CHAPTER XVIII.

A REFORMER IN PRISON.

(AUGUST 1532 TO MAY 1533.)

[Sidenote: Fryth’s Noble Character.]

One of the leading scholars of England was about to seal the testimony

of his faith with blood. John Fryth had been one of the most brilliant

stars of the university of Cambridge. ‘It would hardly be possible to

find his equal in learning,’ said many. Accordingly Wolsey had invited

him to his college at Oxford, and Henry VIII. had desired to place him

among the number of his theologians. But the mysteries of the Word of

God had more attraction for Fryth than those of science: the wants of

conscience prevailed in him over those of the intellect, and neglecting

his own glory, he sought only to be useful to mankind.[288] A sincere,

decided, and yet moderate Christian, preaching the Gospel with great

purity and love, this man of thirty seemed destined to become one of the

most influential reformers of England. Nothing could have prevented his

playing the foremost part, if he had had Luther’s enthusiastic energy or

Calvin’s indomitable power. There were less strong, but perhaps more

amiable features in his character; he taught with gentleness those who

were opposed to the truth, and while many, as Foxe says,[289] ‘take the

bellows in hand to blow the fire, but few there are that will seek to

quench it,’ Fryth sought after peace. Controversies between protestants

distressed him. ‘The opinions for which men go to war,’ he said, ‘do not

deserve those great tragedies of which they make us spectators. Let

there be no longer any question among us of Zwinglians or Lutherans, for

neither Zwingle nor Luther died for us, and we must be one in Christ

Jesus.’[290] This servant of Christ, meek and lowly of heart, like his

Master, never disputed even with papists, unless obliged to do so.[291]

A true catholicism which embraced all Christians was Fryth’s distinctive

feature as a reformer. He was not one of those who imagine that a

national Church ought to think only of its own nation; but of those who

believe that if a Church is the depositary of the truth, she is so for

all the earth; and that a religion is not good, if it has no longing to

extend itself to all the races of mankind. There were some strongly

marked national elements in the English Reformation: the king and the

parliament; but there was also a universal element: a lively faith in

the Saviour of the world. No one in the sixteenth century represented

this truly catholic element better than Fryth. ‘I understand the Church

of God in a wide sense,’ he said. ‘It contains all those whom we regard

as members of Christ. It is a net thrown into the sea.’[292] This

principle, sown at that time as a seed in the English Reformation, was

one day to cover the world with missionaries.

Fryth, having declined the brilliant offers the king had made to him

through Cromwell and Vaughan, joined Tyndale in translating and

publishing the Holy Scriptures in English. While laboring thus for

England, an irresistible desire came over him to circulate the Gospel

there in person. He therefore quitted the Low Countries, returned to

London, and directed his course to Reading, where the prior had been his

friend. Exile had not used him well, and he entered that town miserably

clothed, and more like a beggar than one whom Henry VIII. had desired to

place near him. This was in August 1532.

His writings had preceded him. Having received, when in the Netherlands,

three works composed in defence of purgatory by three distinguished

men—Rastell, Sir Thomas More’s brother-in-law, More himself, and Fisher,

Bishop of Rochester—Fryth had replied to them: ‘A purgatory! there is

not _one_ only, there are _two_. The first is the _Word of God_, the

second is the _Cross of Christ_: I do not mean the cross of wood, but

the cross of tribulation. But the lives of the papists are so wicked

that they have invented a third.’[293]

Sir Thomas, exasperated by Fryth’s reply, said with that humorous tone

he often affected, ‘I propose to answer the good young father Fryth,

whose wisdom is such that three old men like my brother Rastell, the

Bishop of Rochester, and myself are mere babies when confronted with

Father Fryth alone.’[294] The exile having returned to England, More had

now the opportunity of avenging himself more effectually than by his

jokes.

[Sidenote: Fryth In The Stocks.]

Fryth, as we have said, had entered Reading. His strange air and his

look as of a foreigner arriving from a distant country attracted

attention, and he was taken up for a vagabond. ‘Who are you?’ asked the

magistrate. Fryth, suspecting that he was in the hands of enemies of the

Gospel, refused to give his name, which increased the suspicion, and the

poor young man was set in the stocks. As they gave him but little to

eat, with the intent of forcing him to tell his name, his hunger soon

became insupportable.[295] Knowing the name of the master of the

grammar-school, he asked to speak with him. Leonard Coxe had scarcely

entered the prison, when the pretended vagabond all in rags addressed

him in correct latinity, and began to deplore his miserable captivity.

Never had words more noble been uttered in a dungeon so vile. The

head-master, astonished at so much eloquence, compassionately drew near

the unhappy man and inquired how it came to pass that such a learned

scholar was in such profound wretchedness. Presently he sat down, and

the two men began to talk in Greek about the universities and languages.

Coxe could not make it out: it was no longer simple pity that he felt,

but love, which turned to admiration when he heard the prisoner recite

with the purest accent those noble lines of the _Iliad_ which were so

applicable to his own case:

‘Sing, O Muse,

The vengeance deep and deadly; whence to Greece

Unnumbered ills arose; which many a soul

Of mighty warriors to the viewless shades

Untimely sent.’[296]

Filled with respect, Coxe hurried off to the mayor, complained bitterly

of the wrong done to so remarkable a man, and obtained his liberation.

Homer saved the life of a reformer.

Fryth departed for London and hastened to join the worshippers who were

accustomed to meet in Bow Lane. He conversed with them and exclaimed:

‘Oh! what consolation to see such a great number of believers walking in

the way of the Lord!’[297] These Christians asked him to expound the

Scriptures to them, and, delighted with his exhortations, they exclaimed

in their turn: ‘If the rule of St. Paul were followed, this man would

certainly make a better bishop than many of those who wear the

mitre.’[298] Instead of the crosier he was to bear the cross.

[Sidenote: Fryth’s Eloquence.]

One of those who listened was in great doubt relative to the doctrine of

the Lord’s Supper; and one day, after Fryth had been setting Christ

before them as the food of the Christian soul through faith, this person

followed him and said: ‘Our prelates think differently; they believe

that the bread transformed by consecration becomes the flesh, blood, and

bones of Christ; that even the wicked eat this flesh with their teeth,

and that we must adore the host.... What you have just said refutes

their errors, but I fear that I cannot remember it. Pray commit it to

writing.’ Fryth, who did not like discussions, was alarmed at the

request, and answered; ‘I do not care to touch that terrible

tragedy;’[299] for so he called the dispute about the Eucharist. The man

having repeated his request, and promised that he would not communicate

the paper to anybody, Fryth wrote an explanation of the doctrine of the

Sacrament and gave it to that London Christian, saying: ‘We must eat and

drink the body and blood of Christ, not with the teeth, but with the

hearing and through faith.’ The brother took the treatise, and, hurrying

home with it, read it carefully.

In a short time every one at the Bow Lane meeting spoke about this

writing. One man, a false brother, named William Holt, listened

attentively to what was said, and thought he had found an opportunity of

destroying Fryth. Assuming a hypocritical look, he spoke in a pious

strain to the individual who had the manuscript, as if he had desired to

enlighten his faith, and finally asked him for it. Having obtained it,

he hastened to make a copy, which he carried to Sir Thomas More, who was

still chancellor.

Fryth soon perceived that he had tried in vain to remain unknown; he

called with so much power those who thirsted for righteousness to come

to Christ for the waters of life, that friends and enemies were struck

with his eloquence. Observing that his name began to be talked of in

various places, he quitted the capital and travelled unnoticed through

several counties, where he found some little Christian congregations

whom he tried to strengthen in the faith.

Tyndale, who remained on the continent, having heard of Fryth’s labors,

began to feel great anxiety about him. He knew but too well the cruel

disposition of the bishops and of More. ‘I will make the serpent come

out of his dark den,’ Sir Thomas had said, speaking of Tyndale, ‘as

Hercules forced Cerberus, the watch-dog of hell, to come out to the

light of day.... I will not leave Tyndale the darkest corner in which to

hide his head.’[300] In Tyndale’s eyes Fryth was the great hope of the

Church in England; he trembled lest the redoubtable Hercules should

seize him. ‘Dearly beloved brother Jacob,’ he wrote,—calling him Jacob

to mislead his enemies,—‘be cold, sober, wise, and circumspect, and keep

you low by the ground, avoiding high questions that pass the common

capacity. But expound the law truly, and open the veil of Moses to

condemn all flesh and prove all men sinners. Then set abroach the mercy

of our Lord Jesus, and let the wounded consciences drink of him.... All

doctrine that casteth a mist on these two to shadow and hide them,

resist with all your power.... Beloved in my heart, there liveth not one

in whom I have so great hope and trust, and in whom my heart rejoiceth,

not so much for your learning and what other gifts else you may have, as

because you walk in those things that the conscience may feel, and not

in the imagination of the brain. Cleave fast to the rock of the help of

God; and if aught be required of you contrary to the glory of God and

his Christ, then stand fast and commit yourself to God. He is our God,

and our redemption is nigh.’[301]

Tyndale’s fears were but too well founded. Sir Thomas More held Fryth’s

new treatise in his hand: he read it and, gave way by turns to anger and

sarcasm. ‘Whetting his wits, calling his spirits together, and

sharpening his pen,’ to use the words of the chronicler,[302] he

answered Fryth, and described his doctrine under the image of a cancer.

This did not satisfy him. Although he had returned the seals to the king

in May, he continued to hold office until the end of the year. He

ordered search to be made for Fryth, and set all his bloodhounds on the

track. If the reformer was discovered he was lost; when Sir Thomas More

had once caught his man, nothing could save him—nothing but a merry

jest, perhaps. For instance, one day when he was examining a gospeller

named Silver: ‘You know,’ he said, with a smile, ‘that silver must be

tried in the fire.’ ‘Yes,’ retorted the accused instantly, ‘but not

quicksilver.’[303] More delighted with the repartee, set the poor wretch

at liberty. But Fryth was no jester: he could not hope, therefore, to

find favor with the ex-chancellor of England.

[Sidenote: Fryth Hunted By More.]

Sir Thomas hunted the reformer by sea and by land, promising a great

reward to any one who should deliver him up. There was no county or town

or village where More did not look for him, no sheriff or justice of the

peace to whom he did not apply, no harbor where he did not post some

officer to catch him.[304] But the answer from every quarter was: ‘He is

not here.’ Indeed, Fryth, having been informed of the great exertions of

his enemy, was fleeing from place to place, often changing his dress,

and finding safety nowhere. Determining to leave England and return to

Tyndale, he went to Milton Shone in Essex with the intention of

embarking. A ship was ready to sail, and quitting his hiding-place he

went down to the shore with all precaution. He had been betrayed. More’s

agents, who were on the watch, seized him as he was stepping on board,

and carried him to the Tower. This occurred in October 1532.

Sir Thomas More was uneasy and soured. He beheld a new power lifting its

head in England and all Christendom, and he felt that in despite of his

wit and his influence he was unable to check it. That man so amiable,

that writer of a style so pure and elegant, did not so much dread the

anger of the king; what exasperated him was to see the Scriptures

circulating more widely every day, and a continually increasing number

of his fellow-citizens converted to the evangelical faith. These new

men, who seemed to have more piety than himself—he an old follower of

the old papacy!—irritated him sorely. He claimed to have alone—he and

his friends—the privilege of being Christians. The zeal of the partisans

of the Reformation, the sacrifice they made of their repose, their

money, and their lives, confounded him. ‘These diabolical people,’ he

said, ‘print their books at great expense, notwithstanding the great

danger; not looking for any gain, they give them away to everybody, and

even scatter them abroad by night.[305] They fear no labor, no journey,

no expense, no pain, no danger, no blows, no injury. They take a

malicious pleasure in seeking the destruction of others, and these

disciples of the devil think only how they may cast the souls of the

simple into hell-fire.’ In such a strain as this did the elegant utopist

give vent to his anger—the man who had dreamt all his life of the plan

of an imaginary world for the perfect happiness of every one. At last he

had caught the chief of these disciples of Satan, and hoped to put him

to death by fire.

[Sidenote: Fryth’s Labors In Prison.]

The news soon spread through London that Fryth was in the tower, and

several priests and bishops immediately went thither to try to bring him

back to the pope. Their great argument was that More had confuted his

treatise on the Lord’s Supper. Fryth asked to see the confutation, but

it was refused him. One day the Bishop of Winchester having called up

the prisoner, showed it to Fryth, and, holding it up, asserted that the

book quite shut his mouth: Fryth put out his hand, but the bishop

hastily withdrew the volume. More himself was ashamed of the apology and

did all he could to prevent its circulation. Fryth could only obtain a

written copy, but he resolved to answer it immediately. There was no one

with whom he could confer, not a book he could consult, and the chains

with which he was loaded scarcely allowed him to sit and write.[306] But

reading in his dungeon by the light of a small candle the insults of

More, and finding himself charged with having collected all the poison

that could be found in the writings of Wickliffe, Luther, Œcolampadius,

Tyndale, and Zwingle, this humble servant of God exclaimed: ‘No! Luther

and his doctrine are not the mark I aim at, but the Scriptures of

God.’[307] ‘He shall pay for his heresy with the best blood in his

body,’ said his enemies; and the pious disciple replied: ‘As the sheep

bound by the hand of the butcher with timid look beseeches that his

blood may soon be shed, even so do I pray my judges that my blood may be

shed _to-morrow_, if by my death the king’s eyes should be opened.’[308]

Before he died, Fryth desired to save, if it were God’s will, one of his

adversaries. There was one of them who had no obstinacy, no malice: it

was Rastell, More’s brother-in-law. Being unable to speak to him or to

any of the enemies of the Reformation, he formed the design of writing

in prison a treatise which should be called the _Bulwark_. But strict

orders had recently arrived that he should have neither pen, ink, nor

paper.[309] Some evangelical Christians of London, who succeeded in

getting access to him, secretly furnished him with the means of writing,

and Fryth began. He wrote ... but at every moment he listened for fear

the lieutenant of the Tower or the warders should come upon him suddenly

and find the pen in his hand.[310] Often a bright thought would occur to

him, but some sudden alarm drove it out of his mind, and he could not

recall it.[311] He took courage, however: he had been accused of

asserting that good works were of no service: he proceeded to explain

with much eloquence all their utility, and every time he repeated: ‘Is

that nothing? is that still nothing? Truly, Rastell,’ he added, ‘if you

only regard that as useful which justifies us, the sun is not useful,

because it justifieth not.’[312]

As he was finishing these words he heard the keys rattling at the door,

and, being alarmed, immediately threw paper, ink, and pen into a

hiding-place. However, he was able to complete the treatise and send it

to Rastell. More’s brother-in-law read it; his heart was touched, his

understanding enlightened, his prejudices cleared away; and from that

hour this choice spirit was gained over to the Gospel of Christ. God had

given him new eyes and new ears. A pure joy filled the prisoner’s heart.

‘Rastell now looks upon his natural reason as foolishness,’ he said.

‘Rastell, become a child, drinks the wisdom that cometh from on

high.’[313]

The conversion of Sir Thomas More’s brother-in-law made a great

sensation, and the visits to Fryth’s cell became every day more

numerous. Although separated from his wife and from Tyndale, whom he had

been forced to leave in the Low Countries, he had never had so many

friends, brothers, mothers, and fathers; he wept for very joy. He took

his pen and paper from their hiding-place, and, always indefatigable,

began to write first the _Looking-glass of Self-knowledge_, and next a

_Letter to the faithful Followers of the Gospel of Christ_. ‘Imitators

of the Lord,’ he said to them, ‘mark yourselves with the sign of the

cross, not as the superstitious crowd does, in order to worship it, but

as a testimony that you are ready to bear that cross as soon as God

shall please to send it. Fear not when you have it, for you will also

have a hundred fathers instead of one, a hundred mothers instead of one,

a hundred mansions already in this life (for I have made the trial), and

after this life, joy everlasting.’[314]

[Sidenote: Fryth Visits Petit.]

At the beginning of 1533, Anne Boleyn having been married to the King of

England, Fryth saw his chains fall off: he was allowed to have all he

asked for, and even permitted to leave the Tower at night on parole. He

took advantage of this liberty to visit the friends of the Gospel, and

consult with them about what was to be done. One evening in particular,

after leaving the Tower, Fryth went to Petit’s house, anxious to embrace

once more that great friend of the Reformation, that firm member of

parliament, who had been thrown into prison as we have seen, and at last

set free. Petit, weakened by his long confinement, was near his end; the

persecution agitated and pained him, and it would appear that his

emotion sometimes ended in delirium. As he was groaning over the

captivity of the young and noble reformer, Fryth appeared. Petit was

confused, his mind wandered. Is it Fryth or his ghost? He was like the

apostles, when Rhoda came to tell them that Peter was at the gate

waiting to see them. But gradually recovering himself, Petit said: ‘You

here! how have you escaped the vigilance of the warders?’ ‘God himself,’

answered Fryth, ‘gave me this liberty by touching their hearts.’[315]

The two friends then conversed about the true Reformation of England,

which in their eyes had nothing to do with the diplomatic proceedings of

the king. In their opinion it was not a matter of overloading the

external Church with new frippery, but ‘to increase that elect,

sanctified, and invisible congregation, elect before the foundation of

the world.’[316] Fryth did not conceal from Petit the conviction he felt

that he would be called upon to die for the Gospel. The night was spent

in such Christian conversation and the day began to dawn before the

prisoner hastened to return to the Tower.

The evangelist’s friends did not think as he did. Anne Boleyn’s

accession seemed as if it ought to open the doors of Fryth’s prison, and

in imagination they saw him at liberty, and laboring either on the

continent or at home at that real reformation which is accomplished by

the Scriptures of God.

But it was not to be so. Most of the evangelical men raised up by God in

England during the reign of Henry VIII. found—not the influence which

they should have exercised, but—death. Yet their blood has weighed in

the divine balance; it has sanctified the Reformation of England, and

been a spiritual seed for future ages. If the Church of that rich

country, which possesses such worldly splendor, has nevertheless

witnessed the development of a powerful evangelical life in its bosom,

it must not forget the cause, but understand, with Tertullian, that _the

blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church_.

Footnote 288:

‘Serving for the common utility.’—Tyndale to Fryth, _Works_, iii. p.

74.

Footnote 289:

Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 10.

Footnote 290:

Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 421.

Footnote 291:

‘He would never seem to strive against the papists.’—Foxe, _Acts_, v.

p. 9.

Footnote 292:

Fryth, _A Declaration of Baptism_, p. 287.

Footnote 293:

See Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 91. Preface to the Reader.

Footnote 294:

Anderson, _Annals of the Bible_, i. p. 338.

Footnote 295:

Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 5.

Footnote 296:

Earl of Derby’s Translation.

Footnote 297:

He added: ‘Now have I experience of the faith which is in

you.’—Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 257.

Footnote 298:

Ibid. p. 324.

Footnote 299:

Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 321.

Footnote 300:

_Confutation of Tyndale’s Answer_, by Sir Thomas More, lord-chancellor

of England (1532).

Footnote 301:

Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 133.

Footnote 302:

Ibid. p. 9.

Footnote 303:

Strype. i. p. 316.

Footnote 304:

Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 6.

Footnote 305:

Preface to More’s Confutation, _Bible Ann._ i. p. 343.

Footnote 306:

‘He was so loaded with iron that he could scarce sit with any

ease.’—Burnet, i. p. 161.

Footnote 307:

Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 342.

Footnote 308:

Ibid. p. 338.

Footnote 309:

The Subsidy or Bulwark; Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 242.

Footnote 310:

‘I am in continual fear, lest the lieutenant or my keeper should espy

any such thing by me.’—Ibid.

Footnote 311:

‘If any notable thing had been in my mind, it was clean lost.’—Ibid.

Footnote 312:

The Subsidy or Bulwark; Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 241.

Footnote 313:

The Subsidy or Bulwark; Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 211.

Footnote 314:

Ibid. p. 259.

Footnote 315:

Strype.

Footnote 316:

Tyndale and Fryth; _Works_, iii. p. 288.

History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin. Vol. 4 (of 8) · 第 18 / 26 章