My Lord
Hillsborough mentioned the 'Farmer's Letters' to me, said that he
had read them, that they were well written, and he believed he
could guess who was the author, looking in my face at the same time,
as if he thought it was me. He censured the doctrines as extremely
wild. I have read them as far as Number 8. I know not if any more
have been published. I should, however, think they had been written
by Mr. Delancey, not having heard any mention of the others you
point out as joint authors."
Groaning under their own heavy taxation, the troubles of America
had hitherto appealed but slightly to the average Englishman and
the sympathies of the English people had become involved in the
long-drawn-out struggles of Wilkes to obtain his constitutional
rights. The press published little American news. America was
little discussed; conditions there were practically unknown to all
but the trading class, whose members had prospered through the
monopoly of the constantly increasing commerce with the growing
colonies. This class, naturally fearing the loss of the magnificent
trade which had been built up, had long bemoaned the constantly
increasing friction between the two factions on each side of the
water. Englishmen in general had hitherto paid little attention to
the debates over the various acts raising revenue from the colonies.
From the time the "Farmer's Letters" were published in England the
differences between Parliament and colonies were better understood
there. Untouched and yet alarmed by the political corruption so
prevalent at the time, thinking men saw in these "Letters" a warning
that if their Sovereign was successful in his attempt to take away
constitutional liberty from their fellow Englishmen across the sea,
their own prized liberty at home was in danger. "American" news
became more frequent in the newspapers, "Letters to the Printer,"
the form of editorials of the day, discussed and criticised the
measures of Parliament with great freedom. To the masses, John
Dickinson's name soon became very familiar through the agency of
the press, which under date of June 26-28, 1768, freely noted Isaac
Barré's characterization in the House of Commons of Dickinson as
"a man who was not only an ornament to his country but an honor
to human nature." Almost immediately after the publication of the
London edition, the Monthly Review of July, 1768, forcibly called
the attention of the literary world to the "Farmer's Letters" in an
exhaustive review which is reprinted in the Notes, page liii, for
the purpose of showing the view held by the English Whigs regarding
the doctrines laid down and arguments used by Dickinson in defence
of his position.
The "London Chronicle," under date of September 1st, 1768, printed
the popular Liberty song, written by Mr. Dickinson, and which, set
to the inspiring air of "Hearts of Oak," was being sung throughout
the colonies. In order to give the accompanying letter of request
for the republication of the song, a request which, from its wording
demonstrates the enthusiasm which the song aroused, the latter is
here reprinted from the issue of the Boston "Evening Post" of August
22, 1768.
MESSIRS FLEETS
The following SONG being now much in Vogue and of late is heard
resounding in almost all Companies in Town, and by way of eminence
called "The Liberty Song," _you are desired to republish in your_
'circulating' Paper for the Benefit of the whole Continent of
America.
[To the Tune of Hearts of Oak.]
Come, join Hand in Hand, brave Americans all,
And rouse your bold Hearts at fair _Liberty's_ Call,
No _tyrannous Acts_ shall suppress your _just Claim_,
Or stain with _dishonor_ America's Name.
In Freedom we're _born_, & in Freedom we'll _live_,
Our Purses are ready,
Steady, Friends, Steady,
Not as _Slaves_ but as _Freemen_ our money we'll give.
Our worthy Forefathers--let's give them a Cheer--
To _Climates unknown_ did courageously steer;
Thro' _Oceans_ to _Deserts_ for _Freedom_ they came,
And dying bequeath'd us their _Freedom_ & _Fame_.
In Freedom we're _born_, &c.
Their generous Bosoms all Dangers despis'd,
So _highly_, so _wisely_, their _Birthrights_ they priz'd;
We'll keep what they gave--we will piously keep,
Nor frustrate their Toils on the Land or the Deep.
In Freedom we're _born_, &c.
The Tree their own Hands had to _Liberty_ rear'd,
They liv'd to behold growing strong and rever'd;
With Transport then cry'd, 'now our Wishes we gain,
For our Children shall gather the Fruits of our Pain.'
In Freedom we're _born_, &c.
Swarms of _Placemen_ and _Pensioners_ soon will appear,
Like Locusts deforming the Charms of the Year;
Suns vainly will rise, Showers vainly descend,
If _we_ are to _drudge for_ what _others_ shall _spend_.
In Freedom we're _born_, &c.
Then join Hand in Hand brave Americans all,
By _uniting_ we stand, by _dividing_ we fall;
_In so righteous a Cause_ let us hope to succeed,
For Heaven approves of each generous Deed.
In Freedom we're _born_, &c.
All Ages shall speak with _amaze_ and _applause_,
Of the _courage_ we'll shew _in support of our laws_;
To die we can _bear_--but to serve we _disdain_--
For _Shame_ is to _Freemen_ more dreadful than _Pain_.
In freedom we're _born_, &c.
This Bumper I crown for our _Sovereign's_ Health,
And this for _Britannia's_ Glory and Wealth;
That Wealth and that Glory immortal may be,
If _She_ is but _just_--and if _we_ are but _free_.
In Freedom we're _born_, & in Freedom we'll _live_,
Our Purses are ready,
Steady, Friends, Steady,
Not as _Slaves_, but as _Freemen_ our Money we'll give.
The following extract from the London "Chronicle" of October 4,
1768, demonstrates how completely the arguments and logic of
the "Farmer's Letters" gained popular approval; how constantly
Dickinson's name was kept before the public, both at home and
abroad; how his fame was toasted; how he was recognized as the
leader of political thought in the colonies. It shows also the
constantly increasing interest in American matters taken by the
press of England since the advent of the "Farmer's Letters," for
the "American News," published in this and other London papers, was
extensively reprinted in the local journals throughout the kingdom.
_Taken from the Boston, in New England, Evening Post of August 22,
1768_
On Monday the fifteenth instant, the anniversary of the ever
memorable _Fourteenth of August_, was celebrated by the Sons
of Liberty in this Town, with extraordinary festivity. At this
Dawn, the British Flag was displayed on the _Tree of Liberty_,
and a Discharge of _Fourteen_ Cannon, ranged under the venerable
Elm, saluted the joyous Day. At eleven o'clock, a very large
Company of the principal Gentlemen and respectable Inhabitants
of the Town, met at the Hall under the Tree, while the Streets
were crowded with a Concourse of People of all Ranks, public
Notice having been given of the intended Celebration. The
Musick began at high Noon, performed on various Instruments,
joined with Voices; and concluding with the universally admired
_American_ Song of Liberty,[4] the Grandeur of its Sentiment,
and the easy Flow of its Numbers, together with an exquisite
Harmony of Sound, afforded sublime Entertainment to a numerous
Audience, fraught with a noble Ardour in the cause of Freedom:
The Song was clos'd with the Discharge of Cannon and a Shout of
Joy; at the same time the Windows of the Neighbouring Houses,
were adorned with a brilliant appearance of the fair Daughters
of Liberty, who testified their Approbation by Smiles of
Satisfaction. The following Toasts succeeded, viz.
[4] The Song has been given already in our Chronicle.
The following toasts may need brief explanation.--R. T. H. H.:
_1._ _Our rightful Sovereign George the Third._
_2._ _The Queen, Prince of Wales, and the rest of the Royal Family._
_3._ _The Sons of Liberty throughout the World._
_4._ _The glorious Administration of 1766._
4. The Rockingham Ministry which repealed the Stamp Act.
_5._ _A perpetual Union of Great Britain and her Colonies, upon
the immutable Principles of Justice and Equity._
_6._ _May the sinister Designs of Oppressors, both in Great
Britain and America, be for ever defeated._
_7._ _May the common Rights of Mankind be established on the Ruin
of all their Enemies._
_8._ _Paschal Paoli and his brave Corsicans. May they never want
the Support of the Friends of Liberty._
8. The struggles of Paoli and the Corsicans excited great
interest both in Great Britain and America. Constant references
are made to these in the "Letters."
_9._ _The memorable 14th of August, 1765._
9. The day of the demonstration in Boston against the Stamp
Officers. Daybreak disclosed hanging on a tree an effigy of the
Stamp Officer Oliver. After hanging all day, at nightfall it was
taken down by the Sons of Liberty, who placed it on a bier and
escorted it through the principal streets in Boston to the home
of Oliver, where, in the presence of a large number of people,
it was burned.
_10._ _Magna Charta, and the Bill of Rights._
_11._ _A speedy Repeal of unconstitutional Acts of Parliament, and
a final Removal of illegal and oppressive Officers._
_12._ _The Farmer._
12. John Dickinson.
_13._ _John Wilkes, _Esq.; and all independent Members of the
British Parliament_.
_14._ _The glorious Ninety-Two who defended the Rights of America,
uninfluenced by the Mandates of a Minister, and undaunted by the
threats of a Governor._
14. On the 11th day of February, 1768, the Assembly of
Massachusetts adopted and sent to the various Colonial
Assemblies a circular letter drawn up by Samuel Adams, informing
them of the contents of a petition which the Massachusetts
Assembly had sent to the King. This letter also urged united
action against the oppressive measures of the Ministry, and
gave great offense to the King and Ministry. The Secretary for
the Colonies, Lord Hillsborough, instructed Governor Bernard
of Massachusetts to order the Assembly to rescind this letter,
and in case of refusal to dissolve this body. After a thorough
discussion this request was refused by a vote of "ninety-two" to
"seventeen."
Which being finished, the French horns sounded; and after
another discharge of the cannon, compleating the number
Ninety-Two, the gentlemen in their carriages repaired to the
Greyhound Tavern in Roxbury, where a _frugal_ and _elegant_
entertainment was provided. The music played during the repast:
After which the following toasts were given out, and the
repeated discharge of cannon spoke the general assent.
_1._ _The King._
_2._ _Queen and Royal Family._
_3._ _Lord_ Cambden.
3. A strenuous upholder of the Constitutional rights of the
Colonies and a strong defender in the House of Lords of the
doctrine, "No taxation without representation." Contemporary
writers frequently spelt Camden's name as above.
_4._ _Lord_ Chatham.
_5._ _Duke of_ Richmond.
5. Another friend of America in the same body.
_6._ _Marquis of_ Rockingham.
6. Under whose ministry the Stamp Act was repealed.
_7._ _General_ Conway.
7. The leader in the House of Commons during the Rockingham
Ministry.
_8._ _Lord_ Dartmouth.
8. President of the Board of Trade in the Rockingham Ministry,
much loved in the Colonies. Dartmouth College bears his name.
_9._ _Earl of_ Chesterfield.
9. A warm adherent of America.
_10._ _Colonel_ Barre.
10. The companion of Wolfe at Quebec; in replying to Townsend
during one of the debates over the passage of the Stamp Acts
he characterized the Americans as "Sons of Liberty," a term
which immediately was applied throughout the Colonies to those
who were resenting the interference of Parliament with their home
government.
_11._ _General_ Howard.
11. A member of Parliament from Stamford who was active in
obtaining the repeal of the Stamp Act.
_12._ _Sir_ George Saville.
12. Represented Yorkshire in the House of Commons; a strong
supporter of the Rockingham Ministry.
_13._ _Sir_ William Meredith.
13. Member of Parliament from Liverpool. Lord of the Admiralty
during the Rockingham Administration.
_14._ _Sir_ William Baker.
14. Also energetic in securing the repeal of the Stamp Act.
_15._ _John_ Wilkes, _Esq., and a Speedy Reversal of
his outlawry_.
15. The struggles of Wilkes excited keen interest in America.
_16._ _The Farmer of_ Pennsylvania.
16. It is noted that this was the second time Dickinson's health
was drunk that day. No other American residing in this country
was toasted.
_17._ _The Massachusetts_ Ninety-Two.
_18._ _Prosperity and Perpetuity to the_ British Empire,
_on Constitutional Principles_.
_19_. North America: _And her fair Daughters of
Liberty_.
_20._ _The illustrious Patriots of the Kingdom of Ireland._
20. In Letter X Dickinson warns against the fate of Ireland.
_21._ _The truly heroic_ Paschal Paoli, _and all the
brave Corsicans_.
_22._ _The downfall of_ arbitrary _and_ despotic Power
_in all Parts of the Earth; and Liberty without_
Licentiousness _to all mankind_.
_23._ _A perpetual Union and Harmony between_ Great
Britain _and the Colonies, on the Principles
of the Original Compact_.
_24._ _To the immortal Memory of that_ Hero _of_
Heroes _William the Third_.
_25._ _The speedy Establishment of a_ wise _and_ permanent
administration.
_26._ _The_ right _noble Lords, and_ very worthy _Commoners,
who voted for the Repeal of the_ stamp
Act _from_ Principle.
_27._ Dennis De Berdt, _Esq; and all the true
Friends of_ America _in Great Britain, and
those of Great Britain in America_.
27. The agent of Massachusetts in London.
_28._ _The_ respectable _Towns of_ Salem, Ipswich _and_
Marblehead, _with all the Absentees from the
late Assembly, and their_ constituents, _who
have publickly approved of the Vote against_
Rescinding.
28. Representatives of these towns voted in favor of rescinding.
Town meetings, however, were held, and the citizens of these
places recorded themselves as endorsing the action of the majority
in refusing the "Ministerial Mandates" and condemned the
position assumed by their own representatives. In letters which
appeared in the press a number of absentees from the Assembly
boldly endorsed the action of the majority.
_29._ _May all_ Patriots _be as wise as Serpents, and
as harmless as Doves_.
_30._ _The_ Manufactories _of_ North America, _and
the_ Banishment _of Luxury_, Dissipation and
_other Vices, Foreign and Domestic_.
30. Referring to the proposal of Dickinson quoted on page xxiii
of the Introduction.
_31._ _The removal of all Task-Masters, and an effectual
Redress of all other Grievances._
_32._ _The_ Militia _of_ Great Britain _and of the_ Colonies.
_33._ _As_ Iron _sharpeneth_ Iron, _so may the Countenance
of every good and virtuous Son and
Daughter of Liberty, that of his or her
Friend_.
_34._ _The Assemblies on this vast and rapidly populating
Continent, who have treated a late
haughty and "merely ministerial" Mandate
"with all that Contempt it so justly deserves."_
34. Referring to the replies of the various Assemblies to the circular
letter and endorsements of the action of the Massachusetts
Assembly.
_35._ Strong Halters _and_ sharp axes _to all such as
respectively deserve them_.
_36._ Scalping Savages _let loose in_ Tribes, _rather
than_ Legions of Placemen, Pensioners, _and_
Walkerizing Dragoons.
_37._ _The Amputation of any_ Limb, _if it be necessary
to preserve the Body_ Politic _from_ Perdition.
_38._ _The oppressed and distressed foreign Protestants._
_39._ _The free and independent Cantons of Switzerland._
_40._ _Their_ High Mightinesses _the States General
of_ Seven _United Provinces_.
_41._ _The King of_ Prussia.
_42._ _The_ Republic _of_ Letters.
_43._ _The_ Liberty _of the Press_.
_44._ Spartan, Roman, British Virtue, _and_ Christian
Graces joined.
_45._ _Every man under his own Vine! under his
own Fig-Tree! None to make us afraid!
And let all the People say, Amen!_
45. See page 51.
Upon this happy occasion, the whole company
with the approbation of their brethren in Roxbury,
consecrated a tree in the vicinity; under the shade
of which, on some future anniversary, they say they
shall commemorate the day, which shall liberate
America from her present oppression! Then
making an agreeable excursion round Jamaica
Pond, in which excursion they received the kind
salutation of a Friend to the cause by the discharge
of cannon at six o'clock they returned to Town;
and passing in slow and orderly procession
through the principal streets, and the State-House,
they retired to their respective dwellings. It is
allowed that this cavalcade surpassed all that has
ever been seen in America. The joy of the day
was manly, and an uninterrupted regularity presided
through the whole.
The two illustrations in this volume were
selected for the purpose of recording prevalent
contemporary opinions of Dickinson.
The frontispiece is a reproduction (slightly
reduced in size)[5] of the very scarce
print in which John Dickinson is crudely
portrayed as the author of the "Farmer's
Letters." It was first advertised for sale in
the Pennsylvania "Chronicle" under date
of October 12-17, 1768, as follows:
Lately published and sold by R. Bell
at JAMES EMERSON'S, in Market-street,
near the river, and at JOHN
HART'S vendue store, in Southward
(Price One Shilling)
an elegant engraved COPPER PLATE PRINT
of the PATRIOTIC AMERICAN FARMER;
The same glazed and framed, price Five Shillings.
[5] Reproduced through the courtesy of the Library Company of
Philadelphia. I wish also to express my obligation to my friends
Messrs. Wilberforce Eames of the Lenox Library and Robert H.
Kelby of the New York Historical Society for repeated access to
the volumes of Colonial Newspapers, etc., in the collections
under their charge.
This specimen of early American engraving, the work of some
unknown artist and engraver, was undoubtedly inspired by the
following article which appeared in the Pennsylvania "Chronicle"
for May, 9-16, 1768, as well as the many other newspapers in
the colonies, so eager was the press to publish any information
concerning the author of the "Farmer's Letters." The inscription
is thus explained as well as the elimination of the vowels from
Dickinson's name.
PHILADELPHIA
On Tuesday last, by order of the Governor and Society of Fort
St. David's, fourteen Gentlemen, members of that Company, waited
upon J-n D-ck-nson Esq; and presented the following address, in
a Box of Heart of Oak.
RESPECTED SIR,
When a Man of Abilities, prompted by Love of his Country, exerts
them in her Cause, and renders her the most eminent Services,
_not to be sensible_, of the Benefits received, is Stupidity;
_not to be grateful for them_, is Baseness.
Influenced by this Sentiment, we, the Governor and Company
of Fort St. David's, who among other Inhabitants of _British
America_, are indebted to you for your most excellent and
generous Vindication of Liberties dearer to us than our Lives,
beg Leave to return you our heartiest Thanks, and offer to you
the greatest Mark of Esteem, that, as a Body, it is in our Power
to bestow, by admitting you, as we hereby do, a Member of our
Society.
When that destructive Project of _Taxation_, which your
Integrity and Knowledge so signally contributed to baffle
about two years ago, was lately renewed under a _Disguise_ so
_artfully contrived_ as to delude Millions, You, sir, _watchful_
for the Interests of Your Country, _perfectly_ acquainted with
them, and _undaunted_ in asserting them, ALONE detected the
Monster concealed from others by an altered Appearance, exposed
it, stripped of its insidious covering, in its own horrid Shape,
and, we firmly trust by the Blessing of God on Your Wisdom and
Virtue, will again extricate the _British_ Colonies on this
Continent from the cruel Snares of Oppression; for we already
perceive these Colonies ROUSED _by your strong and seasonable_
Call, pursuing the salutary Measures advised by You for
obtaining Redress.
Nor is this all that you have performed for Your NATIVE LAND.
_Animated by a sacred_ Zeal, _guided by Truth and supported
by Justice_, YOU _have penetrated to the Foundations of the
Constitution_, have _poured_ the clearest Light on the important
_Points_, hitherto involved in a Darkness bewildering even
the Learned, and have _established_ with an amazing Force
and Plainness of Argument, the TRUE DISTINCTIONS and GRAND
PRINCIPLES, that will _fully instruct Ages_ YET UNBORN, what
Rights belong to them, and the best Methods of defending them.
To Merit far less distinguished, ancient _Greece_ or _Rome_
would have decreed Statues and Honours without Number: But it is
_Your Fortune_ and _your Glory_, Sir, that You live in _such_
Times, and possess _such exalted Worth_, that the _Envy_ of
those, whose _Duty_ it is to applaud You, can conceive no other
Consolation, than by withholding those Praises in Public, which
all honest Men acknowledge in Private that you have deserved.
We present to you, sir, a small gift of a Society not dignified
by any legal authority; But when you consider this gift as
expressive of the _sincere Affection_ of many of your Fellow
Citizens for Your Person, and of their _unlimited Approbation_
of the noble Principles maintained in your unequalled Labours,
we hope this Testimony of our Sentiments will be acceptable to
you.
May that all-gracious Being, which in kindness to these colonies
gave your valuable Life Existence _at the critical Period_ when
it will be most wanted, grant it a long Continuance, filled with
every Felicity; and when your Country sustains its dreadful
loss, may you enjoy the Happiness of Heaven, and on Earth may
your Memory be cherished, as we doubt not it will be, to the
latest Posterity.
_Signed by the Order of the Society_,
JOHN BAYARD, Secretary.
The box was finely decorated, and the Inscription neatly done in
Letters of Gold. On the Top was represented the Cap of Liberty
on a Spear, resting on a Cypher of the Letters I. D. Underneath
the Cypher in a semicircular Label----Pro Patria----Around the
whole the following words:
THE GIFT OF THE GOVERNOR AND SOCIETY OF FORT ST. DAVID'S TO THE
AUTHOR OF THE FARMER'S LETTERS, IN GRATEFUL TESTIMONY OF THE
VERY EMINENT SERVICES THEREBY RENDERED TO THIS COUNTRY, 1768.
On the Inside of the Top--
THE LIBERTIES OF
THE BRITISH COLONIES IN AMERICA
ASSERTED
WITH ATTIC ELOQUENCE,
AND ROMAN SPIRIT,
BY
J-N D-K-NS-N[6] ESQR.;
BARRISTER AT LAW.
[6] The Name at length.
On the Inside of the Bottom--
ITA CUIQUE EVENIAT
UT DE REPUBLICA MERUIT.
On the Outside of the Bottom--A sketch of
_Fort St. David's_.
_To which the following Answer was returned._
GENTLEMEN,
I very gratefully receive the Favour you have been pleased to
bestow upon me, in admitting me a Member of your Company; and I
return you my heartiest Thanks for your Kindness.
The "Esteem" of worthy Fellow Citizens is a Treasure of greatest
Price; and as no man can more highly value it than I do, Your
Society in "expressing the Affection" of so many respectable
Persons for me, affords Me the sincerest Pleasure.
Nor will this Pleasure be lessened by reflecting, that you
may have regarded with a generous _Partiality_ my Attempts to
promote the Welfare of our Country; for the Warmth of your
Praises in commending a Conduct you _suppose_ to deserve them,
gives Worth to these Praises, by proving _your_ Merit, while you
attribute Merit to _another_.
Your Characters, gentlemen, did not need this Evidence to
convince Me, how much I ought to prize Your "Esteem" or how much
You deserved _Mine_.
I think myself extremely fortunate, in having obtained your
favorable Opinion, which I shall constantly and carefully
endeavor to preserve.
I most heartily wish you every Kind of Happiness, and
particularly that you may enjoy the comfortable Prospect of
transmitting to your Posterity those "Liberties" dearer to You
than your Lives, "which God gave to you, and which no _inferior
Power_ has a Right to take away."
[Illustration: CHELSEA DERBY PORCELAIN STATUETTE OF CATHERINE
MACAULAY]
The potter's art, which from time immemorial has been the means of
transmitting history, furnishes the other illustration and also
perpetuates the estimate of Dickinson's character held by William
Duesbury, England's greatest manufacturer of porcelain. It pictures
a porcelain statuette of Mrs. Catherine Macaulay, a well-known
historian, whose "History of England from the Accession of James the
First to that of the Brunswick Line" and other historical writings
met with great approval among the Whig party in England and whose
decided approval of the stand taken by the colonies, gave her great
popularity in America. This statuette, measuring 13½ inches in
height, is modeled to a certain extent after the statue of this lady
which was erected in 1777 in the Church of St. Stephen, Walbrook,
London. Mrs. Macaulay appears leaning upon her "Histories of
England," which rest on the top of a pedestal, on the front of which
is the inscription, "Government a Power Delegated for the Happiness
of Mankind conducted by Wisdom, Justice and Mercy." Beneath are
the words, "_American Congress_." On the side of the pedestal the
name of _Dickinson_ appears, preceded by the names of those noble
writers, England's great advocates and expounders of Constitutional
liberty, Sydney, Hampden, Milton, Locke, Harrington, Ludlow and
Marvel. This beautiful porcelain statuette was moulded at the
Chelsea factory in 1777, the same year in which Boswell chronicles
Dr. Johnson's visit there, noting, "The china was beautiful, but Dr.
Johnson justly observed it was too dear, for he could have vessels
of silver as cheap as were here made of porcelain."
The space at my disposal prevents my quoting many a "Letter to the
Printer" appealing for justice for the Colonials as well as numerous
contributed articles which appeared during the next few years in
the English press, the contents of which clearly show how strongly
Dickinson's arguments had influenced their respective authors.
While it is true that these sentiments were attacked both at home
and abroad, the attacks soon lost their vehemence. Strange as it
may seem, more protests against the course of the ministry than
denunciations of the doings of the colonial Assemblies are found in
the columns of the English press of the period. The demand for the
arguments contained in the "Farmer's Letters" was not lessened by
subsequent events as their popularity demanded the publishing of
another London edition in 1774.
Certainly to John Dickinson for his masterly defence of the rights
of the Colonies America owes an everlasting debt of gratitude.
The logic of his claims and his warnings as to what must be the
ultimate result of the ministerial encroachments upon the liberties
of Englishmen did much to win over to the American cause in England
that strong ally, the support of a large body of thoughtful
Englishmen. These men actively condemned the ministerial actions and
during the war which followed caused the course of the government
to be bitterly opposed by an influential and constantly growing
minority in Parliament. Through their efforts was fostered a public
sentiment which caused the war to be prosecuted in a half-hearted
manner and obliged a power-loving King to fill the depleted ranks
of his army with German mercenaries, so impossible was it to force
a sufficient number of his own liberty-loving subjects to fight
against their kindred living in the land so happily alluded to by
a contributor to the London "Chronicle" (June 3-6, 1769), in the
following poem:
_The Genius of_ America _to her Sons_
Who'd know the sweets of Liberty?
'Tis to climbe the mountain's brow,
Thence to discern rough industry,
At the harrow or the plough;
'Tis where my sons their crops have sown,
Calling the harvest all their own;
'Tis where the heart to truth allied,
Never felt unmanly fear;
'Tis where the eye with milder pride,
Nobly sheds sweet pity's tear;
Such as America yet shall see,
These are the sweets of Liberty.
NOTES.
I.
An address from the Moderator and Freemen of the Town of Providence
in the Colony of Rhode-Island, and Providence Plantation convened in
open Meeting the 20th day of June, 1768, to the Author of a Series
of Letters signed
A FARMER.
_Sir_,
In your Retirement, "near the Banks of the River Delaware,"
where you are compleating, in a rational way, the Number of Days
allotted to you by Divine Goodness, the consciousness of having
employed those Talents which God hath bestowed upon You, for the
Support of our Rights, must afford you a Satisfaction vastly
exceeding that, which is derived to you from the universal
Approbation of Your Letters,--However amidst the general
Acclamation of your Praise, we the Moderator and Freemen of the
ancient Town of Providence cannot be silent; although we would
not offend your Delicacy, or incur the Imputation of Flattery in
expressing our Gratitude to you.
Your Benevolence to Mankind, fully discoverable from your
Writings, doubtless caused you to address your countrymen, whom
you tenderly call _Dear_ and _Beloved_, in a Series of Letters,
wherein you have with a great Judgment, and in the most spirited
and forcible Manner explained their Rights and Privileges; and
vindicated them against such as would reduce these extensive
Dominions of His Majesty to Poverty, Misery, and Slavery. This
Your patriotic Exertion in our Cause and indeed in the Cause of
all the human Race in some Degree, hath rendered you very dear
to us, although we know not your Person.
We deplore the Frailty of human Nature, in that it is necessary
that we should be frequently awakened into Attention to our
Duty in Matters very plain and incontrovertible, if we would
suffer ourselves to consider them. From this Inattention to
Things evidently the Duty and Interest of the World, we suppose
despotic Rule to have originated, and all the Train of Miseries
consequent thereupon.
The virtuous and good Man, who rouses an injured Country from
their Lethargy, and animates them into active and successful
Endeavours for casting off the Burdens imposed on them, and
effecting a full Enjoyment of the Rights of Men, which no Human
Creature ought to violate, will merit the warmest Expressions of
Gratitude from his Countrymen, for his Instrumentality in saving
them and their Posterity.
As the very Design of instituting civil Government in the World
was to secure to Individuals a quiet Enjoyment of their native
Rights, wherever there is a Departure from this great and only
End, impious Force succeeds. The Blessings of a just Government,
and the Horror of brutal Violence are both inexpressible. As
the latter is generally brought upon People by Degrees, it will
be their Duty to watch against even the smallest attempt to
"innovate a single Iota" in their Privilege.
With Hearts truly loyal to the King, we feel the greatest
concern at divers Acts of the British Parliament, relative to
these colonies. We are clear and unanimous in Sentiment that
they are subversive of our Liberties, and derogatory to the
Power and Dignity of the several Legislatures established in
America.
Permit us, Sir, to assure you that we feel an ineffable
Gratitude to you, for sending forth your Letters at a Time when
the Exercise of great Abilities was necessary. We sincerely wish
that You may see the Fruit of your Labours. We on our parts
shall be ready at all Times to evince to the World that we will
not surrender our privileges to any of our Fellow Subjects, but
will earnestly contend for them, hoping that the "Almighty will
look upon our righteous contest with gracious approbation." We
hope that the Conduct of the Colonies on this Occasion will be
"peaceable, prudent, firm, and joint; and such as will show
their Loyalty to the best of Sovereigns, and that they know what
they owe to themselves as well as to Great-Britain."
Signed by Order
JAMES ANGELL, Town Clerk.
II.
FROM THE MONTHLY REVIEW. LONDON, JULY, 1768.
"_Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to the Inhabitants of the
British Colonies. 8vo. 2s. Almon. 1768._
"We have, in the Letters now before us, a calm yet full inquiry into
the right of the British parliament, lately assumed, to tax the
American colonies; the unconstitutional nature of which attempt is
maintained in a well-connected chain of close and manly reasoning;
and though from this character, it is evident that detached
passages must appear to a disadvantage, yet it is but just to
give our Readers some specimens of the manner in which the author
asserts the rights of his American brethren; subjects of the British
government, as he pleads, carrying their birthrights with them
wherever they settle as such.
'Colonies, says he, were formerly planted by warlike nations,
to keep their enemies in awe; to relieve their country
overburthened with inhabitants; or to discharge a number of
discontented and troublesome citizens. But in more modern ages,
the spirit of violence being, in some measure, if the expression
may be allowed, sheathed in commerce, colonies have been settled
by the nations of Europe for the purposes of trade. These
purposes were to be attained, by the colonies raising for their
mother country those things which she did not produce herself;
and by supplying themselves from her with things they wanted.
These were the _national_ objects in the commencement of our
colonies, and have been uniformly so in their promotion.
'To answer these grand purposes, perfect liberty was known to
be necessary; all history proving, that trade and freedom are
nearly related to each other. By a due regard to this wise and
just plan, the infant colonies, exposed in the unknown climates
and unexplored wildernesses of this new world, lived, grew, and
flourished.