SHOULD THE CHINESE BE EXCLUDED?

THE average American, like the average man of any country, has but

little imagination. People who speak a different language, or worship

some other god, or wear clothing unlike his own, are beyond the horizon

of his sympathy. He cares but little or nothing for the sufferings or

misfortunes of those who are of a different complexion or of another

race. His imagination is not powerful enough to recognize the human

being, in spite of peculiarities. Instead of this he looks upon every

difference as an evidence of inferiority, and for the inferior he has

but little if any feeling. If these "inferior people" claim equal

rights he feels insulted, and for the purpose of establishing his own

superiority tramples on the rights of the so-called inferior.

In our own country the native has always considered himself as much

better than the immigrant, and as far superior to all people of a

different complexion. At one time our people hated the Irish, then the

Germans, then the Italians, and now the Chinese. The Irish and Germans,

however, became numerous. They became citizens, and, most important of

all, they had votes. They combined, became powerful, and the political

parties sought their aid. They had something to give in exchange for

protection--in exchange for political rights. In consequence of this

they were flattered by candidates, praised by the political press, and

became powerful enough not only to protect themselves, but at last to

govern the principal cities in the United States. As a matter of fact

the Irish and the Germans drove the native Americans out of the trades

and from the lower forms of labor. They built the railways and canals.

They became servants. Afterward the Irish and the Germans were driven

from the canals and railways by the Italians.

The Irish and Germans improved their condition. They went into other

businesses, into the higher and more lucrative trades. They entered

the professions, turned their attention to politics, became merchants,

brokers, and professors in colleges. They are not now building railroads

or digging on public works. They are contractors, legislators, holders

of office, and the Italians and Chinese are doing the old work.

If matters had been allowed to work in a natural way, without the

interference of mobs or legislators, the Chinese would have driven the

Italians to better employments, and all menial labor would, in time, be

done by the Mongolians.

In olden times each nation hated all others. This was considered natural

and patriotic. Spain, after many centuries of war, expelled the Moors,

then the Moriscoes, and then the Jews. And Spain, in the name of

religion and patriotism, succeeded in driving from its territory its

industry, its taste and its intelligence, and by these mistakes became

poor, ignorant and weak. France started on the same path when the

Huguenots were expelled, and even England at one time deported the Jews.

In those days a difference of race or religion was sufficient to justify

any absurdity and any cruelty.

In our country, as a matter of fact, there is but little prejudice

against emigrants coming from Europe, except among naturalized citizens;

but nearly all foreign-born citizens are united in their prejudice

against the Chinese.

The truth is that the Chinese came to this country by invitation. Under

the Burlingame Treaty, China and the United States recognized:

"The inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and

allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of free migration and

emigration of their citizens and subjects respectively from one country

to the other for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent

residents."

And it was provided:

"That the citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China

and Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the United States should

reciprocally enjoy the same privileges, immunities and exemptions, in

respect to travel or residence, as shall be enjoyed by the citizens or

subjects of the most favored nation, in the country in which they shall

respectively be visiting or residing."

So, by the treaty of 1880, providing for the limitation or suspension of

emigration of Chinese labor, it was declared:

"That the limitation or suspension should apply only to Chinese who

emigrated to the United States as laborers; but that Chinese laborers

who were then in the United States should be allowed to go and come of

their own free will and should be accorded all the rights, privileges,

immunities and exemptions, which were accorded to the citizens and

subjects of the most favored nations."

It will thus be seen that all Chinese laborers who came to this country

prior to the treaty of 1880 were to be treated the same as the citizens

and subjects of the most favored nation; that is to say, they were to be

protected by our laws the same as we protect our own citizens.

These Chinese laborers are inoffensive, peaceable and law-abiding.

They are honest, keeping their contracts, doing as they agree. They

are exceedingly industrious, always ready to work and always giving

satisfaction to their employers. They do not interfere with other

people. They cannot become citizens. They have no voice in the making or

the execution of the laws. They attend to their own business. They have

their own ideas, customs, religion and ceremonies--about as foolish as

our own; but they do not try to make converts or to force their dogmas

on others. They are patient, uncomplaining, stoical and philosophical.

They earn what they can, giving reasonable value for the money they

receive, and as a rule, when they have amassed a few thousand dollars,

they go back to their own country. They do not interfere with our

ideas, our ways or customs. They are silent workers, toiling without any

object, except to do their work and get their pay. They do not establish

saloons and run for Congress. Neither do they combine for the purpose

of governing others. Of all the people on our soil they are the least

meddlesome. Some of them smoke opium, but the opium-smoker does not beat

his wife. Some of them play games of chance, but they are not members of

the Stock Exchange. They eat the bread that they earn; they neither beg

nor steal, but they are of no use to parties or politicians except as

they become fuel to supply the flame of prejudice. They are not citizens

and they cannot vote. Their employers are about the only friends they

have.

In the Pacific States the lowest became their enemies and asked for

their expulsion. They denounced the Chinese and those who gave

them work. The patient followers of Confucius were treated as

outcasts--stoned by boys in the streets and mobbed by the fathers. Few

seemed to have any respect for their rights or their feelings. They were

unlike us. They wore different clothes. They dressed their hair in

a peculiar way, and therefore they were beyond our sympathies. These

ideas, these practices, demoralized many communities; the laboring

people became cruel and the small politicians infamous.

When the rights of even one human being are held in contempt the rights

of all are in danger. We cannot destroy the liberties of others without

losing our own. By exciting the prejudices of the ignorant we at last

produce a contempt for law and justice, and sow the seeds of violence

and crime.

Both of the great political parties pandered to the leaders of the

crusade against the Chinese for the sake of electoral votes, and in the

Pacific States the friends of the Chinese were forced to keep still

or to publicly speak contrary to their convictions. The orators of

the "Sand Lots" were in power, and the policy of the whole country was

dictated by the most ignorant and prejudiced of our citizens. Both

of the great parties ratified the outrages committed by the mobs, and

proceeded with alacrity to violate the treaties and solemn obligations

of the Government. These treaties were violated, these obligations were

denied, and thousands of Chinamen were deprived of their rights, of

their property, and hundreds were maimed or murdered. They were driven

from their homes. They were hunted like wild beasts. All this was done

in a country that sends missionaries to China to tell the benighted

savages of the blessed religion of the United States.

At first a demand was made that the Chinese should be driven out, then

that no others should be allowed to come, and laws with these objects in

view were passed, in spite of the treaties, preventing the coming of any

more. For a time that satisfied the haters of the Mongolian. Then came

a demand for more stringent legislation, so that many of the Chinese

already here could be compelled to leave. The answer or response to this

demand is what is known as the Geary Law.

By this act it is provided, among other things, that any Chinaman

convicted of not being lawfully in the country shall be removed to

China, after having been imprisoned at hard labor for not exceeding one

year. This law also does away with bail on _habeas corpus_, proceedings

where the right to land has been denied to a Chinaman. It also compels

all Chinese laborers to obtain, within one year after the passage of the

law, certificates of residence from the revenue collectors, and if found

without such certificate they shall be held to be unlawfully in the

United States.

It is further provided that if a Chinaman claims that he failed to get

such certificate by "accident, sickness or other unavoidable cause,"

then he must clearly establish such claim to the satisfaction of the

judge "by at least one credible white witness."

If we were at war with China then we might legally consider every

Chinaman as an enemy, but we were and are at peace with that country.

The Geary Act was passed by Congress and signed by the President simply

for the sake of votes. The Democrats in Congress voted for it to save

the Pacific States to the Democratic column; and a Republican President

signed it so that the Pacific States should vote the Republican ticket.

Principle was forgotten, or rather it was sacrificed, in the hope of

political success. It was then known, as now, that China is a peaceful

nation, that it does not believe in war as a remedy, that it relies

on negotiation and treaty. It is also known that the Chinese in

this country were helpless, without friends, without power to defend

themselves. It is possible that many members of Congress voted in

favor of the Act believing that the Supreme Court would hold it

unconstitutional, and that in the meantime it might be politically

useful.

The idea of imprisoning a man at hard labor for a year, and this man

a citizen of a friendly nation, for the crime of being found in this

country without a certificate of residence, must be abhorrent to the

mind of every enlightened man. Such punishment for such an "offence" is

barbarous and belongs to the earliest times of which we know. This law

makes industry a crime and puts one who works for his bread on a level

with thieves and the lowest criminals, treats him as a felon, and

clothes him in the stripes of a convict,--and all this is done at the

demand of the ignorant, of the prejudiced, of the heartless, and because

the Chinese are not voters and have no political power.

The Chinese are not driven away because there is no room for them. Our

country is not crowded. There are many millions of acres waiting for

the plow. There is plenty of room here under our flag for five hundred

millions of people. These Chinese that we wish to oppress and imprison

are people who understand the art of irrigation. They can redeem the

deserts. They are the best of gardeners. They are modest and willing to

occupy the lowest seats. They only ask to be day-laborers, washers and

ironers. They are willing to sweep and scrub. They are good cooks. They

can clear lands and build railroads. They do not ask to be masters--they

wish only to serve. In every capacity they are faithful; but in this

country their virtues have made enemies, and they are hated because of

their patience, their honesty and their industry.

The Geary Law, however, failed to provide the ways and means for

carrying it into effect, so that the probability is it will remain a

dead letter upon the statute book. The sum of money required to carry it

out is too large, and the law fails to create the machinery and name the

persons authorized to deport the Chinese. Neither is there any mode of

trial pointed out. According to the law there need be no indictment by

a grand jury, no trial by a jury, and the person found guilty of being

here without a certificate of residence can be imprisoned and treated as

a felon without the ordinary forms of trial.

This law is contrary to the laws and customs of nations. The punishment

is unusual, severe, and contrary to our Constitution, and under its

provisions aliens--citizens of a friendly nation--can be imprisoned

without due process of law. The law is barbarous, contrary to the spirit

and genius of American institutions, and was passed in violation of

solemn treaty stipulations.

The Congress-that passed it is the same that closed the gates of the

World's Fair on the "blessed Sabbath," thinking it wicked to look at

statues and pictures on that day. These representatives of the people

seem to have had more piety than principle.

After the passage of such a law by the United States is it not indecent

for us to send missionaries to China? Is there not work enough for them

at home? We send ministers to China to convert the heathen; but when we

find a Chinaman on our soil, where he can be saved by our example, we

treat him as a criminal.

It is to the interest of this country to maintain friendly relations

with China. We want the trade of nearly one-fourth of the human race.

We want to pay for all we get from that country in articles of our

own manufacture. We lost the trade of Mexico and the South American

Republics because of slavery, because we hated people in whose veins was

found a drop of African blood, and now we are losing the trade of China

by pandering to the prejudices of the ignorant and cruel.

After all, it pays to do right. This is a hard truth to

learn--especially for a nation. A great nation should be bound by the

highest conception of justice and honor. Above all things it should be

true to its treaties, its contracts, its obligations. It should

remember that its responsibilities are in accordance with its power and

intelligence.

Our Government is founded on the equality of human rights--on the idea,

the sacred truth, that all are entitled to life, liberty and the

pursuit of happiness. Our country is an asylum for the oppressed of

all nations--of all races. Here, the Government gets its power from

the consent of the governed. After the abolition of slavery these

great truths were not only admitted, but they found expression in our

Constitution and laws.

Shall we now go back to barbarism?

Russia is earning the hatred of the civilized world by driving the Jews

from their homes. But what can the United States say? Our mouths are

closed by the Geary Law. We are in the same business. Our law is as

inhuman as the order or ukase of the Czar.

Let us retrace our steps, repeal the law and accomplish what we justly

desire by civilized means. Let us treat China as we would England; and,

above all, let us respect the rights of men,--North American Review,

July, 1893.

The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 11 (of 12) Dresden Edition—Miscellany · 第 101 / 179 题