One of the great questions which Christian education must face in the
South is the proper adjustment of the new relations of the two races.
It is a question which must be faced calmly, quietly, dispassionately;
and the time has now come to rise above party, above race, above
colour, above sectionalism, into the region of duty of man to man, of
American to American, of Christian to Christian.
I remember not long ago, when about five hundred coloured people
sailed from the port of Savannah bound for Liberia, that the news was
flashed all over the country, "The Negro has made up his mind to
return to his own country," and that, "in this was the solution of the
race problem in the South." But these short-sighted people forgot the
fact that before breakfast that morning about five hundred more Negro
children were born in the South alone.
And then, once in a while, somebody is so bold as to predict that the
Negro will be absorbed by the white race. Let us look at this phase of
the question for a moment. It is a fact that, if a person is known to
have one per cent. of African blood in his veins, he ceases to be a
white man. The ninety-nine per cent. of Caucasian blood does not weigh
by the side of the one per cent. of African blood. The white blood
counts for nothing. The person is a Negro every time. So it will be a
very difficult task for the white man to absorb the Negro.
Somebody else conceived the idea of colonising the coloured people, of
getting territory where nobody lived, putting the coloured people
there, and letting them be a nation all by themselves. There are two
objections to that. First, you would have to build one wall to keep
the coloured people in, and another wall to keep the white people
out. If you were to build ten walls around Africa to-day you could not
keep the white people out, especially as long as there was a hope of
finding gold there.
I have always had the highest respect for those of our race who, in
trying to find a solution for our Southern problem, advised a return
of the race to Africa, and because of my respect for those who have
thus advised, especially Bishop Henry M. Turner, I have tried to make
a careful and unbiassed study of the question, during a recent sojourn
in Europe, to see what opportunities presented themselves in Africa
for self-development and self-government.
I am free to say that I see no way out of the Negro's present
condition in the South by returning to Africa. Aside from other
insurmountable obstacles, there is no place in Africa for him to go
where his condition would be improved. All Europe--especially England,
France, and Germany--has been running a mad race for the last twenty
years, to see which could gobble up the greater part of Africa; and
there is practically nothing left. Old King Cetewayo put it pretty
well when he said, "First come missionary, then come rum, then come
traders, then come army"; and Cecil Rhodes has expressed the
prevailing sentiment more recently in these words, "I would rather
have land than 'niggers.'" And Cecil Rhodes is directly responsible
for the killing of thousands of black natives in South Africa, that he
might secure their land.
In a talk with Henry M. Stanley, the explorer, he told me that he knew
no place in Africa where the Negroes of the United States might go to
advantage; but I want to be more specific. Let us see how Africa has
been divided, and then decide whether there is a place left for us.
On the Mediterranean coast of Africa, Morocco is an independent State,
Algeria is a French possession, Tunis is a French protectorate,
Tripoli is a province of the Ottoman Empire, Egypt is a province of
Turkey. On the Atlantic coast, Sahara is a French protectorate, Adrar
is claimed by Spain, Senegambia is a French trading settlement, Gambia
is a British crown colony, Sierra Leone is a British crown colony.
Liberia is a republic of freed Negroes, Gold Coast and Ashanti are
British colonies and British protectorates, Togoland is a German
protectorate, Dahomey is a kingdom subject to French influence, Slave
Coast is a British colony and British protectorate, Niger Coast is a
British protectorate, the Cameroons are trading settlements protected
by Germany, French Congo is a French protectorate, Congo Free State is
an international African Association, Angola and Benguela are
Portuguese protectorates, and the inland countries are controlled as
follows: The Niger States, Masina, etc., are under French protection;
Land Gandu is under British protection, administered by the Royal
Haussan Niger Company.
South Africa is controlled as follows: Damara and Namaqua Land are
German protectorates, Cape Colony is a British colony, Basutoland is a
Crown colony, Bechuanaland is a British protectorate, Natal is a
British colony, Zululand is a British protectorate, Orange Free State
is independent, the South African Republic is independent, and the
Zambesi is administered by the British South African Company. Lourence
Marques is a Portuguese possession.
East Africa has also been disposed of in the following manner:
Mozambique is a Portuguese possession, British Central Africa is a
British protectorate, German East Africa is in the German sphere of
influence, Zanzibar is a sultanate under British protection, British
East Africa is a British protectorate, Somaliland is under British and
Italian protection, Abyssinia is independent. East Soudan (including
Nubia, Kordofan, Darfur, and Wadai) is in the British sphere of
influence. It will be noted that, when one of these European countries
cannot get direct control over any section of Africa, it at once gives
it out to the world that the country wanted is in the "sphere of its
influence,"--a very convenient term. If we are to go to Africa, and be
under the control of another government, I think we should prefer to
take our chances in the "sphere of influence" of the United States.
All this shows pretty conclusively that a return to Africa for the
Negro is out of the question, even provided that a majority of the
Negroes wished to go back, which they do not. The adjustment of the
relations of the two races must take place here; and it is taking
place slowly, but surely. As the Negro is educated to make homes and
to respect himself, the white man will in turn respect him.
It has been urged that the Negro has inherent in him certain traits of
character that will prevent his ever reaching the standard of
civilisation set by the whites, and taking his place among them as an
equal. It may be some time before the Negro race as a whole can stand
comparison with the white in all respects,--it would be most
remarkable, considering the past, if it were not so; but the idea that
his objectionable traits and weaknesses are fundamental, I think, is a
mistake. For, although there are elements of weakness about the Negro
race, there are also many evidences of strength.
It is an encouraging sign, however, when an individual grows to the
point where he can hold himself up for personal analysis and study. It
is equally encouraging for a race to be able to study itself,--to
measure its weakness and strength. It is not helpful to a race to be
continually praised and have its weakness overlooked, neither is it
the most helpful thing to have its faults alone continually dwelt
upon. What is needed is downright, straightforward honesty in both
directions; and this is not always to be obtained.
There is little question that one of the Negroes' weak points is
physical. Especially is this true regarding those who live in the
large cities, North and South. But in almost every case this physical
weakness can be traced to ignorant violation of the laws of health or
to vicious habits. The Negro, who during slavery lived on the large
plantations in the South, surrounded by restraints, at the close of
the war came to the cities, and in many cases found the freedom and
temptations of the city too much for him. The transition was too
sudden.
When we consider what it meant to have four millions of people slaves
to-day and freemen to-morrow, the wonder is that the race has not
suffered more physically than it has. I do not believe that statistics
can be so marshalled as to prove that the Negro as a race is
physically or numerically on the decline. On the other hand, the Negro
as a race is increasing in numbers by a larger percentage than is true
of the French nation. While the death-rate is large in the cities, the
birth-rate is also large; and it is to be borne in mind that
eighty-five per cent. of these people in the Gulf States are in the
country districts and smaller towns, and there the increase is along
healthy and normal lines. As the Negro becomes educated, the high
death-rate in the cities will disappear. For proof of this, I have
only to mention that a few years ago no coloured man could get
insurance in the large first-class insurance companies. Now there are
few of these companies which do not seek the insurance of educated
coloured men. In the North and South the physical intoxication that
was the result of sudden freedom is giving way to an encouraging,
sobering process; and, as this continues, the high death-rate will
disappear even, in the large cities.
Another element of weakness which shows itself in the present stage of
the civilisation of the Negro is his lack of ability to form a purpose
and stick to it through a series of years, if need be,--years that
involve discouragement as well as encouragement,--till the end shall
be reached. Of course there are brilliant exceptions to this rule; but
there is no question that here is an element of weakness, and the
same, I think, would be true of any race with the Negro's history.
Few of the resolutions which are made in conventions, etc., are
remembered and put into practice six months after the warmth and
enthusiasm of the debating hall have disappeared. This, I know, is an
element of the white man's weakness, but it is the Negro I am
discussing, not the white man. Individually, the Negro is strong.
Collectively, he is weak. This is not to be wondered at. The ability
to succeed in organised bodies is one of the highest points in
civilisation. There are scores of coloured men who can succeed in any
line of business as individuals, or will discuss any subject in a most
intelligent manner, yet who, when they attempt to act in an organised
body, are utter failures.
But the weakness of the Negro which is most frequently held up to the
public gaze is that of his moral character. No one who wants to be
honest and at the same time benefit the race will deny that here is
where the strengthening is to be done. It has become universally
accepted that the family is the foundation, the bulwark, of any race.
It should be remembered, sorrowfully withal, that it was the constant
tendency of slavery to destroy the family life. All through two
hundred and fifty years of slavery, one of the chief objects was to
increase the number of slaves; and to this end almost all thought of
morality was lost sight of, so that the Negro has had only about
thirty years in which to develop a family life; while the Anglo-Saxon
rate, with which he is constantly being compared, has had thousands of
years of training in home life. The Negro felt all through the years
of bondage that he was being forcibly and unjustly deprived of the
fruits of his labour. Hence he felt that anything he could get from
the white man in return for this labour justly belonged to him. Since
this was true, we must be patient in trying to teach him a different
code of morals.
From the nature of things, all through slavery it was life in the
future world that was emphasised in religious teaching rather than
life in this world. In his religious meetings in _ante-bellum_ days
the Negro was prevented from discussing many points of practical
religion which related to this world; and the white minister, who was
his spiritual guide, found it more convenient to talk about heaven
than earth, so very naturally that to-day in his religious meeting it
is the Negro's feelings which are worked upon mostly, and it is
description of the glories of heaven that occupy most of the time of
his sermon.
Having touched upon some of the weak points of the Negro, what are
his strong characteristics? The Negro in America is different from
most people for whom missionary effort is made, in that he works. He
is not ashamed or afraid of work. When hard, constant work is
required, ask any Southern white man, and he will tell you that in
this the Negro has no superior. He is not given to strikes or to
lockouts. He not only works himself, but he is unwilling to prevent
other people from working.
Of the forty buildings of various kinds and sizes on the grounds of
the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, in Alabama, as I have
stated before, almost all of them are the results of the labour
performed by the students while securing their academic education. One
day the student is in his history class. The next day the same
student, equally happy, with his trowel and in overalls, is working on
a brick wall.
While at present the Negro may lack that tenacious mental grasp which
enables one to pursue a scientific or mathematical investigation
through a series of years, he has that delicate, mental feeling which
enables him to succeed in oratory, music, etc.
While I have spoken of the Negro's moral weakness, I hope it will be
kept in mind that in his original state his is an honest race. It was
slavery that corrupted him in this respect. But in morals he also has
his strong points.
Few have ever found the Negro guilty of betraying a trust. There are
almost no instances in which the Negro betrayed either a Federal or a
Confederate soldier who confided in him. There are few instances where
the Negro has been entrusted with valuables when he has not been
faithful. This country has never had a more loyal citizen. He has
never proven himself a rebel. Should the Southern States, which so
long held him in slavery, be invaded by a foreign foe, the Negro would
be among the first to come to the rescue.
Perhaps the most encouraging thing in connection with the lifting up
of the Negro in this country is the fact that he knows that he is down
and wants to get up, he knows that he is ignorant and wants to get
light. He fills every school-house and every church which is opened
for him. He is willing to follow leaders, when he is once convinced
that the leaders have his best interest at heart.
Under the constant influence of the Christian education which began
thirty-five years ago, his religion is every year becoming less
emotional and more rational and practical, though I, for one, hope
that he will always retain in a large degree the emotional element in
religion.
During the two hundred and fifty years that the Negro spent in
slavery he had little cause or incentive to accumulate money or
property. Thirty-five years ago this was something which he had to
begin to learn. While the great bulk of the race is still without
money and property, yet the signs of thrift are evident on every hand.
Especially is this noticeable in the large number of neat little homes
which are owned by these people on the outer edges of the towns and
cities in the South.
I wish to give an example of the sort of thing the Negro has to
contend with, however, in his efforts to lift himself up.
Not long ago a mother, a black mother, who lived in one of our
Northern States, had heard it whispered around in her community for
years that the Negro was lazy, shiftless, and would not work. So, when
her only boy grew to sufficient size, at considerable expense and
great self-sacrifice, she had her boy thoroughly taught the
machinist's trade. A job was secured in a neighbouring shop. With
dinner bucket in hand and spurred on by the prayers of the now
happy-hearted mother, the boy entered the shop to begin his first
day's work. What happened? Every one of the twenty white men threw
down his tools, and deliberately walked out, swearing that he would
not give a black man an opportunity to earn an honest living. Another
shop was tried with the same result, and still another, the result
ever the same. To-day this once promising, ambitious black man is a
wreck,--a confirmed drunkard,--with no hope, no ambition. I ask, Who
blasted the life of this young man? On whose hands does his lifeblood
rest? The present system of education, or rather want of education, is
responsible.
Public schools and colleges should turn out men who will throw open
the doors of industry, so that all men, everywhere, regardless of
colour, shall have the same opportunity to earn a dollar that they now
have to spend it. I know of a good many kinds of cowardice and
prejudice, but I know none equal to this. I know not which is the
worst,--the slaveholder who perforce compelled his slave to work
without compensation or the man who, by force and strikes, compels his
neighbour to refrain from working for compensation.
The Negro will be on a different footing in this country when it
becomes common to associate the possession of wealth with a black
skin. It is not within the province of human nature that the man who
is intelligent and virtuous, and owns and cultivates the best farm in
his county, is the largest tax-payer, shall very long be denied proper
respect and consideration. Those who would help the Negro most
effectually during the next fifty years can do so by assisting in his
development along scientific and industrial lines in connection with
the broadest mental and religious culture.
From the results of the war with Spain let us learn this, that God has
been teaching the Spanish nation a terrible lesson. What is it? Simply
this, that no nation can disregard the interest of any portion of its
members without that nation becoming weak and corrupt. The penalty may
be long delayed. God has been teaching Spain that for every one of her
subjects that she has left in ignorance, poverty, and crime the price
must be paid; and, if it has not been paid with the very heart of the
nation, it must be paid with the proudest and bluest blood of her sons
and with treasure that is beyond computation. From this spectacle I
pray God that America will learn a lesson in respect to the ten
million Negroes in this country.
The Negroes in the United States are, in most of the elements of
civilisation, weak. Providence has placed them here not without a
purpose. One object, in my opinion, is that the stronger race may
imbibe a lesson from the weaker in patience, forbearance, and
childlike yet supreme trust in the God of the Universe. This race has
been placed here that the white man might have a great opportunity of
lifting himself by lifting it up.
Out from the Negro colleges and industrial schools in the South there
are going forth each year thousands of young men and women into dark
and secluded corners, into lonely log school-houses, amidst poverty
and ignorance; and though, when they go forth, no drums beat, no
banners fly, no friends cheer, yet they are fighting the battles of
this country just as truly and bravely as those who go forth to do
battle against a foreign enemy.
If they are encouraged and properly supported in their work of
educating the masses in the industries, in economy, and in morals, as
well as mentally, they will, before many years, get the race upon such
an intellectual, industrial, and financial footing that it will be
able to enjoy without much trouble all the rights inherent in American
citizenship.
Now, if we wish to bring the race to a point where it should be, where
it will be strong, and grow and prosper, we have got to, in every way
possible, encourage it. We can do this in no better way than by
cultivating that amount of faith in the race which will make us
patronise its own enterprises wherever those enterprises are worth
patronising. I do not believe much in the advice that is often given
that we should patronise the enterprises of our race without regard to
the worth of those enterprises. I believe that the best way to bring
the race to the point where it will compare with other races is to
let it understand that, whenever it enters into any line of business,
it will be patronised just in proportion as it makes that business as
successful, as useful, as is true of any business enterprise conducted
by any other race. The race that would grow strong and powerful must
have the element of hero-worship in it that will, in the largest
degree, make it honour its great men, the men who have succeeded in
that race. I think we should be ashamed of the coloured man or woman
who would not venerate the name of Frederick Douglass. No race that
would not look upon such a man with honour and respect and pride could
ever hope to enjoy the respect of any other race. I speak of this, not
that I want my people to regard themselves in a narrow, bigoted sense,
because there is nothing so hurtful to an individual or to a race as
to get into the habit of feeling that there is no good except in its
own race, but because I wish that it may have reasonable pride in all
that is honourable in its history. Whenever you hear a coloured man
say that he hates the people of the other race, there, in most
instances, you will find a weak, narrow-minded coloured man. And,
whenever you find a white man who expresses the same sentiment toward
the people of other races, there, too, in almost every case, you will
find a narrow-minded, prejudiced white man.
That person is the broadest, strongest, and most useful who sees
something to love and admire in all races, no matter what their
colour.
If the Negro race wishes to grow strong, it must learn to respect
itself, not to be ashamed. It must learn that it will only grow in
proportion as its members have confidence in it, in proportion as they
believe that it is a coming race.
We have reached a period when educated Negroes should give more
attention to the history of their race; should devote more time to
finding out the true history of the race, and in collecting in some
museum the relics that mark its progress. It is true of all races of
culture and refinement and civilisation that they have gathered in
some place the relics which mark the progress of their civilisation,
which show how they lived from period to period. We should have so
much pride that we would spend more time in looking into the history
of the race, more effort and money in perpetuating in some durable
form its achievements, so that from year to year, instead of looking
back with regret, we can point to our children the rough path through
which we grew strong and great.
We have a very bright and striking example in the history of the Jews
in this and other countries. There is, perhaps, no race that has
suffered so much, not so much in America as in some of the countries
in Europe. But these people have clung together. They have had a
certain amount of unity, pride, and love of race; and, as the years go
on, they will be more and more influential in this country,--a country
where they were once despised, and looked upon with scorn and
derision. It is largely because the Jewish race has had faith in
itself. Unless the Negro learns more and more to imitate the Jew in
these matters, to have faith in himself, he cannot expect to have any
high degree of success.
I wish to speak upon another subject which largely concerns the
welfare of both races, especially in the South,--lynching. It is an
unpleasant subject; but I feel that I should be omitting some part of
my duty to both races did I not say something on the subject.
For a number of years the South has appealed to the North and to
federal authorities, through the public press, from the public
platform, and most eloquently through the late Henry W. Grady, to
leave the whole matter of the rights and protection of the Negro to
the South, declaring that it would see to it that the Negro would be
made secure in his citizenship. During the last half-dozen years the
whole country, from the President down, has been inclined more than
ever to pursue this policy, leaving the whole matter of the destiny of
the Negro to the Negro himself and to the Southern white people, among
whom the great bulk of Negroes live.
By the present policy of non-interference on the part of the North and
the federal government the South is given a sacred trust. How will she
execute this trust? The world is waiting and watching to see. The
question must be answered largely by the protection it gives to the
life of the Negro and the provisions that are made for his development
in the organic laws of the State. I fear that but few people in the
South realise to what an extent the habit of lynching, or the taking
of life without due process of law, has taken hold of us, and is
hurting us, not only in the eyes of the world, but in our own moral
and material growth.
Lynching was instituted some years ago with the idea of punishing and
checking criminal assaults upon women. Let us examine the facts, and
see where it has already led us and is likely further to carry us, if
we do not rid ourselves of the evil. Many good people in the South,
and also out of the South, have gotten the idea that lynching is
resorted to for one crime only. I have the facts from an authoritative
source. During last year one hundred and twenty-seven persons were
lynched in the United States. Of this number, one hundred and
eighteen were executed in the South and nine in the North and West. Of
the total number lynched, one hundred and two were Negroes,
twenty-three were whites, and two Indians. Now, let every one
interested in the South, his country, and the cause of humanity, note
this fact,--that only twenty-four of the entire number were charged in
any way with the crime of rape; that is, twenty-four out of one
hundred and twenty-seven cases of lynching. Sixty-one of the remaining
cases were for murder, thirteen for being suspected of murder, six for
theft, etc. During one week last spring, when I kept a careful record,
thirteen Negroes were lynched in three of our Southern States; and not
one was even charged with rape. All of these thirteen were accused of
murder or house-burning; but in neither case were the men allowed to
go before a court, so that their innocence or guilt might be proven.
When we get to the point where four-fifths of the people lynched in
our country in one year are for some crime other than rape, we can no
longer plead and explain that we lynch for one crime alone.
Let us take another year, that of 1892, for example, when 241 persons
were lynched in the whole United States. Of this number 36 were
lynched in Northern and Western States, and 205 in our Southern
States; 160 were Negroes, 5 of these being women. The facts show that,
out of the 241 lynched, only 57 were even charged with rape or
attempted rape, leaving in this year alone 184 persons who were
lynched for other causes than that of rape.
If it were necessary, I could produce figures for other years. Within
a period of six years about 900 persons have been lynched in our
Southern States. This is but a few hundred short of the total number
of soldiers who lost their lives in Cuba during the Spanish-American
War. If we would realise still more fully how far this unfortunate
evil is leading us on, note the classes of crime during a few months
for which the local papers and the Associated Press say that lynching
has been inflicted. They include "murder," "rioting," "incendiarism,"
"robbery," "larceny," "self-defence," "insulting women," "alleged
stock-poisoning," "malpractice," "alleged barn-burning," "suspected
robbery," "race prejudice," "attempted murder," "horse-stealing,"
"mistaken identity," etc.
The evil has so grown that we are now at the point where not only
blacks are lynched in the South, but white men as well. Not only this,
but within the last six years at least a half-dozen coloured women
have been lynched. And there are a few cases where Negroes have
lynched members of their own race. What is to be the end of all this?
Furthermore, every lynching drives hundreds of Negroes out of the
farming districts of the South, where they make the best living and
where their services are of greatest value to the country, into the
already over-crowded cities.
I know that some argue that the crime of lynching Negroes is not
confined to the South. This is true; and no one can excuse such a
crime as the shooting of innocent black men in Illinois, who were
guilty of nothing, except seeking labour. But my words just now are to
the South, where my home is and a part of which I am. Let other
sections act as they will; I want to see our beautiful Southland free
from this terrible evil of lynching. Lynching does not stop crime. In
the vicinity in the South where a coloured man was alleged recently to
have committed the most terrible crime ever charged against a member
of my race, but a few weeks previously five coloured men had been
lynched for supposed incendiarism. If lynching was a cure for crime,
surely the lynching of those five would have prevented another Negro
from committing a most heinous crime a few weeks later.
We might as well face the facts bravely and wisely. Since the
beginning of the world crime has been committed in all civilised and
uncivilised countries, and a certain percentage of it will always be
committed both in the North and in the South; but I believe that the
crime of rape can be stopped. In proportion to the numbers and
intelligence of the population of the South, there exists little more
crime than in several other sections of the country; but, because of
the lynching evil, we are constantly advertising ourselves to the
world as a lawless people. We cannot disregard the teachings of the
civilised world for eighteen hundred years, that the only way to
punish crime is by law. When we leave this anchorage chaos begins.
I am not pleading for the Negro alone. Lynching injures, hardens, and
blunts the moral sensibilities of the young and tender manhood of the
South. Never shall I forget the remark by a little nine-year-old white
boy, with blue eyes and flaxen hair. The little fellow said to his
mother, after he had returned from a lynching: "I have seen a man
hanged; now I wish I could see one burned." Rather than hear such a
remark from one of my little boys, I would prefer to see him in his
grave. This is not all. Every community guilty of lynching says in so
many words to the governor, to the legislature, to the sheriff, to the
jury, and to the judge: "We have no faith in you and no respect for
you. We have no respect for the law which we helped to make."
In the South, at the present time, there is less excuse for not
permitting the law to take its course where a Negro is to be tried
than anywhere else in the world; for, almost without exception, the
governors, the sheriffs, the judges, the juries, and the lawyers are
all white men, and they can be trusted, as a rule, to do their duty.
Otherwise, it is needless to tax the people to support these officers.
If our present laws are not sufficient properly to punish crime, let
the laws be changed; but that the punishment may be by lawfully
constituted authorities is the plea I make. The history of the world
proves that where the law is most strictly enforced there is the least
crime: where people take the administration of the law into their own
hands there is the most crime.
But there is still another side. The white man in the South has not
only a serious duty and responsibility, but the Negro has a duty and
responsibility in this matter. In speaking of my own people, I want
to be equally frank; but I speak with the greatest kindness. There is
too much crime among them. The figures for a given period show that in
the United States thirty per cent. of the crime committed is by
Negroes, while we constitute only about twelve per cent. of the entire
population. This proportion holds good not only in the South, but also
in Northern States and cities.
No race that is so largely ignorant and so recently out of slavery
could, perhaps, show a better record, but we must face these plain
facts. He is most kind to the Negro who tells him of his faults as
well as of his virtues. A large percentage of the crime among us grows
out of the idleness of our young men and women. It is for this reason
that I have tried to insist upon some industry being taught in
connection with their course of literary training. It is vitally
important now that every parent, every teacher and minister of the
gospel, should teach with unusual emphasis morality and obedience to
the law. At the fireside, in the school-room, in the Sunday-school,
from the pulpit, and in the Negro press, there should be such a
sentiment created regarding the committing of crime against women that
no such crime could be charged against any member of the race. Let it
be understood, for all time, that no one guilty of rape can find
sympathy or shelter with us, and that none will be more active than we
in bringing to justice, through the proper authorities, those guilty
of crime. Let the criminal and vicious element of the race have, at
all times, our most severe condemnation. Let a strict line be drawn
between the virtuous and the criminal. I condemn, with all the
indignation of my soul, any beast in human form guilty of assaulting a
woman. I am sure I voice the sentiment of the thoughtful of my race
in this condemnation.
We should not, as a race, become discouraged. We are making progress.
No race has ever gotten upon its feet without discouragements and
struggles.
I should be a great hypocrite and a coward if I did not add that which
my daily experience has taught me to be true; namely, that the Negro
has among many of the Southern whites as good friends as he has
anywhere in the world. These friends have not forsaken us. They will
not do so. Neither will our friends in the North. If we make ourselves
intelligent, industrious, economical, and virtuous, of value to the
community in which we live, we can and will work out our salvation
right here in the South. In every community, by means of organised
effort, we should seek, in a manly and honourable way, the confidence,
the co-operation, the sympathy, of the best white people in the South
and in our respective communities. With the best white people and the
best black people standing together, in favour of law and order and
justice, I believe that the safety and happiness of both races will be
made secure.
We are one in this country. The question of the highest citizenship
and the complete education of all concerns nearly ten millions of my
people and sixty millions of the white race. When one race is strong,
the other is strong; when one is weak, the other is weak. There is no
power that can separate our destiny. Unjust laws and customs which
exist in many places injure the white man and inconvenience the Negro.
No race can wrong another race, simply because it has the power to do
so, without being permanently injured in its own morals. The Negro can
endure the temporary inconvenience, but the injury to the white man is
permanent. It is for the white man to save himself from this
degradation that I plead. If a white man steals a Negro's ballot, it
is the white man who is permanently injured. Physical death comes to
the one Negro lynched in a county; but death of the morals--death of
the soul--comes to those responsible for the lynching.
Those who fought and died on the battlefield for the freedom of the
slaves performed their duty heroically and well, but a duty remains to
those left. The mere fiat of law cannot make an ignorant voter an
intelligent voter, cannot make a dependent man an independent man,
cannot make one citizen respect another. These results will come to
the Negro, as to all races, by beginning at the bottom and gradually
working up to the highest possibilities of his nature.
In the economy of God there is but one standard by which an individual
can succeed: there is but one for a race. This country expects that
every race shall measure itself by the American standard. During the
next half-century, and more, the Negro must continue passing through
the severe American crucible. He is to be tested in his patience, his
forbearance, his perseverance, his power to endure wrong,--to
withstand temptations, to economise, to acquire and use skill,--his
ability to compete, to succeed in commerce, to disregard the
superficial for the real, the appearance for the substance, to be
great and yet small, learned and yet simple, high and yet the servant
of all. This,--this is the passport to all that is best in the life of
our Republic; and the Negro must possess it or be barred out.
In working out his own destiny, while the main burden of activity must
be with the Negro, he will need in the years to come, as he has needed
in the past, the help, the encouragement, the guidance, that the
strong can give the weak. Thus helped, those of both races in the
South will soon throw off the shackles of racial and sectional
prejudice, and rise above the clouds of ignorance, narrowness, and
selfishness into that atmosphere, that pure sunshine, where it will be
the highest ambition to serve man, our brother, regardless of race or
previous condition.