Richard Cœur de Lion joins the Templars before Acre--The city
surrenders, and the Templars establish the chief house of their
order within it--Cœur de Lion takes up his abode with them--He
sells to them the island of Cyprus--The Templars form the van
of his army--Their campaigns--The destruction of towns and
villages--The treaty with Saladin--Cœur de Lion quits the Holy
Land in the disguise of a Knight Templar--The Templars build the
Pilgrim’s Castle in Palestine--The exploits of the Templars in
Egypt--The letters of the Grand Master to the Master of the Temple
at London--The Templars reconquer Jerusalem--The state of the order
in England--King John resides in the Temple at London--The barons
come to him at that place, and demand MAGNA CHARTA--Consecration of
the nave or oblong portion of the Temple Church at London.
“Therefore, friends,
As far as to the sepulchre of Christ
(Whose soldier now under whose blessed cross
We are impressed and engag’d to fight,)
Forthwith a power of English shall we levy
Whose arms were moulded in their mother’s womb,
To chase these pagans, in those holy fields,
Over whose acres walked those blessed feet,
Which, fourteen hundred years ago, were nail’d,
For our advantage, on the bitter cross.”
In the mean time the crusade continued to be preached with great
success in Europe. William, archbishop of Tyre, had proceeded to the
courts of France and England, and had represented in glowing colours
the miserable condition of Palestine, and the horrors and abominations
which had been committed by the infidels in the holy city of Jerusalem.
The English and French monarchs laid aside their private animosities,
and agreed to fight under the same banner against the infidels, and
towards the close of the month of May, in the second year of the siege
of Acre, the royal fleets of Philip Augustus and Richard Cœur de Lion
floated in triumph in the bay of Acre. The Templars had again lost
their Grand Master, and Brother Robert de Sablè, or Sabloil, a valiant
knight of the order, who had commanded a division of the English
fleet on the voyage out, was placed (A. D. 1191) at the head of the
fraternity.[87] The Templars performed prodigies of valour; “Their name
and reputation, and the fame of their sanctity,” says James of Vitry,
bishop of Acre, “like a chamber of perfume sending forth a sweet odour,
were diffused throughout the entire world, and all the congregation
of the saints will recount their battles and glorious triumphs over
the enemies of Christ; knights, indeed, from all parts of the earth,
dukes, and princes, after their example, casting off the shackles of
the world, and renouncing the pomps and vanities of this life, for
Christ’s sake, hastened to join them, and to participate in their holy
profession and religion.” They carried before them, at this time,
to battle, “a bipartite banner of black and white, which they call
_beauseant_, that is to say, in the Gallic tongue, _bienseant_, because
they are fair and favourable to the friends of Christ, but black and
terrible to his enemies.”[88]
Saladin had passed the winter on the heights of Schaferan and Keruba.
His vast army had been thinned and weakened by incessant watching, by
disease, and continual battles, and he himself was gradually sinking
under the effects of a dreadful disease, which baffled all the skill
of his medical attendants, and was gradually drawing him towards the
grave. But the proud soul of the great chieftain never quailed; nor
were his fire and energy at any time deadened. As soon as he heard of
the arrival of the two powerful christian monarchs, he sent envoys
and messengers throughout all Mussulman countries, earnestly demanding
succour, and on the Mussulman sabbath, after prayers had been offered
up to God for the triumph of his arms, and the deliverance of Islam, he
caused to be read, in all the mosques letters to the following effect;--
“In the name of GOD, the most MERCIFUL and COMPASSIONATE. To all devout
Believers in the one only God, and his prophet Mahomet, our Master.
The armies of the infidels, numerous as the stars of heaven, have come
forth from the remote countries situate beyond Constantinople, to wrest
from us those conquests which have gladdened the hearts of all who put
their trust in the Koran, and to dispute with us the possession of that
holy territory whereon the Caliph Omar, in bygone days, planted the
sacred standard of the Prophet. O men, prepare ye to sacrifice your
lives and fortunes in defence of _Islam_. Your marches against the
infidels, the dangers you encounter, the wounds you receive, and every
minute action, down to the fording of a river, are they not written
in the book of God? Thirst, hunger, fatigue, and death, will they
not obtain for you the everlasting treasures of heaven, and open to
your gaze the delicious groves and gardens of Paradise? In whatsoever
place ye remain, O men, death hath dominion over you, and neither
your houses, your lands, your wives, your children, nor the strongest
towers, can defend you from his darts. Some of you, doubtless, have
said one to another, Let us not go up to fight during the heat of
summer; and others have exclaimed, Let us remain at home until the snow
hath melted away from the mountain tops; but is not the fire of hell
more terrible than the heats of summer, and are not its torments more
insupportable than the winter’s cold? Fear GOD, and not the _infidels_;
hearken to the voice of your chief, for it is Saladin himself who calls
you to rally around the standard of _Islam_. If you obey not, your
families will be driven out of Syria, and God will put in their places
a people better than you. JERUSALEM, the holy, the sister of Medina and
Mecca, will again fall into the power of the idolaters, who assign to
God a son, and raise up an equal to the Most High. Arm yourselves then,
with the buckler and the lance, scatter these children of fire, the
wicked sons of hell, whom the sea hath vomited forth upon our shores,
repeating to yourselves these words of the Koran, ‘He who abandoneth
his home and family to defend our holy religion, shall be rewarded with
happiness, and with many friends.’”[89]
The siege of Acre was now pressed with great vigour; the combined
fleets of France and England completely deprived the city of all
supplies by sea, and the garrison was reduced to great straits.
The sultan despaired of being able to save the city, and was sick,
Bohadin tells us, both in mind and body. He could neither eat nor
drink. At night he would lie down upon the side of the hill Aladajia,
and indulge in some broken slumbers, but at morning’s dawn he was on
horseback, ordering his brazen drum to be sounded, and collecting his
army together in battle array. At last letters were received, by means
of pigeons, announcing that the garrison could hold out no longer.
“Saladin gazed,” says Bohadin, “long and earnestly at the city, his
eyes were suffused with tears, and he sorrowfully exclaimed, ‘_Alas for
Islam!_’” On the morning of the 12th of July, (A. D. 1191,) the kings
of France and England, the christian chieftains, and the Turkish emirs
with their green banners, assembled in the tent of the Grand Master of
the Temple, to treat for the surrender of Acre; and on the following
day the gates were thrown open to the exulting warriors of the cross.
The Templars took possession of their ancient quarters by the side of
the sea, and mounted a large red-cross banner upon the tower of the
Temple. They possessed themselves of three extensive localities along
the sea-shore, and the Temple at Acre from thenceforth became the chief
house of the order. Richard Cœur de Lion took up his abode with the
Templars whilst Philip Augustus resided in the citadel.
By the terms of the surrender of Acre, the inhabitants were to pay
a ransom of two hundred thousand pieces of gold for their lives and
liberties; two thousand noble and five hundred inferior christian
captives were to be set at liberty, and the true cross, which had
been taken at the battle of Tiberias, was to be restored to the
Latin clergy. Two months were accorded for the performance of these
conditions. I’Bn Alatsyr, who was then in Saladin’s camp, tells us that
Saladin had collected together 100,000 pieces of gold, that he was
ready to deliver up the two thousand five hundred christian captives,
and restore the true cross, but his Mamlook emirs advised him not to
trust implicitly to the good faith of the christian adventurers of
Europe for the performance of their part of the treaty, but to obtain
from the Templars, of whose _regard for their word, and reverence for
the sanctity of an oath_, the Moslems had, he tells us, a high opinion,
a solemn undertaking for the performance, by the Christians, of the
stipulations they had entered into. Saladin accordingly sent to the
Grand Master of the Temple, to know if the Templars would guarantee
the surrender to him of all the Moslem prisoners, if the money, the
christian captives, and the true cross, were sent to them; but the
Grand Master declined giving any guarantee of the kind. The doubts
about the agreement, and the delay in the execution of it, kindled the
fierce indignation of the English monarch, and Richard Cœur de Lion
led out all his prisoners, 2,000 in number, into the plain of Acre,
and caused them all to be beheaded in sight of the sultan’s camp![90]
During his voyage from Messina to Acre, king Richard had revenged
himself on Isaac Comnenus, the ruler of the island of Cyprus, for an
insult offered to the beautiful Berengaria, princess of Navarre, his
betrothed bride. He had disembarked his troops, stormed the town of
Limisso, and conquered the whole island; and shortly after his arrival
at Acre he sold it to the Templars for 300,000 livres d’or.[91]
On the 21st of August, (A. D. 1191,) the Templars joined the standard
of king Richard, and left Acre for the purpose of marching upon
Jerusalem, by way of the sea-coast. They crossed the river Belus, and
pitched their tents on its banks, where they remained for three days,
to collect all the troops together. The most copious and authentic
account of their famous march by the side of the king of England,
through the hostile territories of the infidels, is contained in the
history of king Richard’s campaign, by Geoffrey de Vinisauf, who
accompanied the crusaders on their expedition, and was an actor in the
stirring events he describes.[92] On Sunday, the 25th of August, the
Templars, under the conduct of their Grand Master, and the crusaders,
under the command of king Richard, commenced their march towards
Cæsarea. The army was separated into three divisions, the first of
which was led by the Templars, and the last by the Hospitallers. The
baggage moved on the right of the army, between the line of march and
the sea, and the fleet, loaded with provisions, kept pace with the
movements of the forces, and furnished them daily with the necessary
supplies. Saladin, at the head of an immense force, exerted all his
energies to oppose their progress, and the march to Jaffa formed one
perpetual battle. Vast masses of cavalry hovered upon their flanks, cut
off all stragglers, and put every prisoner that they took to death. The
first night after leaving the Belus, the Templars and the crusaders
encamped along the banks of the brook Kishon, around some wells in the
plain between Acre and Caiphas. The next day they forded the brook,
fought their way to Caiphas, and there halted for one day, in order
that the reluctant crusaders, who were lingering behind at Acre, might
come on and join them. On Wednesday, September 28, at dawn of day,
they prepared to force the passes and defiles of Mount Carmel. All the
heights were covered with dense masses of Mussulmen, who disputed the
ground inch by inch. The Templars placed themselves in the van of the
christian army, and headed the leading column, whilst the cavalry of
the Hospitallers protected the rear. They ascended the heights through
a dense vegetation of dry thistles, wild vines, and prickly shrubs,
drove the infidels before them, crossed the summit of Mount Carmel,
and descending into the opposite plain, encamped for the night at the
pass by the sea-shore, called “the narrow way,” about eight miles from
Caiphas. Here they recovered possession of a solitary tower, perched
upon a rock overhanging the pass, which had been formerly built by the
Templars, but had for some time past been in the hands of the Saracens.
After lingering at this place an entire day, waiting the arrival of the
fleet and the barges, laden with provisions, they recommenced their
march (Friday, the 13th of August) to Tortura, the ancient Dora, about
seven miles distant. The Grand Master of the Temple, and his valiant
knights, were, as usual, in the van, forcing a passage through the
dense masses of the Moslems. The country in every direction around
their line of march, was laid waste, and every day the attacks became
more daring. The military friars had hitherto borne the brunt of the
affray, but on the march to Tortura, they suffered such heavy loss,
that king Richard determined the next day to take the command of the
van in person, and he directed them to bring up the rear.
On the fifth day from their leaving the river Belus, the Templars and
the crusaders approached the far-famed Cæsarea, where St. Paul so long
resided, and where he uttered his eloquent oration before king Agrippa
and Felix. But the town was no longer visible; the walls, the towers,
the houses, and all the public buildings, had been destroyed by command
of Saladin, and the place was left deserted and desolate. The Templars
pitched their tents on the banks of the Crocodile river, the _flumen
crocodilon_ of Pliny, having been five days in performing the journey
from the river Belus, a distance of only thirty-six miles. The army
halted at Cæsarea during the whole of Sunday, the 1st of September, and
high mass was celebrated by the clergy with great pomp and solemnity,
amid the ruins of the city. On Monday, the 2nd of September, the tents
of the Templars were struck at morning’s dawn, and they commenced
their march, with the leading division of the army, for the city of
Jaffa, which is about thirty miles distant from Cæsarea. They forded
the Crocodile river, and proceeded on their journey through a long
and narrow valley, torn by torrents, and filled with vast masses of
rock, which had been washed down from the heights by the winter rains.
They had the sea on their right, and on their left, a chain of craggy
eminences. Every advantage was taken by the enemy of the irregularity
of the ground; the Mussulman archers lined the heights, and vast masses
of cavalry were brought into action, wherever the nature of the country
admitted of their employment. The christian warriors were encumbered
with their heavy armour and military accoutrements, which were totally
unfit for the burning climate, yet they enthusiastically toiled on,
perseveringly overcoming all obstacles.
Bohadin speaks with admiration of the valiant and martial bearing of
the warriors of the cross, and of their fortitude and patient endurance
during the long and trying march from Acre to Jaffa. “On the sixth
day,” says he, “the sultan rose at dawn as usual, and heard from his
brother that the enemy were in motion. They had slept that night in
suitable places about Cæsarea, and were now dressing and taking their
food. A second messenger announced that they had begun their march;
our brazen drum was sounded, all were alert, the sultan came out, and
I accompanied him: he surrounded them with chosen troops, and gave
the signal for attack. The archers were drawn out, and a heavy shower
of arrows descended, still the enemy advanced.... Their foot soldiers
were covered with thick-strung pieces of cloth, fastened together
with rings, so as to resemble coats of mail. I saw with my own eyes
several who had not one or two, but _ten darts sticking in their
backs_! and yet marched on with a calm and cheerful step, without any
trepidation. They had a division of infantry in reserve, to protect
those who were weary, and look after the baggage. When any portion of
their men became exhausted and gave way through fatigue or wounds, this
division advanced and supported them. Their cavalry in the mean time
kept together in close column, and never moved away from the infantry,
except when they rushed to the charge. In vain did our troops attempt
to lure them away from the foot soldiers; they kept steadily together
in close order, protecting one another and slowly forcing their way
with wonderful perseverance.”
After a short march of only eight miles from Cæsarea, the Templars
pitched their tents on the banks of the Nahr al Kasab, a small river,
called by Geoffrey de Vinisauf “_the dead river_.” Here they remained
two nights, waiting for the fleet. On the 4th of September they resumed
their march through a desert country which had been laid waste in every
direction by command of Saladin. Finding their progress along the shore
impeded by the tangled thickets, they quitted the plain and traversed
the hills which run parallel with the sea. Their march was harassed
by incessant charges of cavalry. The Templars brought up the rear
of the army, and lost so many horses during the day, that they were
almost driven to despair. At nightfall they descended to the beach,
and encamped on the banks of a salt creek, close by the village of Om
Khaled, near the ruins of the ancient Apollonias, having performed
a march of five miles. The next morning, being Thursday, the 5th of
September, the Templars set out at sunrise from the salt creek in
battle array, having received intelligence that Saladin had prepared
an ambuscade in the neighbouring forest of Arsoof, and intended to
hazard a general engagement. Scouts were sent on into the forest, who
reported that the road was clear; and the whole army, ascending a
slight rising ground, penetrated through the wood, and descended into
the plain of Arsur or Arsoof. Through the midst of this plain rolls a
mountain torrent, which takes its rise in the mountains of Ephraim, and
on the opposite side of the stream Saladin had drawn up his army in
battle array. The Templars encamped for the night on the right bank of
the stream, having during the day marched nine miles.
On Saturday, the 7th of November, king Richard, having completed all
his arrangements for a general engagement, drew up his army at dawn.
The Templars again formed the first division, and were the first to
cross the mountain torrent, and drive in Saladin’s advanced guard.
They were followed by Guy, king of Jerusalem, who was at the head of
the division of Poitou, and then by the main body of the army under
the personal conduct of king Richard. Geoffrey de Vinisauf tells us,
that on all sides, far as the eye could reach, from the sea-shore to
the mountains, nought was to be seen but a forest of spears, above
which waved banners and standards innumerable. The wild Bedouins,
the children of the desert, with skins blacker than soot, mounted on
their fleet Arab mares, coursed with the rapidity of lightning over
the vast plain, and darkened the air with clouds of missiles. They
advanced to the attack with horrible screams and bellowings, which,
with the deafening noise of the trumpets, horns, cymbals, and brazen
kettle-drums, produced a clamour that resounded through the plain,
and would have drowned even the thunder of heaven. King Richard
received the attack in close and compact array, strict orders having
previously been given that all the soldiers should remain on the
defensive until two trumpets had been sounded in the front, two in
the centre, and two in the rear of the army, when they were in their
turn to become the assailants. The ferocious Turks, the wild Bedouins,
and the swarthy Æthiopians, gathered around the advanced guard of
the Templars, and kept up a distant and harassing warfare with their
bows and arrows, whilst the swift cavalry of the Arabs dashed down
upon the foot soldiers as if about to overwhelm them, then suddenly
checking their horses, they wheeled off to the side, raising clouds of
smothering, suffocating dust, which oppressed and choked the toiling
warriors. The baggage moved on between the army and the sea, and the
Christians thus continued slowly to advance under the scorching rays
of an autumnal sun. “They moved,” says Vinisauf, “inch by inch; it
could not be called walking, for they were pushing and hacking their
way through an overpowering crowd of resisting foes.” Emboldened by
their passive endurance, the Moslems approached nearer, and began to
ply their darts and lances. The Marshall of the Hospital then charged
at the head of his knights, without waiting for the signal, and in an
instant the action became general. The clash of swords, the ringing of
armour, and the clattering of iron clubs and flails, as they descended
upon the helmets and bucklers of the European warriors, became mingled
with the groans of the dying, and with the fierce cries of the wild
Bedouins. Clouds of dust were driven up into the skies, and the plain
became covered with banners, lances, and all kinds of arms, and with
emblems of every colour and device, torn and broken, and soiled with
blood and dust. Cœur de Lion was to be seen everywhere in the thickest
of the fight, and after a long and obstinate engagement the infidels
were defeated; but amid the disorder of his troops Saladin remained
on the plain without lowering his standard or suspending the sound of
his brazen kettle-drums; he rallied his forces, retired upon Ramleh,
and prepared to defend the mountain passes leading to Jerusalem. The
Templars pushed on to Arsoof, and pitched their tents before the gates
of the town.
On Monday, September 9th, the christian forces moved on in battle
array to Jaffa, the ancient Joppa, about eight miles from Arsoof. The
Templars brought up the rear of the army; and after marching about
five miles, they reached the banks of the Nahr el Arsoof, or river
of Arsoof, which empties itself into the sea, about three miles from
Jaffa, and pitched their tents in a beautiful olive grove on the
sea-shore. Saladin laid waste all the country around them, drove away
the inhabitants, and carried off all the cattle, corn, and provisions.
The towns of Cæsarea, Ramleh, Jaffa, Ascalon, and all the villages,
had been set on fire and burnt to ashes, and all the castles and
fortresses within reach of the crusading army were dismantled and
destroyed. Among these last were the castles of St. George, Galatia,
Blancheward, Beaumont, Belvoir, Toron, Arnald, Mirabel, the castle of
the plain, and many others. Every place, indeed, of strength or refuge
was utterly destroyed by command of the inexorable Saladin. Bohadin
tells us that the sultan mourned grievously over the destruction of
the fair and beautiful city of Ascalon, saying to those around him,
“By God, I would sooner lose my sons than touch a stone of this goodly
city, but what God wills, and the good of Islam requires, must be
done.” The walls and fortifications of Ascalon were of great extent and
stupendous strength, and an army of thirty thousand men was employed
for fourteen days in the work of demolition. “The weeping families
were removed from their houses, amid the most heart-rending confusion
and misery,” says Bohadin, “that I ever witnessed.” Thousands of men
were employed in dashing down the towers and the walls, and throwing
the stones into the ditches and into the adjoining sea, and thousands
were occupied in carrying away property and the contents of the public
granaries and magazines. But ere half the effects had been removed,
the impatient sultan ordered the town to be set on fire, “and soon,”
says Bohadin, “the raging flames were to be seen, tearing through the
roofs, and curling around the minarets of the mosques.” The great tower
of the Hospitallers was the only edifice that resisted the flames
and the exertions of the destroyers. It stood frowning in gloomy and
solitary magnificence over the wide extended scene of ruin. “We must
not depart,” said Saladin, “until yon lofty tower has been brought
low,” and he ordered it to be filled with combustibles and set on
fire. “It stood,” says Bohadin, “by the sea-side, and was of amazing
size and strength. I went into it, and examined it. The walls and the
foundations were so solid, and of such immense width, that no battering
machines could have produced the slightest effect upon them.” Every
heart was filled with sorrow and mourning at the sight of the scorched
and blackened ruins of the once fair and beautiful Ascalon. “The city,”
says Bohadin, “was very elegant, and, in truth, exquisitely beautiful;
its stupendous fortifications and lofty edifices possessed a majesty
and grandeur which inspired one with awe.”[93]
Ascalon, once the proudest of the five satrapies of the lords of the
Philistines, is now uninhabited. The walls still lie scattered in huge
fragments along the sea-shore, mixed with columns and broken pillars,
which are wedged in among them, and amid the confused heaps of ruin
which mark the site of the ancient city, not a single dwelling is now
visible. “The king shall perish from Gaza,” saith the prophet, “and
ASCALON shall _not be inhabited_.”
On the 16th of October Cœur de Lion wrote a letter to Saladin,
exhorting him to put an end to the holy war; but he demanded, as the
price of peace, the restitution of Jerusalem, of Palestine, and the
true cross. “Jerusalem,” says the king, “we consider to be the seat of
our religion, and every one of us will perish rather than abandon it.
Do you restore to us the country on this side Jordan, together with
the holy cross, which is of no value to you, being in your eyes a mere
piece of wood, but which we Christians prize greatly; we will then make
peace, and repose from our incessant toils.” “When the sultan,” says
Bohadin, who was himself a participator in the negotiation, “had read
this letter, he took counsel with his emirs, and sent a reply to the
following effect:--‘The Holy City is held in as great reverence and
estimation by the Moslems, as it is by you, ay, and in much greater
reverence. From thence did our prophet Mahomet undertake his nocturnal
journey to heaven, and upon that holy spot have the angels and the
prophets at different periods been gathered together. Think not that we
will ever surrender it. Never would we be so unmindful of our duty, and
of that which it behoves us to do, as good Mussulmen. As to the country
you speak of, it hath belonged to us of old, and if you took it from
the Moslems when they were weak, they have taken it from you now that
they are strong, as they have a right to do. You may continue the war,
but God will not give you a stone of the land as a possession, for he
hath given the country to the Moslems, to be by them plentifully and
bountifully enjoyed. As to the cross, the reverence you pay to that bit
of wood is a scandalous idolatry, disrespectful to the Most High, and
hateful in the sight of God. We will, therefore, not give it to you,
unless by so doing we can secure some great and manifest advantage for
Islam.’”
On the 15th of November, the Templars marched out of Jaffa with
king Richard and his army, and proceeded through the plain towards
Jerusalem. As they advanced, Saladin slowly retired before them, laying
waste the surrounding country, destroying all the towns and villages,
and removing the inhabitants. Between noon and evening prayers, the
sultan rode over to the city of Lidda, where St. Peter cured Æneas of
the palsy, and employed his army, and a number of christian slaves, in
the destruction of the noble cathedral church erected by Justinian,
and in the demolition of the town. He then fell back with his army to
Beitnubah, a small village seated upon an eminence at the extremity
of the plain of Ramleh, at the commencement of the hill country of
Judea, and there encamped. “On Friday morning, at an early hour,” says
Bohadin, “the sultan mounted on horseback, and ordered me to accompany
him. The rain fell in torrents. We marched towards Jerusalem. We
dismounted at the monastery near the church of the Resurrection, and
Saladin remained there to pass the night.” The next morning at dawn
the sultan again mounted on horseback, and rode round the walls of the
Holy City. The whole population, together with two thousand christian
captives, had for weeks past been diligently employed in the reparation
and reconstruction of the fortifications. Forty expert masons had
arrived from Mossul, together with engineers and artificers from all
the Mussulman countries of Asia. Two enormous towers were constructed,
new walls were built, ditches were hollowed out of the rocks, and
countless sums, says Bohadin, were spent upon the undertaking.
Saladin’s sons, his emirs, and his brother Adel, were charged with
the inspection of the works; and the sultan himself was on horseback
every morning from sunrise to sunset, stimulating the exertions of the
workmen.
Whilst Saladin was making these vigorous preparations for the defence
of Jerusalem, the Templars halted at Ramleh, the ancient Arimathea,
situate in the middle of the plain, about nine miles from Jaffa, and
lingered with the crusaders amid the ruins of the place for six weeks.
In one of their midnight sallies they captured and brought into the
camp more than two hundred oxen. On New Year’s day, A. D. 1192, they
marched to Beitnubah, and encamped at the entrance of the gorges and
defiles leading to the Holy City; but these defiles were guarded by a
powerful army under the personal command of Saladin, and the warriors
of the cross ventured not to penetrate them. The weather became
frightful; tempests of rain and hail, thunder and lightning, succeeded
one another without cessation; the tents were torn to pieces by furious
whirlwinds, and all the provisions of the army were destroyed by the
wet. Many of the camels, horses, and beasts of burthen, perished from
fatigue and the inclemency of the weather, and orders were given for a
retrograde movement to the Mediterranean.
The Templars faithfully adhered to the standard of Cœur de Lion,
and marched with him from Jaffa along the sea-coast to the ruins
of Ascalon; but the other warriors, who owned no allegiance to the
sovereign of England, abandoned him. The duke of Burgundy and the
French proceeded to enjoy themselves in the luxurious city of Acre:
some of the crusaders remained at Jaffa, and others went to Tyre and
joined the rebellious party of Conrad, marquis of Montferrat. During
the march from Jaffa to Ascalon, a distance of twenty-eight miles, the
Templars suffered great hardships from hail-storms and terrific showers
of rain and sleet; and on their arrival amid the ruins of the once
flourishing city, they were nearly starved, by reason of the shipwreck
of their vessels freighted with the necessary supplies. They pitched
their tents among the ruins on the 20th of January, A. D. 1192, and
for eight days were compelled to subsist on the scanty supply of food
they had brought with them from Jaffa. During the winter they assisted
king Richard in the reconstruction of the fortifications, and took an
active part in the capture of several convoys and caravans which were
traversing the adjoining desert from Egypt.
Whilst the Templars and the kings of England and Jerusalem thus
remained under tents or in the open fields planning the overthrow
and destruction of the infidels, Conrad, marquis of Montferrat,
the pretender to the throne of the Latin kingdom, was traitorously
intriguing with Saladin for the advancement of his own schemes of
private ambition. He was supported by the duke of Burgundy and the
French, and was at the head of a strong party who hated king Richard,
and envied him the fame of his military exploits. The marquis of
Montferrat went to Saladin’s camp. He offered, Bohadin tells us, to
make war upon king Richard, to attack the city of Acre, and join his
forces to those of the sultan, provided the latter would cede to him
the maritime towns of Tyre, Sidon, and Beirout, and all the sea-coast
between them; but before these traitorous designs could be carried
into execution, the marquis of Montferrat was assassinated. Six days
after his death, the fickle princess Isabella, his wife, the younger
sister of the late queen Isabella, married Henry, count of Champagne,
nephew of king Richard. This nobleman possessed great influence in
the councils of the christian chieftains, and a general desire was
manifested for his recognition as KING of JERUSALEM. The Templars
accordingly induced Guy de Lusignan to abdicate in favour of Isabella
and the count of Champagne, offering him as a recompense the wealthy
and important island of Cyprus, which had been ceded to them, as before
mentioned, by king Richard.
Cœur de Lion and the Templars remained encamped amid the ruins of
Ascalon, and employed themselves in intercepting the caravans and
convoys which were crossing the neighbouring desert, from Egypt to
Palestine, and succeeded in setting at liberty many christian captives.
The second Sunday after Trinity, the tents were struck, and they once
more resumed their march, with the avowed intention of laying siege to
the Holy City. They again proceeded, by easy stages, across the plain
of Ramleh, and on the 11th of June, five days after they had left
Ascalon, they reached Beitnubah where they again halted for the space
of an entire month, under the pretence of waiting for Henry, the new
king of Jerusalem, and the forces which were marching under his command
from Tyre and Acre. But the rugged mountains between Beitnubah and
Jerusalem were the real cause of delay, and again presented a barrier
to their further progress. Saladin had fixed his station in the Holy
City, leaving the main body of his army encamped among the mountains
near Beitnubah. His Mamlooks appear to have been somewhat daunted by
the long continuance of the war, and the persevering obstinacy of the
Christians. They remembered the bloody fate of their brethren at Acre,
and pressed the sultan to reserve _his_ person and _their_ courage
for the future defence of their religion and empire. Bohadin gives
a curious account of their misgivings and disinclination to stand a
siege within the walls of Jerusalem. He made an address to them at the
request of the sultan, and when he had ceased to speak, Saladin himself
arose. A profound silence reigned throughout the assembly,--“they
were as still as if BIRDS _were sitting on their_ HEADS.” “Praise be
to God,” said Saladin, “and may his blessing rest upon our Master,
Mahomet, his prophet. Know ye not, O men, that ye are the only army
of ISLAM, and its only defence. The lives and fortunes and children
of the Moslems are committed to your protection. If ye now quail from
the fight, (which God avert,) the foe will roll up these countries
as the angel of the Lord rolls up the book in which the actions of
men are written down.” After an eloquent harangue from the sultan,
Saifeddin Meshtoob, and the Mamlooks exclaimed with one voice, “My
Lord, we are thy servants and slaves; we swear, by God, that none of
us will quit thee so long as we shall live.”[94] But the anxiety of
Saladin and the Mamlooks was speedily calmed by the retreat of the
christian soldiers who fell back upon the sea-coast and their shipping.
The health of king Richard and of Saladin was in a declining state,
they were mutually weary of the war, and a treaty of peace was at last
entered into between the sultan, the king of England, Henry, king of
Jerusalem, and the Templars and Hospitallers, whereby it was stipulated
that the christian pilgrims should enjoy the privilege of visiting
the Holy City and the Holy Sepulchre without tribute or molestation;
that the cities of Tyre, Acre, and Jaffa, with all the sea-coast
between them, should belong to the Latins, but that the fortifications
recently erected at Ascalon should be demolished. Immediately after the
conclusion of peace, king Richard, being anxious to take the shortest
and speediest route to his dominions, induced Robert de Sablè, the
Grand Master of the Temple, to place a galley of the order at his
disposal, and it was determined that, whilst the royal fleet pursued
its course with queen Berengaria through the Straits of Gibraltar to
Britain, Cœur de Lion himself, disguised in the habit of a Knight
Templar, should secretly embark and make for one of the ports of the
Adriatic. The plan was carried into effect on the night of the 25th of
October, and king Richard set sail, accompanied by some attendants, and
four trusty Templars. The habit he had assumed, however, protected him
not, as is well known, from the cowardly vengeance of the base duke of
Austria.[95]
In the year 1194, Robert de Sablè, the Grand Master of the Temple,
was succeeded by Brother Gilbert Horal or Erail, who had previously
filled the high office of Grand Preceptor of France.[96] The Templars,
to retain and strengthen their dominion in Palestine, commenced the
erection of several strong fortresses, the stupendous ruins of many of
which remain to this day. The most famous of these was the Pilgrim’s
Castle, which commanded the coast-road from Acre to Jerusalem. It
derived its name from a solitary tower erected by the early Templars
to protect the passage of the pilgrims through a dangerous pass in the
mountains bordering the sea-coast, and was commenced shortly after the
removal of the chief house of the order from Jerusalem to Acre. A small
promontory which juts out into the sea a few miles below Mount Carmel,
was converted into a fortified camp. Two gigantic towers, a hundred
feet in height and seventy-four feet in width, were erected, together
with enormous bastions connected together by strong walls furnished
with all kinds of military engines. The vast inclosure contained a
palace for the use of the Grand Master and knights, a magnificent
church, houses and offices for the serving brethren and hired soldiers,
together with pasturages, vineyards, gardens, orchards, and fishponds.
On one side of the walls was the salt sea, and on the other, within
the camp, were delicious springs of fresh water. The garrison amounted
to four thousand men in time of war.[97] Considerable remains of
this famous fortress are still visible on the coast, a few miles to
the south of Acre. It is still called by the Levantines, _Castel
Pellegrino_. Pocock describes it as “very magnificent, and so finely
built, that it may be reckoned one of the things that are best worth
seeing in these parts.” “It is encompassed,” says he, “with two walls
fifteen feet thick, the inner wall on the east side cannot be less than
forty feet high, and within it there appear to have been some very
grand apartments. The offices of the fortress seem to have been at the
west end, where I saw an oven fifteen feet in diameter. In the castle
there are remains of a fine lofty church of ten sides, built in a light
gothic taste: three chapels are built to the three eastern sides,
each of which consists of five sides, excepting the opening to the
church; in these it is probable the three chief altars stood.” Irby and
Mangles, referring at a subsequent period to the ruins of the church,
describe it as a double hexagon, and state that the half then standing
had six sides. Below the cornice are human heads and heads of animals
in alto relievo, and the walls are adorned with a double line of arches
in the gothic style, the architecture light and elegant.
On the death of Saladin, (13th of March, A. D. 1193,) the vast and
powerful empire that he had consolidated fell to pieces, the title to
the thrones of Syria and Egypt was disputed between the brother and
the sons of the deceased sultan; and the pope, thinking that these
dissensions presented a favourable opportunity for the recovery of the
Holy City, caused another (the fourth) crusade to be preached. Two
expeditions organized in Germany proceeded to Palestine and insisted on
the immediate commencement of hostilities, in defiance of the truce.
The Templars and Hospitallers, and the Latin Christians, who were in
the enjoyment of profound peace under the faith of treaties, insisted
upon the impolicy and dishonesty of such a proceeding, but were
reproached with treachery and lukewarmness in the christian cause; and
the headstrong Germans sallying out of Acre, committed some frightful
ravages and atrocities upon the Moslem territories. The infidels
immediately rushed to arms; their intestine dissensions were at once
healed, their chiefs extended to one another the hand of friendship,
and from the distant banks of the Nile, from the deserts of Arabia, and
the remote confines of Syria, the followers of Mahomet rallied again
around the same banner, and hastened once more to fight in defence of
_Islam_. Al-Ma-lek, Al-a-del, Abou-becr Mohammed, the renowned brother
of Saladin, surnamed _Saif-ed-din_, “Sword of the Faith,” took the
command of the Moslem force, and speedily proved himself a worthy
successor to the great “Conqueror of Jerusalem.” He concentrated a vast
army, and by his rapid movements speedily compelled the Germans to quit
all the open country, and throw themselves into the fortified city of
Jaffa. By a well-executed manœuvre, he then induced them to make a rash
sortie from the town, and falling suddenly upon the main body of their
forces, he defeated them with terrific slaughter. He entered the city,
pell-mell, with the fugitives, and annihilated the entire German force.
The small garrison of the Templars maintained in the Temple of Jaffa
was massacred, the fortifications were razed to the ground, and the
city was left without a single christian inhabitant.[98] Such were the
first results of this memorable crusade.
The Templars on the receipt of this disastrous intelligence, assembled
their forces, and marched out of the city of Acre, in the cool of the
evening, to encamp at Caiphas, four miles distant from the town. The
king placed himself at the castle window to see them pass, and was
leaning forward watching their progress across the neighbouring plain,
when he unfortunately overbalanced himself, and fell headlong into the
moat. He was killed on the spot, and queen Isabella was a second time
a widow, her divorced husband, Humphry de Thoron being, however, still
alive. She had three daughters by king Henry, Mary, who died young,
Alix, and Philippine. Radolph of Tiberias became an aspirant for the
hand of the widowed queen, but the Templars rejected his suit because
he was too poor, declaring that they would not give the queen and the
kingdom to a man who had nothing. They sent the chancellor of the
emperor of Germany, who was staying at Acre, to Amauri, king of Cyprus,
offering him the hand of Isabella and the crown of the Latin kingdom.
Amauri had succeeded to the sovereignty of the island on the death of
his brother Guy de Lusignan, (A. D. 1194,) and he eagerly embraced
the offer. He immediately embarked in his galleys at Nicosia, landed
at Acre, and was married to queen Isabella and solemnly crowned a few
weeks after the death of the late king.
On the arrival of a second division of the crusaders, under the command
of the dukes of Saxony and Brabant, the Templars again took the field
and overthrew the Arab cavalry in a bloody battle, fought in the plain
between Tyre and Sidon. The entire Mussulman army was defeated, and
Saif-ed-din, desperately wounded, fell back upon Damascus. Beirout
was then besieged and taken, and the fall of this important city
was followed by the reduction of Gabala and Laodicea, and all the
maritime towns between Tripoli and Jaffa.[99] Intelligence now reached
Palestine of the death of the emperor Henry VI., whereupon all the
German chieftains hurried home, to pursue upon another theatre their
own schemes of private ambition. After having provoked a terrific and
sanguinary war they retired from the contest, leaving their brethren
in the East to fight it out as they best could. These last, on viewing
their desolated lands, their defenceless cities, and their dwellings
destroyed by fire, exclaimed with bitterness and truth, “Our fellow
Christians and self-styled allies found us at _peace_, they have
left us at WAR. They are like those ominous birds of passage whose
appearance portends the coming tempest.” To add to the difficulties and
misfortunes of the Latin Christians, a quarrel sprung up between the
Templars and Hospitallers touching their respective rights to certain
property in Palestine. The matter was referred to the pope, who gravely
admonished them, representing that the infidels would not fail to take
advantage of their dissensions, to the great injury of the Holy Land,
and to the prejudice of all Christendom. He exhorts them to maintain
unity and peace with one another, and appoints certain arbitrators
to decide the differences between them. The quarrel was of no great
importance, nor of any long duration, for the same year pope Innocent
wrote to both orders, praising them for their exertions in the cause
of the cross, and exhorting them strenuously and faithfully to support
with all their might the new king of Jerusalem.[100]
In the year 1201 the Grand Master of the Temple, Gilbert Horal, was
succeeded by brother Philip Duplessies, or De Plesseis,[101] who found
himself, shortly after his accession to power, engaged in active
hostilities with Leon I., king of Armenia, who had taken possession
of the castle of Gaston, which belonged to the Knights Templars. The
Templars drove King Leon out of Antioch, compelled him to give up the
castle of Gaston and sue for peace. A suspension of arms was agreed
upon; the matters in dispute between them were referred to the pope,
and were eventually decided in favour of the Templars. The Templars
appear at this period to have recovered possession of most of their
castles and strongholds in the principalities of Tripoli and Antioch.
Taking advantage of the dissensions between the neighbouring Moslem
chieftains, they gradually drove the infidels across the Orontes,
and restored the strong mountain districts to the christian arms.
Some European vessels having been plundered by Egyptian pirates, the
Templars unfolded their war-banner, and at midnight they marched out
of Acre, with the king of Jerusalem, to make reprisals on the Moslems;
they extended their ravages to the banks of the Jordan, and collected
together a vast booty, informing their brethren in Acre of their
movements by letters tied to the necks of pigeons. Coradin, sultan
of Damascus, assembled a large body of forces at Sepphoris, and then
marched against the hill fort Doc, which belonged to the Templars. The
place was only three miles distant from Acre, and the population of the
town was thrown into the utmost consternation. But the military friars,
assembling their forces from all quarters, soon repulsed the invaders,
and restored tranquillity to the Latin kingdom.
At this period king Amauri, having partaken somewhat too plentifully
of a favourite dish of fish, was seized with an alarming illness, and
died at Acre on the 1st of April, A. D. 1205. He had issue by Isabella
one daughter; but before the close of the year both the mother and the
child died. The crowns of Jerusalem and Cyprus, which were united on
the heads of Amauri and Isabella, were now after their decease again
divided. Mary, the eldest daughter of the queen, by the famous Conrad,
marquis of Montferrat, was acknowledged heiress to the crown of the
Latin kingdom, and Hugh de Lusignan, the eldest son of Amauri by his
first wife, succeeded to the sovereignty of the island of Cyprus. This
young prince married the princess Alice, daughter of Isabella by king
Henry, count of Champagne, and half sister to the young queen Mary by
the mother’s side. The young and tender princess who had just now
succeeded to the throne of the Latin kingdom, was fourteen years of
age, and the Templars and Hospitallers became her natural guardians
and protectors. They directed the military force of the Latin empire
in the field, and the government of the country in the cabinet: and
defended the kingdom during her minority with zeal and success against
all the attacks of the infidels. As soon as the young queen arrived at
marriageable years, the Templars and Hospitallers sent over the bishop
of Acre and Aimar, lord of Cæsarea, to Philip Augustus, king of France,
requesting that monarch to select a suitable husband for her from
among his princes and nobles. The king’s choice fell upon the count
of Brienne, who left France with a large cortége of knights and foot
soldiers, and arrived in Palestine on the 13th of September. The day
after his arrival he was married to the young queen, who had just then
attained her seventeenth year, and on the succeeding Michaelmas-day, he
was crowned king of Jerusalem.
At this period the truce with the infidels had expired, the Grand
Master of the Temple having previously refused to renew it. Hostilities
consequently recommenced, and the Templars again took the field with
the new king of Jerusalem and his French knights. Some important
successes were gained over the Moslems, but the Latin kingdom was
thrown into mourning by the untimely death of the young queen Mary. She
died at Acre, in the twentieth year of her age, leaving by the king
her husband, an infant daughter, named Violante. The count de Brienne
continued, after the example of Guy de Lusignan, to wear the crown, and
exercise all the functions of royalty, notwithstanding the death of
the queen. Pope Innocent III. had long been endeavouring to throw an
additional lustre around his pontificate by achieving the re-conquest
of Jerusalem. By his bulls and apostolical letters he sought to awaken
the ancient enthusiasm of Christendom in favour of the holy war; and
following the example of pope Urban, he at last called together a
general council of the church to aid in the arming of Europe for
the recovery of the Holy City. This council assembled at Rome in the
summer of the year 1215, and decreed the immediate preaching of another
crusade. The emperor Frederick, John, king of England, the king of
Hungary, the dukes of Austria and Bavaria, and many prelates, nobles,
and knights, besides crowds of persons of inferior degree, assumed the
cross. Some prepared to fulfil their vow, and embark for the far East,
but the far greater portion of them paid sums of money to the clergy
to be exempt from the painful privations, dangers, and difficulties
consequent upon the long voyage. The king of Hungary, and the dukes
of Austria and Bavaria, were the first to set out upon the pious
enterprise. They placed themselves at the head of an army composed of
many different nations, embarked from Venice, and landed at the port of
St. Jean d’Acre at the commencement of the year 1217. The day after the
feast of All Saints they marched out of Acre, and pitched their tents
upon the banks of the brook Kishon; and the next day the patriarch of
Jerusalem, and the Templars and Hospitallers, came with great pomp and
solemnity into the camp, bearing with them “a piece of the true cross!”
It was pretended that this piece of the cross had been cut off before
the battle of Tiberias, and carefully preserved by the oriental clergy.
The kings and princes went out bare-foot and uncovered to receive the
holy relic; they placed it at the head of their array, and immediately
commenced a bold and spirited march to the Jordan.
Under the guidance of the Templars they followed the course of the
brook Kishon, by the ruins of Endor, to the valley of Jezreel,
and traversing the pass through the mountains of Gilboa to Bisan
or Scythopolis, they descended into the valley of the Jordan, and
pitched their tents on the banks of that sacred river. From Bisan they
proceeded up the valley of the Jordan to the lake of Tiberias, skirted
its beautiful shores to Bethsaida, passing in front of the strong
citadel of Tiberias, and then proceeded across the country to Acre,
without meeting an enemy to oppose their progress. The Templars then
pressed the christian chieftains to undertake without further loss
of time the siege of the important fortress of Mount Thabor, and at
the commencement of the autumn the place was regularly invested, but
the height and steepness of the mountain rendered the transportation
of heavy battering machines and military engines to the summit a
tedious and laborious undertaking. The troops suffered from the want
of water, their patience was exhausted, and the four kings and their
followers, being anxious to return home, speedily found excuses for the
abandonment of the siege. The customary scene of disorder and confusion
then ensued; a large body of Arab horsemen, which had crossed the
Jordan, infested the rear of the retiring crusaders. The disordered
pilgrims and foot soldiers were panic-stricken, and fled to the hills;
and the retreat would have been disastrous, but for the gallant conduct
of the Templars and Hospitallers, who covered the rear and sustained
the repeated charges of the Arab cavalry. The two orders sustained
immense loss in men and horses, and returned in sorrow and disgust to
their quarters at Acre.[102]
The Grand Master Philip Duplessies had been unable to take part in
the expedition; he was confined to the Temple at Acre by a dangerous
illness, of which he died a few days after the return of the Templars
from Mount Thabor. Immediately after his decease a general chapter of
knights was assembled, and Brother William de Chartres was elevated
(A. D. 1217) to the vacant dignity of Grand Master.[103] Shortly after
his election he was called upon to take the command of a large fleet
fitted out by the order of the Temple against the Egyptians. He set sail
from Acre in the month of May, cast anchor in the mouth of the Nile,
and proceeded, in conjunction with the crusaders, to lay siege to
the wealthy and populous city of Damietta. The Templars pitched their
tents in the plain on the left bank of the Nile, opposite the town,
and surrounded their position with a ditch and a wall. They covered
the river with their galleys, and with floating rafts furnished with
military engines, and directed their first attacks against a castle in
the midst of the stream, called the castle of Taphnis.
Large towers were erected upon floating rafts to protect their
operations, but they were constantly destroyed by the terrible
Greek fire, which was blown out of long copper tubes, and could be
extinguished with nothing but vinegar and sand. At last a number of
flat-bottomed boats were lashed together, and a tower, higher than
the castle of the enemy, was erected upon them. It was ninety feet in
height, thirteen cubits in length, and was divided into platforms or
stages, filled with archers; numerous loop-holes were pierced in the
walls, and the ponderous structure was thickly covered in every part
with raw hides, to preserve it from the liquid fire of the enemy.
Upon the top of the tower was a drawbridge, which could be raised and
lowered with chains, and on each platform were grappling irons, to be
made fast to the battlements and parapets of the castle. On the 24th
of August, the vast floating tower was towed to the point of attack,
and the left bank of the Nile was covered with a long procession of
priests and monks, who traversed the winding shore, with naked feet
and uplifted hands, praying to the God of battles for victory. Whilst
the infidels were hurrying to the summit of the castle of Taphnis, to
direct the Greek fire upon the wooden tower, and to pour boiling oil
and red-hot sand upon the heads of the assailants, some Templars, who
were stationed in the lowest platform of the structure near the water,
threw out their grapling-irons, and made a lodgment upon the causeway
in front of the castle. Without a moment’s delay, they handed out a
battering-ram, and with one blow knocked in the door of the fortress.
Combustibles were immediately thrown into the interior of the
building, the place was enveloped in smoke and flames, and the garrison
surrendered at discretion. The vast chain between the castle and the
river was then rent asunder, and the large ships of the crusaders
ascended the Nile, and took up a position in front of the town.
Toward the close of autumn, when the inundation of the Nile was at
its height, a strong north wind arose, and impeded the descent of
the waters to the Mediterranean. The christian camp was overflowed,
the Templars lost all their provisions, arms, and baggage; and when
the waters receded, several large fish were found in their tents.
This catastrophe was followed by an epidemic fever, which carried
off the Grand Master, William de Chartres, and many of the brethren.
The Grand Master was succeeded (A. D. 1218) by the veteran warrior,
Brother Peter de Montaigu, Grand Preceptor of Spain. At this period the
renowned Saif-ed-din, “sword of the faith,” the brother and successor
of Saladin, died, having appointed his _fifteen_ sons to separate and
independent commands in his vast dominions. After his decease they
quarrelled with one another for the supremacy, and the Templars crossed
the Nile to take advantage of the dispute. The infidels fiercely
opposed their landing, and one of the Temple vessels being boarded by
an overpowering force, the military friars cut a hole in the bottom
of it with their hatchets, and all on board met with a watery grave
in the deep bosom of the Nile. When the landing was effected, the
Templars were the first to charge the enemy; the Moslems fled and
abandoned their tents, provisions, and arms, and their camp was given
up to plunder. A trench was then drawn around the city of Damietta,
and the army took up a position which enabled them to deprive the
town of all succour. Two bridges of boats were thrown across the
Nile to communicate between the new camp of the crusaders and the
one they had just quitted; and one of these bridges was placed under
the protection of the Templars. After many brilliant exploits and
sanguinary encounters, Damietta was reduced to great straits; terms
of surrender were offered and refused; and on the 5th of November a
wooden bridge was thrown over the ditch; scaling ladders were reared
against the battlements, and the town was taken by assault. When the
Templars entered the place, they found the plague in every house, and
the streets strewed with the dead.
Immediately after the capture of Damietta, the Grand Master of the
Temple returned with the king of Jerusalem to Palestine, to oppose
a fresh army of Moslems who, under the command of Coradin, a famous
chieftain, had invaded the country, blockaded the city of Acre, and
laid siege to the Pilgrim’s Castle. In their intrenched camp at this
castle, the Templars mustered a force of upwards of four thousand
men, who valiantly and successfully defended the important position
against the obstinate and persevering attacks of the infidels. During
the different assaults upon the place, Coradin lost six emirs, two
hundred Mamlooks, and a number of archers; and on one day alone he had
a hundred and twenty valuable horses slain, one of which cost fourteen
thousand marks.[104] The Templars sent urgent letters to the pope for
succour. They exhorted his holiness to compel the emperor Frederick to
perform his vow, and no longer to permit the crusaders to compound with
money for the non-fulfilment of their engagements, declaring that such
compositions had been most injurious to the cause of the cross. The
Grand Master also wrote to the pope, complaining to his holiness of the
misapplication by the clergy of the money collected from their flocks,
towards the expenses of the holy war, declaring that not a twentieth
part of it ever reached the empty treasury of the Latin kingdom. The
holy pontiff, in his reply, protests that he has not himself fingered a
farthing of the money. “If you have not received it,” says he, “it is
not our fault, it is because we have not been obeyed.”
In a mournful letter to the bishop of Ely, the Grand Master gives the
following gloomy picture of the state of affairs. “Brother Peter de
Montaigu, Master of the Knights of the Temple, to the reverend brother
in Christ, N, by the grace of God, bishop of Ely, salvation. We proceed
by these our letters to inform your paternity how we have managed the
affairs of our Lord Jesus Christ since the capture of Damietta and
the castle of Taphnis. Be it known to you, that during the spring
passage to Europe, immediately subsequent to the capture of Damietta,
so many of the pilgrims returned home, that the residue of them scarce
sufficed to garrison the town, and the two intrenched camps. Our
lord the legate, and the clergy, earnestly desiring the advancement
of the army of Jesus Christ, constantly and diligently exhorted our
people forthwith to take the field against the infidels; but the
chieftains from these parts, and from beyond the sea, perceiving that
the army was totally insufficient in point of numbers to guard the
city and the camps, and undertake further offensive operations for the
advancement of the faith of Jesus Christ, would on no account give
their consent. The sultan of Egypt, at the head of a vast number of
the perfidious infidels, lies encamped a short distance from Damietta,
and he has recently constructed bridges across both branches of the
Nile, to impede the further progress of our christian soldiers. He
there remains, quietly awaiting their approach; and the forces under
his command are so numerous, that the faithful cannot quit their
intrenchments around Damietta, without incurring imminent risk. In the
mean time, we have surrounded the town, and the two camps, with deep
trenches, and have strongly fortified both banks of the river as far
as the sea-coast, expecting that the Lord will console and comfort us
with speedy succour. But the Saracens, perceiving our weakness, have
already armed numerous galleys, and have inflicted vast injury upon us
by intercepting all the succours from Europe; and such has been our
extreme want of money, that we have been unable for a considerable
period to man and equip our galleys and send them to sea for our
protection. Finding, however, that the losses go on increasing to the
great detriment of the cause of the cross, we have now managed to arm
some galleys, galliots, and other craft, to oppose the ships of the
infidels.
“Also be it known to you that Coradin, sultan of Damascus, having
collected together a vast army of Saracens, hath attacked the cities
of Tyre and Acre; and as the garrisons of these places have been
weakened to strengthen our forces in Egypt, they can with difficulty
sustain themselves against his attacks. Coradin hath also pitched
his tents before our fortress, called the Pilgrim’s Castle, and hath
put us to immense expense in the defence of the place. He hath also
besieged and subjugated the castle of Cæsarea of Palestine. We have
now for a long time been expecting the arrival of the emperor, and the
other noble personages who have assumed the cross, by whose aid we
hope to be relieved from our dangers and difficulties, and to bring
all our exertions to a happy issue. But if we are disappointed of the
succour we expect in the ensuing summer (which God forbid) all our
newly-acquired conquests, as well as the places that we have held for
ages past, will be left in a very doubtful condition. We ourselves,
and others in these parts, are so impoverished by the heavy expenses
we have incurred in prosecuting the affairs of Jesus Christ, that we
shall be unable to contribute the necessary funds, unless we speedily
receive succour and subsidies from the faithful. Given at Acre, xii.
kal. Octob., A. D. 1220.”[105]
The urgent solicitations of the Templars for money created loud
murmurs in England, and excited the wrath of the great historian,
Matthew Paris, the monk of St. Albans, who hated the order on account
of its vast privileges, and the sums it constantly drew away from
the hands of other religious bodies. The clergy, who had probably
misapplied the money collected by them for the relief of the Holy
Land, joined eagerly in an outcry against the Templars, accusing them
of squandering their funds upon magnificent churches and expensive
buildings in Europe, or of spending them at home in luxurious ease at
their different preceptories, instead of faithfully employing them in
the prosecution of the holy war. The pope instituted an inquiry into
the truth of the charges, and wrote to his legate at Damietta, to the
patriarch of Jerusalem, and the principal chieftains of the army of
the crusaders, for information. In their reply, the legate and the
patriarch state that the charges were untrue, and that the Templars
had expended their money in the prosecution of the siege of Damietta,
and had impoverished themselves by their heavy expenses in Egypt.
During the summer of the year 1221, considerable succours arrived in
Palestine and Egypt from Europe; the troops of the sultan of Damascus
were repulsed and driven beyond the frontier of the Latin kingdom, and
the Grand Master of the Temple returned to Damietta to superintend the
military operations in Egypt. Cardinal Pelagius, the papal legate,
though altogether ignorant of the art of war, had unfortunately assumed
the inconsistent character of commander-in-chief of the army of the
cross. Contrary to the advice of the Templars, he urged the crusaders,
during the autumnal season, when the waters of the Nile were rising, to
march out of Damietta to undertake an expedition against Grand Cairo.
The disastrous results of that memorable campaign are narrated in the
following letter from Peter de Montaigu to the Master of the English
province of the order.
“Brother Peter de Montaigu, humble Master of the soldiers of Christ,
to our vicegerent and beloved brother in Christ, Alan Marcell,
Preceptor of England. Hitherto we have had favourable information to
communicate unto you touching our exertions in the cause of Christ;
now, alas! such have been the reverses and disasters which our sins
have brought upon us in the land of Egypt, that we have nothing but ill
news to announce. After the capture of Damietta, our army remained
for some time in a state of inaction, which brought upon us frequent
complaints and reproaches from the eastern and the western Christians.
At length, after the feast of the holy apostles, the legate of the
holy pontiff, and all our soldiers of the cross, put themselves in
march by land and by the Nile, and arrived in good order at the spot
where the sultan was encamped, at the head of an immense number of the
enemies of the cross. The river Taphneos, an arm of the great Nile,
flowed between the camp of the sultan and our forces, and being unable
to ford this river, we pitched our tents on its banks, and prepared
bridges to enable us to force the passage. In the mean time, the annual
inundation rapidly increased, and the sultan, passing his galleys and
armed boats through an ancient canal, floated them into the Nile below
our positions, and intercepted our communications with Damietta.”...
“Nothing now was to be done but to retrace our steps. The sultans of
Aleppo, Damascus, Hems, and Coilanbar, the two brothers of the sultan,
and many chieftains and kings of the pagans, with an immense multitude
of infidels who had come to their assistance, attempted to cut off our
retreat. At night we commenced our march, but the infidels cut through
the embankments of the Nile, the water rushed along several unknown
passages and ancient canals, and encompassed us on all sides. We lost
all our provisions, many of our men were swept into the stream, and the
further progress of our christian warriors was forthwith arrested. The
waters continued to increase upon us, and in this terrible inundation
we lost all our horses and saddles, our carriages, baggage, furniture,
and moveables, and everything that we had. We ourselves could neither
advance nor retreat, and knew not whither to turn. We could not attack
the Egyptians on account of the great lake which extended itself
between them and us; we were without food, and being caught and pent up
like fish in a net, there was nothing left for us but to treat with the
sultan.
“We agreed to surrender Damietta, with all the prisoners which we
had in Tyre and at Acre, on condition that the sultan restored to
us the wood of the true cross and the prisoners that he detained at
Cairo and Damascus. We, with some others, were deputed by the whole
army to announce to the people of Damietta the terms that had been
imposed upon us. These were very displeasing to the bishop of Acre,
(James de Vitry, the historian,) to the chancellor, and some others,
who wished to defend the town, a measure which we should indeed have
greatly approved of, had there been any reasonable chance of success;
for we would rather have been thrust into perpetual imprisonment than
have surrendered, to the shame of Christendom, this conquest to the
infidels. But after having made a strict investigation into the means
of defence, and finding neither men nor money wherewith to protect the
place, we were obliged to submit to the conditions of the sultan, who,
after having extracted from us an oath and hostages, accorded to us a
truce of eight years. During the negotiations the sultan faithfully
kept his word, and for the space of fifteen days furnished our soldiers
with the bread and corn necessary for their subsistence. Do you,
therefore, pitying our misfortunes, hasten to relieve them to the
utmost of your ability. Farewell.”[106]
Shortly after the disasters in Egypt, and the conclusion of the eight
years’ truce with the infidels, John de Brienne, the titular king of
Jerusalem, prepared to bid adieu for ever to Palestine. Since the
death of the young queen, his wife, he had regarded his kingdom as a
place of exile, and was anxious to escape from the toil and turmoil
and incessant warfare in which his feeble dominions were continually
involved. His daughter Violante, the young queen of Jerusalem, had
just attained her thirteenth year, and the king was anxious to seek a
suitable husband for her from among the European princes. Accompanied
by the fair Violante, he landed in Italy, and attended a council of
the clergy and the laity assembled at Ferentino, in the Campagna
di Roma, in the summer of the year 1223. Pope Honorius the Third,
the emperor Frederick, the patriarch of the Holy City, the bishop of
Bethlehem, the Grand Master of the Hospital, and one of the Grand
Preceptors of the Temple, were present at this council, and the pope
urged the emperor to fulfil the vow which he had made eight years
before to lead an army to the succour of the Holy Land; offering him
the hand of the lovely Violante, and with her the crown of the Latin
kingdom. This offer was accepted, the nuptials were shortly afterwards
celebrated, and the emperor solemnly took his oath upon the Holy Gospel
to lead in person a great expedition for the recovery of Jerusalem.
Violante had been accompanied from Palestine by a female cousin,
possessed of powerful charms and many graceful accomplishments. The
emperor became captivated with her beauty, he dishonoured her, and
treated his young wife, who was a mere child in years, with coldness
and neglect. He then, in the middle of August, A. D. 1227, set sail
for Acre with a powerful army, and was at sea three days, when he
became sea-sick, and returned to land on a plea of ill health. He was
consequently publicly excommunicated by the pope in the great church of
Anagni. Without troubling himself to obtain a reconciliation with the
holy see, he again embarked with his forces, and arrived in the port
of St. Jean d’Acre on the 8th of September, A. D. 1228. The pope then
sent letters to Palestine denouncing him as publicly excommunicated,
and commanded the Templars not to join his standard. They accordingly
refused to take the field, and as the forces under the command of
the emperor did not amount to ten thousand men, he was obliged to
remain inactive during the winter. He, however, carried on friendly
negotiations with the infidels, and a treaty was entered into whereby
Jerusalem was nominally surrendered to him. It was stipulated that the
Christian and Mussulman religion should meet with equal toleration in
the Holy City; that the followers of Mahomet should possess the Mosque
of Omar, and the Christians the great church of the Resurrection; that
the Moslems should be governed by their own laws, and that the court of
judicature in the forum of Al Rostak should be under the direction of a
Moslem governor.[107]
Immediately after the conclusion of this curious treaty, the emperor
made a peaceful march to the Holy City with a few attendants, and
performed the solemn farce of crowning himself in the church of the
Resurrection. After a stay of a few days in Jerusalem, he hurried back
to Acre to prepare for his departure for Europe. No christian garrison
was established in the city, nor did the Templars and Hospitallers
venture to return to their ancient abodes. His conduct, immediately
preceding his departure, is thus described in a letter from the
patriarch of Jerusalem to the pope. “The emperor placed archers at the
gates of the city of Acre, to prevent the Templars from entering into
or proceeding out of the town. He moreover placed soldiers in all the
streets leading to our quarter and the Temple, keeping us in a state of
siege; and it is evident that he has never treated the Saracens half so
badly as he has treated the Christians. For a long time he refused to
permit any provisions to be brought to us, and instructed his soldiers
to insult the priests and the Templars whenever they met them. He
moreover got possession of the magazines, and removed all the military
machines and arms, preserved for the defence of the city, with a view
of rendering good service to his kind friend the sultan of Egypt; and
afterwards, without saying adieu to anybody, he embarked secretly
on the 1st of May, (A. D. 1229,) leaving us worse off than he found
us.”[108]
The Grand Master of the Temple, Peter de Montaigu, died at Acre at
an advanced age, and was succeeded (A. D. 1233) by Brother Hermann
de Perigord, Grand Preceptor of Calabria and Sicily.[109] Shortly
after his accession to power, the truce with the sultan of Aleppo
expired, and Brother William de Montferrat, Preceptor of Antioch,
having besieged a fortress of the infidels, refused to retreat before a
superior force, and was surrounded and overwhelmed; a hundred knights
of the Temple, and three hundred cross-bowmen were slain, together
with many secular warriors, and a large number of foot soldiers. The
_Balcanifer_, or standard-bearer, on this occasion, was an English
Knight Templar, named Reginald d’Argenton, who performed prodigies of
valour. He was disabled and covered with wounds, yet he unflinchingly
bore the Beauseant aloft with his bleeding arms into the thickest of
the fight, until he at last fell dead upon a heap of his slaughtered
comrades. The Preceptor of Antioch, before he was slain, “sent
sixteen infidels to hell.” As soon as the Templars in England heard
of this disaster, they sent, (A. D. 1236,) in conjunction with the
Hospitallers, instant succour to their brethren. “Having made their
arrangements,” says Matthew Paris, “they started from the house of the
Hospitallers at Clerkenwell in London, and passed through the city
with spears held aloft, shields displayed, and banners advanced. They
marched in splendid pomp to the bridge, and sought a blessing from
all who crowded to see them pass. The brothers indeed, uncovered,
bowed their heads from side to side, and recommended themselves to the
prayers of all.”
A new crusade had already been preached in Europe by Pope Gregory IX.,
and the Templars, expecting the arrival of speedy succour, and being
desirous of taking advantage of the dissensions that had arisen amongst
the Saracens, had recommenced hostilities with the sultans of Egypt
and Damascus. Thibaut I., king of Navarre, and count of Champagne, the
duke of Burgundy, and the counts of Brittany and Bar, who had arrived
in Palestine with several other nobles and knights, and a considerable
force of armed pilgrims, marched with a party of Templars to attack
the sultan of Egypt, whilst the Grand Master prepared to invade the
territory of the sultan of Damascus. In a bloody battle fought with the
Mamlooks, near Gaza, the count de Bar and many knights and persons of
quality, and all the foot soldiers, were slain; the count de Montfort
was taken prisoner, and all the equipage and baggage of the army was
lost. The king of Navarre and the survivors then retreated to Jaffa,
and set sail from that port for St. Jean d’Acre. On their arrival
at this place, they joined the Grand Master of the Temple, who was
encamped at the palm-grove of Caiphas. Thence they marched towards
Tiberias, and on their arrival at Sepphoris, they met some messengers
who were proceeding from Saleh Ismael, the sultan of Damascus, to the
Grand Master of the Temple, with overtures of peace, and offers to
surrender Jerusalem upon the following terms:--The Moslem and christian
prisoners of war were immediately to be set at liberty; all Palestine,
between the sea-coast and the Jordan, excepting the cities of St.
Abraham, Naplous, and Bisan, was to be surrendered to the Christians;
the Christians were to assist the sultan of Damascus in a war which
had broken out between him and Nojmoddin Ayoub sultan of Egypt; they
were to march with all their forces to the south to occupy Jaffa
and Ascalon, and prevent the latter potentate from marching through
Palestine to attack the sultan of Damascus; and lastly, no truce
was to be entered into with the sultan of Egypt by the Christians,
unless the sultan of Damascus was included therein. The Grand Master
of the Temple acceded to these terms, and induced the chiefs of the
crusaders to assent to the compact; but the Grand Master of the
Hospital refused to be a party to it. It is said that he entered into
a separate and independent treaty with Nojmoddin Ayoub, who had just
mounted the throne of Egypt, so that one of the great military orders
remained at war with the sultan of Damascus, and the other with the
sultan of Egypt. Immediately after the conclusion of this treaty, the
Templars assembled all their disposable forces and proceeded to Jaffa
with the count de Nevers, and a body of newly arrived crusaders, and
co-operated with an army which the sultan of Damascus had sent into
that neighbourhood to act against the Egyptians. In the mean time,
Richard, earl of Cornwall, the brother of Henry III., king of England,
having assumed the cross, arrived in Palestine, and proceeded with a
small force of English pilgrims, knights, and foot soldiers, to the
camp of the Templars at Jaffa. With this welcome reinforcement the
Grand Master of the Temple marched at once upon Ascalon, re-constructed
the castle and restored the fortifications to the state in which they
were left by Richard Cœur de Lion. The Templars then endeavoured to
obtain possession of their ancient fortress of Gaza, (ante, p. 49,) a
place of very great importance. An invading army from the south could
approach Jerusalem only by way of Gaza, or by taking a long and tedious
route through the desert of Arabia Petræa, to Karac, and from thence to
Hebron, by the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. The want of water
and forage presented an insuperable obstacle to the march of a large
body of forces in any other direction. Towards the close of autumn, the
Templars marched against Gaza in conjunction with Saleh Ismael, sultan
of Damascus; they drove out the Egyptians, and obtained possession of
the dismantled fortifications. Large sums of money were expended in
the re-construction of the walls of the castle, a strong garrison was
established in the important post, and the Templars then marched upon
Jerusalem.
The fortifications of the Holy City had been dismantled by Malek Kamel,
at the period of the siege of Damietta, when alarmed at the military
success of the Franks in Egypt, he was anxious to purchase the safety
of the country by the cession of Jerusalem. The Templars, consequently,
entered the Holy City without difficulty or resistance; the Mussulman
population abandoned their dwellings on their approach, and the
military friars once more entered the city of David, bare-footed and
bare-headed, singing loud hymns and songs of triumph. They rushed to
the church of the Resurrection, and fell prostrate on their knees
before the shrine of the Holy Sepulchre; they ascended Mount Calvary,
and visited the reputed scene of the crucifixion, and then hastened
in martial array, and with sound of trumpet, through the forlorn and
deserted streets of the city of Zion, to take possession of their
ancient quarters on Mount Moriah.
The golden crescent was once more removed from the lofty pinnacle of
the Temple of the Lord, or Mosque of Omar, and this Holy Mussulman
house of prayer was once again surmounted by the glittering cross. The
Temple of the Knights Templars or Mosque at Acsa, (ante, p. 12,) was
again purified and re-consecrated, and its sombre halls and spacious
areas were once more graced with the white, religious, and military
habit of the knights of the Temple. The greater part of the old
convent, adjoining the Temple, had been destroyed, as before mentioned,
by the great Saladin, and the military friars were consequently obliged
to pitch numerous tents in the spacious area for the accommodation of
the brethren. The sound of the bell once more superseded the voice of
the muezzin, “the exiled faith returned to its ancient sanctuary,”
and the name of JESUS was again invoked in the high places and
sanctuaries of _Mahomet_. The great court of the Mussulmen around
the revered Mosque of Omar, called by them _El Scham Schereef_, “the
noble retirement,” again rung with the tramp of the war-steed, and its
solitudes were once more awakened with the voice of the trumpet.
Nothing could exceed the joy with which the intelligence of the
re-occupation of Jerusalem was received throughout Palestine, and
through all Christendom. The Hospitallers, now that the policy of the
Templars had been crowned with success, and that Jerusalem had been
regained, no longer opposed the treaty with the sultan of Damascus,
but hastened to co-operate with them for the preservation of the Holy
City, which had been so happily recovered. The patriarch returned
to Jerusalem, (A. D. 1241,) with all his clergy; the churches were
re-consecrated, and the Templars and Hospitallers emptied their
treasuries in rebuilding the walls. The following account of these
gratifying events was transmitted by brother Hermann de Perigord to the
Master of the Temple at London. “Brother Hermann de Perigord, humble
minister of the poor knights of the Temple, to his beloved brother in
Christ Robert de Sandford, Preceptor in England, salvation through the
Lord.
“Since it is our duty, whenever an opportunity offers, to make
known to the brotherhood, by letters or by messengers, the state
and prospects of the Holy Land, we hasten to inform you, that after
our great successes against the sultan of Egypt, and Nasser, his
supporter and abettor, the great persecutor of the Christians, whom we
have unceasingly endeavoured with all our might to subdue, they were
unwillingly compelled to treat with us concerning the establishment
of a truce, promising us to restore to the followers of Jesus Christ
all the territory on this side Jordan. We despatched certain of our
brethren, noble and discreet personages, to Cairo, to have an interview
with the sultan upon these matters. But the latter broke the promise
which he had made to us, retaining in his own hands Gaza, St. Abraham,
Naplous, Varan, and other places; he detained our messengers in custody
for more than half a year, and endeavoured to amuse us with deceitful
words and unmeaning propositions. But we, with the Divine assistance,
were enabled to penetrate his craft and perfidy, and plainly saw that
he had procured the truce with us that he might be enabled the more
readily to subjugate to his cruel dominion the sultan of Damascus, and
Nasser lord of Carac, and their territories; and then, when he had got
possession of all the country surrounding our christian provinces, we
plainly foresaw that he would break faith with us, after the custom of
his unbelieving generation, and attack our poor Christianity on this
side the sea, which in its present weak and feeble state would have
been unable effectually to resist him.
“Having therefore deliberated, long and earnestly, upon these matters,
we determined, with the advice of the bishops and some of the barons of
the land, to break off at once with the sultan of Egypt, and enter into
a treaty with the sultan of Damascus, and with Nasser lord of Carac,
whereby all the country on this side Jordan, excepting St. Abraham,
Naplous, and Bisan, has been surrendered to the christian worship;
and, to the joy of angels and of men, the holy city of Jerusalem is
now inhabited by Christians alone, all the Saracens being driven out.
The holy places have been re-consecrated and purified by the prelates
of the churches, and in those spots where the name of the Lord has
not been invoked for fifty-six years, now, blessed be God, the divine
mysteries are daily celebrated. To all the sacred places there is again
free access to the faithful in Christ, nor is it to be doubted but
that in this happy and prosperous condition we might long remain, if
our Eastern Christians would from henceforth live in greater concord
and unanimity. But, alas! opposition and contradiction, arising from
envy and hatred, have impeded our efforts in the promotion of these
and other advantages for the Holy Land. With the exception of the
prelates of the churches, and a few of the barons, who afford us all
the assistance in their power, the entire burthen of its defence rests
upon our house alone. With the assistance of the sultan of Damascus,
and the lord of Carac, we have obtained possession of the city of Gaza,
situate on the confines of the territory of Jerusalem and the territory
of Egypt. And as this important place commands the entrance from the
latter country into the Holy Land, we have, by vast exertions, and at
an enormous expense, and after having incurred great risk and danger,
put it into a state of defence. But we are afraid that God will take
heavy vengeance for past ingratitude, by punishing those who have been
careless, and indifferent, and rebellious in the prosecution of these
matters.
“For the safeguard and preservation of the holy territory, we propose
to erect a fortified castle near Jerusalem, which will enable us the
more easily to retain possession of the country, and to protect it
against all enemies. But indeed we can in nowise defend for any great
length of time the places that we hold, against the powerful and crafty
sultan of Egypt, unless Christ and his faithful followers extend to us
an efficacious support.”[110]
We must now refer to a few events connected with the English province
of the order of the Temple.
Brother Geoffrey, who was Master of the Temple at London, at the period
of the consecration of the Temple Church by Heraclius, patriarch of
Jerusalem, died shortly after the capture of the Holy City by Saladin,
and was succeeded by Brother Amaric de St. Maur, who is an attesting
witness to the deed executed by king John, (A. D. 1203,) granting a
dowry to his young queen, the beautiful Isabella of Angouleme. King
John frequently resided in the Temple for weeks together, the writs
to his lieutenants, sheriffs, and bailiffs, being dated therefrom.
The orders for the concentration of the English fleet at Portsmouth,
to resist the formidable French invasion instigated by the pope, are
dated from the TEMPLE at London, and the convention between the king
and the count of Holland, whereby the latter agreed to assist King
John with a body of knights and men-at-arms, in case of the landing of
the French, was published at the same place. In all the conferences
and negotiations between king John and the Roman pontiff, the Knights
Templars took an active and distinguished part. Two brethren of the
order were sent to him by Pandulph, the papal legate, to arrange that
famous conference between them which ended in the complete submission
of the king to all the demands of the holy see. By the advice and
persuasion of the Templars, John repaired to the preceptory of Temple
Ewell, near Dover, where he was met by the legate Pandulph, who crossed
over from France to confer with him, and the mean-hearted king was
there frightened into that celebrated resignation of the kingdoms of
England and Ireland, “to God, to the holy apostles Peter and Paul,
to the holy Roman church his mother, and to his lord, Pope Innocent
the Third, and his catholic successors, for the remission of all his
sins and the sins of all his people as well the living as the dead.”
The following year, the commands of king John for the extirpation of
the heretics in Gascony, addressed to the seneschal of that province,
were issued from the Temple at London, and about the same period, the
Templars were made the depositaries of various private and confidential
matters pending between king John and his illustrious sister-in-law,
“the royal, eloquent, and beauteous” Berengaria of Navarre, the
youthful widowed queen of Richard _Cœur de Lion_. The Templars in
England managed the money transactions of that fair princess. She
directed her dower to be paid in the house of the New Temple at London,
together with the arrears due to her from the king, amounting to
several thousand pounds.
John was resident at the Temple when he was compelled by the barons of
England to sign MAGNA CHARTA. Matthew Paris tells us that the barons
came to him whilst he was residing in the New Temple at London, “in a
very resolute manner, clothed in their military dresses, and demanded
the liberties and laws of king Edward, with others for themselves, the
kingdom, and the church of England.”[111]
Brother Amaric de St. Maur, the Master of the English province of
the order, was succeeded by brother Alan Marcell, the friend and
correspondent of the Grand Master Peter de Montaigu (ante p. 161).
He was at the head of the order in England for the space of sixteen
years, and was employed by king Henry the Third in various important
negotiations. He was Master of the Temple at London, when Reginald,
king of the island of Man, by the advice and persuasion of the legate
Pandulph, made a solemn surrender at that place of his island to the
pope and his catholic successors, and consented to hold the same from
thenceforth as the feudatory of the church of Rome. On the 28th of
April, A. D. 1224, the Master, Brother Alan Marcell, was employed
by king Henry to negotiate a truce between himself and the king of
France. The king of England appears at that time to have been resident
at the Temple, the letters of credence being made out at that place,
in the presence of the archbishop of Canterbury, several bishops, and
Hubert, the chief justiciary. The year after, Alan Marcell was sent
into Germany, to negotiate a treaty of marriage between king Henry
and the daughter of the duke of Austria.[112] Brother Alan Marcell
was succeeded by Brother Amberaldus. The next Master of the English
province was Robert Mounford, and he was followed by Robert Sanford
(ante p. 56).
During the Mastership of Robert Sanford, on Ascension Day, A. D. 1240,
the oblong portion of the Temple Church, which extendeth eastward
from “THE ROUND,” was consecrated in the presence of king Henry the
Third and all his court, and much of the nobility of the kingdom.
This portion of the sacred edifice was of a lighter and more florid
style of architecture than the earlier Round Church consecrated by the
patriarch Heraclius (ante p. 46). The walls were pierced with numerous
triple lancet windows filled with stained glass, and the floor was
covered with tesselated pavement. The roof was supported by dark grey
Purbeck marble columns, and the vaulted ceiling was decorated with
the star of Bethlehem, and with ornaments of frosted silver placed on a
blue ground. The extensive area of the church was open and unencumbered
by pews, and the beauty of the columns and windows, the lively colours
of the tiled floor, and the elegant proportions of the fabric were
seen at a glance. After the consecration, the king made provision for
the maintenance in the Temple of three chaplains, who were to say
three masses daily for ever, one for the king himself, another for all
christian people, and the third for the faithful departed.[113]
[Illustration: INTERIOR OF THE TEMPLE CHURCH]
King Henry III. was one of the greatest of the benefactors of the
order. He granted to the Templars the manors of Lilleston, Hechewayton,
and Saunford, the wood of Carletone, Kingswood near Chippenhan, a
messuage, and six bovates of land with their appurtenances in Great
Lymburgh; a fair at Walnesford, in the county of Essex, every three
years for three days, to commence on the anniversary of the beheading
of St. John the Baptist; also annual fairs and weekly markets at
Newburgh, Walnesford, Balsall, Kirkeby, and a variety of other places;
he granted them free warren in all their demesne lands; and by his
famous charter, dated the 9th day of February, in the eleventh year of
his reign, he confirmed to them all the donations of his predecessors,
and of their other benefactors, and conferred upon them vast privileges
and immunities in the following pious and reverential terms.
“The king, &c., to all the archbishops, bishops, barons, &c. &c., to
whom these presents shall come, salvation through the Lord. Be it
known to you that we have granted and confirmed to God and the blessed
Mary, and the brethren of the chivalry of the Temple of Solomon, all
reasonable donations of lands, men, and eleemosynary gifts, bestowed on
them by our predecessors, or by others in times past, or by ourselves
at this present period, or which may be hereafter conferred on them
by kings or by the liberality of subjects, or may be acquired, or
be about to be acquired in any other manner, as well churches as
worldly goods and possessions; wherefore we will and firmly command
that the aforesaid brethren and their men may have and hold all their
possessions and eleemosynary donations with all liberties and free
customs and immunities, in wood and plain, in meadow and pasture, in
water and water-mills, on highways and byeways, in ponds and running
streams, in marshes and fisheries, in granges and broad acres,
within burgh and without the burgh, with soc and sac, tol and theam,
infangenethef and unfangenethef, and hamsoc and grithbrich, and blodwit
and fictwit, and flictwit and ferdwite, and hengewite and lierwite, and
flemenefrith, murder, robbery, forstall, ordel, oreste, in season and
out of season, at all times and in all places, &c.
“We ordain, likewise, that the aforesaid brethren shall for ever
hereafter be freed from royal aids, and sheriff’s aids, and officer’s
aids, and from hidage and carucage, and danegeld and hornegeld, and
from military and wapentake services, and scutages and lastages and
stallages, shires and hundreds, pleas and quarrels, ward and wardpeny,
and averpeni and hundredspeni, and borethalpeni and thethingepeni,
and from the works of castles, parks, bridges, and inclosures; and
from the duty of providing carriages and beasts of burthen, boats, and
vessels, and from the building of royal houses, and all other works.
And we prohibit all persons from taking timber from their woods and
forests for such works, or for any other purposes whatever: neither
shall their corn, nor the corn of their men, nor any of their goods,
nor the goods of any belonging to them, be taken to fortify castles. We
will also that they shall have free and full liberty to cut and fell
timber whenever they please, in all their woods, for the use of their
fraternity, without any let or hindrance whatever; and for doing so
they shall not incur forfeiture or waste, or in any way be punishable
by law. And all their lands, and the ground which they or their men
have cleared of wood, and recovered from the forest, or which they may
clear in time to come, with the assent of the king, we make quit and
free for ever hereafter from waste regard, and view of foresters, and
from all other customs. And we concede also to the aforesaid brethren
the privilege of cutting down trees in all the woods they possess at
present within the forest boundaries, and of clearing and bringing the
land into cultivation without any license from our bailiffs, so that
they may never at any time hereafter be in any way called to account by
ourselves, or our heirs, or any of our bailiffs.
“We ordain, moreover, that the aforesaid brethren and their men shall
be quit and free from every kind of toll in all markets and fairs, and
upon crossing bridges, roads, and ferries, throughout the whole of
our kingdom, and throughout all lands in which we are able to grant
liberties; and all their markets, and the markets of their men, shall
in like manner be quit and free from all toll. We grant and confirm
also to the aforesaid brethren, that if any of their men be condemned
to lose life or limb for crime, or shall have fled from justice, or
have committed any offence for which he hath incurred forfeiture of his
goods and chattels, the goods and chattels so forfeited shall belong to
the aforesaid brethren, whether the cognizance of the offence belongeth
to our court or to any other inferior court; and it shall be lawful for
the aforesaid brethren, under such circumstances and in such cases,
to put themselves in possession of the aforesaid goods and chattels
at such time as our bailiffs would or ought to have seized them into
our hands, had such goods and chattels belonged to ourselves, without
the molestation or hindrance of the sheriffs or bailiffs, or any other
persons whatever.
“We concede also to the aforesaid brethren, that animals called _waif_,
lost by their owners, and found within the feud of the Templars, shall
belong to the aforesaid brethren, unless they are followed by some one
able and willing to prove that they are his own, and unless they shall
be sought after and taken possession of by the owner within a moderate
period of time, according to the custom of the country. And if any of
the tenants of the aforesaid brethren shall happen to have incurred a
forfeiture of his feud, it shall be lawful for the said brethren to
take possession of the said feud, and hold the same, notwithstanding
the law which concedes to ourselves the possession of the feud of
fugitives and criminals, for the space of a year and a day. In like
manner, if any of the men of the aforesaid brethren shall have incurred
a fine to be paid to ourselves or to any of our bailiffs, under any
process, or for any crime, or any other matter, the amercements of
money shall be collected and brought in a purse to our exchequer, and
there handed over to the aforesaid brethren; judgment of death and limb
being always reserved to the royal authority.
“We moreover ordain, that if any of the liberties and privileges
contained in this our charter shall happen to have been disused for
a length of time, such disuse shall in no respect prejudice the
right, but such liberty or privilege may be again exercised without
contradiction, notwithstanding that it may have been discontinued and
disused as aforesaid. And all the aforesaid things, and all other
secular services and customs which are not included in this present
writing, we, through love of God, and for the good of the soul of
the lord king John, our father, and for the good of the souls of all
our predecessors and successors, grant and confirm to them, as a
perpetual alms-gift, with all liberties and free customs, as fully,
freely, and effectually as the royal power can confer them upon any
religious house. And we prohibit all persons, on pain of forfeiture,
from proceeding against them or their men contrary to this our charter,
for we have taken the aforesaid brethren, and all their goods, and
possessions, and all their men, under our especial guardianship and
protection. As witness the king, at Westminster, the 9th day of
February, in the eleventh year of our reign.”[114]
By the royal grant of _soc_ and _sac_, _tol_ and _theam_, &c. &c,
the Templars were clothed with the power of holding courts to impose
and levy fines and amerciaments upon their tenants, to judge and
punish their villeins and vassals--to take cognizance of quarrels and
controversies that arose amongst them--to try thieves and malefactors
belonging to their manors, and all foreign thieves taken within
the precincts thereof--to try and punish trespasses and breaches
of the peace, and all unlawful entries into the houses of their
tenants--to impose and levy amerciaments for cutting and maiming,
and for bloodshed--to judge and punish by fine or imprisonment the
seducers of their bond women, and all persons who committed adultery
and fornication within their manors. They had the power of trying
criminals by ordeal, or the terrible test of fire and water; and they
had, lastly, the tremendous privilege of pit or gallows, i. e. the
power of putting convicted thieves to death, by hanging them if they
were men, and drowning them if they were women! By the royal charter,
the Templars were, in the next place, freed from the fine of right
payable to the king for the hanging of thieves without a formal trial
and judgment according to law; they were exempted from the taxes on
pasture-lands, and plough-lands, and horned cattle; from the Danish
tribute, and from all military services, and from all the ordinary
feudal burthens.[115]