--Religious tolerance in Tehran
--Katie Greenfield's case
--Babi sect
--Liberal opinions
--German enterprise in Persia
--Railways in Asia Minor
--Russian road extension
--Railways to Persian frontiers
--The Karun River
--Trade development
--The Kajar dynasty
--Life titles
--Chieftainship of tribes
--Sanctuary
--The Pearl cannon.
The late Shah was always liberal and conciliatory in the treatment of
his Christian subjects throughout the country, and this is a matter
which, at the present time, deserves special notice. In the history of
Persia many proofs of friendly feeling towards Christians are to be
found, and the sovereigns appear to have led the popular mind in the way
of goodwill to them. Shah Abbas the Great was an example of kind and
considerate tolerance, and it was Shah Abbas II who said of them, 'It is
for God, not for me to judge of men's consciences: and I will never
interfere with what belongs to the tribunal of the Great Creator and
Lord of the universe.' The Western Christian missionaries are fully
protected in their mission work among the Eastern Christians in Persia
on the understanding that they do not actively and directly engage in
proselytizing Mohammedans.
[Illustration: ARMENIAN MOTHER AND CHILDREN]
The American Presbyterian is the only mission in Tehran, and it carries
on its work so smoothly and judiciously that the sensitive
susceptibilities of the most fanatical Moullas are never roused nor
ruffled. They have succeeded well by never attempting too much. They
show their desire to benefit all classes and creeds, and during the
severe cholera outbreak In 1892 the hospital they established in the
city for the medical treatment of all comers up to the utmost extent of
their accommodation and ability was a powerful and convincing proof of
their good work and will. The disease was of a very fatal type, and its
deadly ravages called forth a display of devotion and self-sacrifice
which deserved and obtained the highest commendation from all Persians
and Europeans.
While on this subject, the splendid example set by the Governor of the
town, the Vazir Isa Khan, should be noticed. He was very wealthy, and
did much to relieve the sufferings and wants of the poor who were
attacked by the disease. He remained in the city while the epidemic
raged, and would not seek safety in flight to the adjoining mountains,
as many had done. But, sad to say, he fell a victim at the last, and his
wife, who had remained with him throughout, died of the disease two days
before him.
It will be remembered that in 1891 an agitation was raised regarding the
reported abduction of an Armenian girl, named Katie Greenfield, by a
Kurd in Persian Kurdistan. An attempt which was made to take the girl
back to her family caused the couple to cross the frontier into Turkish
Kurdistan, and great excitement among the Kurds on both sides of the
border was created. The contention grew, and commissioners and consuls,
with troops, Persian and Turkish, took part in it. In the end it was
made perfectly clear that the girl had gone off with Aziz, the Kurd, as
the husband of her own choice, and had embraced the Mohammedan faith by
her own wish. The Kurds in Persian Kurdistan appear to live on friendly
terms with their Armenian village neighbours, and on this occasion a
runaway love-match became the cause of some popular excitement in
England, and much trouble and tumult on the Perso-Turkish frontier.
The Armenian Archbishop in Persia, who resides at Isfahan, is always a
Russian subject from the monastery of Etchmiadzin, near Erivan, the seat
of the Catholicus, the primate of the orthodox Armenian Church, and this
doubtless has its effect in suggesting protection and security. France
also for a longtime past has steadily asserted the right to protect the
Catholic Armenian Church in Persia, and once a year the French Minister
at Tehran, with the Legation secretaries, attends Divine service in the
chapel there in full diplomatic dress and state, to show the fact and
force of the support which the Church enjoys. France similarly takes
Catholic institutions in Turkey under her protection, and appears to be
generally the Catholic champion in the East.
The careful observer in Tehran cannot fail to be struck with the
religious tolerance shown to non-Mohammedan Persian subjects in the
'shadow of the Shah.' Amongst these, other than Christians, may be
mentioned the Guebres (Parsees) and the Jews. Persecuted in the
provinces, they receive liberal treatment in Tehran, and it is to be
hoped that the late Shah's gracious example will in time be followed by
his Majesty's provincial governors.
The Babi sect of Mohammedans, regarded as seceders from Islam, but who
assert their claim to be only the advocates for Mohammedan Church
reform, are at last better understood and more leniently
treated--certainly at Tehran. They have long been persecuted and
punished in the cruellest fashion, even to torture and death, under the
belief that they were a dangerous body which aimed at the subversion of
the State as well as the Church. But better counsels now prevail, to
show that the time has come to cease from persecuting these sectarians,
who, at all events in the present day, show no hostility to the
Government; and the Government has probably discovered the truth of the
Babi saying, that one martyr makes many proselytes.
The Babis aim at attracting to their ranks the intelligent and the
learned, in preference to the ignorant and unlearned; and it is believed
that now sufficient education whereby to read and write is absolutely
necessary for membership. They wish to convince by example, and not by
force, and this accounts for the absence of active resistance to the
persecutions from which they often suffer most grievously. They say that
they desire to return to original Mohammedanism, as it first came from
the Arabian desert, pure and simple, and free from the harsh intolerance
and arrogance which killed the liberal spirit in which it was conceived.
They deplore the evil passions and fierce animosities engendered by
religious differences; they tolerate all creeds having a common end for
good, and seek to soften the hearts of those who persecute them, by
showing that they but wish for peace on earth and goodwill to all men.
They have a widespread organization throughout Persia, and many learned
Moullas and Syuds have secretly joined them. They have always been firm
in their faith, even unto death, rejecting the offer of life in return
for a declaration against the Bab, him whom they regard as the messenger
of good tidings.
An acknowledged authority on the Bab, the founder of this creed, has
written that he 'directed the thoughts and hopes of his disciples to
this world, not to an unseen world.' From this it was inferred he did
not believe in a future state, nor in anything beyond this life. Of
course, among the followers of a new faith, liberal and broad in its
views, continued fresh developments of belief must be expected; and with
reference to the idea that the Babis think not of a hereafter, I was
told that they believe in the re-incarnation of the soul, the good after
death returning to life and happiness, the bad to unhappiness. A Babi,
in speaking of individual pre-existence, said to me, 'You believe in a
future state; why, then, should you not believe in a pre-existent state?
Eternity is without beginning and without end,' This idea of
re-incarnation, generally affecting all Babis, is, of course, an
extension of the original belief regarding the re-incarnation of the
Bab, and the eighteen disciple-prophets who compose the sacred college
of the sect.
Some time ago signs began to appear of a general feeling that the
persecution of the Babis must cease. Many in high places see this, and
probably say it, and their sympathy becomes known. At one time a high
Mohammedan Church dignitary speaks regarding tolerance and progress in a
manner which seems to mean that he sees no great harm in the new sect.
Then a soldier, high in power and trust, refers to the massacres of
Babis in 1890 and 1891 as not only cruel acts, but as acts of insane
folly, 'for,' he said, 'to kill a Babi is like cutting down a
chenar-tree, from the root of which many stems spring up, and one
becomes many.' Then a Moulla, speaking of the necessity of a more humane
treatment of the Babis, and others of adverse creeds, says that he looks
for the time when all conditions of men will be equally treated, and all
creeds and classes be alike before the law. Omar Khayyam, the
astronomer-poet of Persia, who wrote about eight hundred years ago, gave
open expression to the same liberal-minded views, urging tolerance and
freedom for all religious creeds and classes.
The last murderous mob attack led by Moullas against the Babis occurred
at Yezd in April, 1891. It was probably an outcome of the Babi massacre
which had taken place at Isfahan the previous year, and which, owing to
the fiercely hostile attitude of the priests, was allowed to pass
unnoticed by any strong public condemnation. On that occasion a party of
the sect, pursued by an excited and blood-thirsty mob, claimed the
'sanctuary' of foreign protection in the office of the Indo-European
Telegraph Company, and found asylum there. Negotiations were opened with
the Governor of the town, who arranged for a safe conduct to their homes
under military escort. Trusting to this, the refugees quitted the
telegraph-office, but had not proceeded far before they were beset by a
furious crowd, and as the escort offered no effectual resistance, the
unfortunates were murdered in an atrociously cruel manner. The Shah's
anger was great on hearing of this shameful treachery, but as the
Governor pleaded powerlessness from want of troops, and helplessness
before the fanaticism of the frenzied mob led by Moullas, the matter was
allowed to drop.
Considering the great numbers of Babis all over Persia, and the ease
with which membership can be proved, it strikes many observers as
strange that murderous outbreaks against them are not more frequent. The
explanation is that, besides the accepted Babis, there is a vast number
of close sympathizers, between whom and the declared members of the sect
there is but one step, and a continued strong persecution would drive
them into the ranks of the oppressed. It might then be found that the
majority was with the Babis, and this fear is a fact which, irrespective
of other arguments, enables the influential and liberal-minded Moullas
to control their headstrong and over-zealous brethren.
The isolated outbreaks that do occur are generally produced by personal
animosity and greed of gain. Just as has been known in other countries
where a proscribed religion was practised in secret, and protection
against persecution and informers secured by means of money, so in many
places the Babis have made friends in this manner out of enemies.
Individuals sometimes are troubled by the needy and unscrupulous who
affect an excess of religious zeal, but these desist on their terms
being met. Occasionally in a settlement of bazaar trading-accounts, the
debtor, who is a Mohammedan, being pressed by his creditor, whom he
knows to be a Babi, threatens to denounce him publicly in order to avoid
payment.
I witnessed an instance of 'sanctuary' asylum being claimed in the
stable of one of the foreign legations at Tehran by a well-known
Persian merchant, a Babi, who fled for his life before the bazaar
ruffians to whom his debtor had denounced him, urging them to smite and
slay the heretic. It was believed that the practice of black-mailing the
Babis was such a well-known successful one at Yezd that some of the low
Mohammedans of the town tried to share in the profits and were
disappointed. This, it was said, led to the massacre which occurred
there in April, 1891.
The Babis, notwithstanding divergence of opinion on many points, yet
attend the mosques and the Moulla teachings, and comply with all the
outward forms of religion, in order to avert the anger which continued
absence from the congregation would draw upon them from hostile and
bigoted neighbours. Two of them were suddenly taxed in the Musjid with
holding heterodox opinions, and were then accused of being Babis. The
discussion was carried outside and into the bazaar, the accusers loudly
reviling and threatening them. They were poor, and were thus unable to
find protectors at once. When being pressed hard by an excited mob which
had collected on the scene, an over-zealous friend came to their aid,
and said, 'Well, if they are Babis, what harm have they done to anyone?'
On this the tumult began, and the ferocity of the fanatical crowd rose
to blood-heat. The sympathizer was seized, and as the gathering grew,
the opportunity to gratify private animosity and satisfy opposing
interests was taken advantage of, and three other Babis were added,
making six in all who were dragged before the Governor to be condemned
as members of an accursed sect. The Moullas urged them to save their
lives by cursing the Bab, but they all refused. The wives and children
of some of them were sent for so that their feelings might be worked
upon to renounce their creed and live, but this had no effect in shaking
their resolution. When told that death awaited them, they replied that
they would soon live again. When argued with on this point of their
belief, they merely said that they could not say how it was to be, but
they knew it would be so. They were then given over to the cruel mob,
and were hacked to death, firm in their faith to the last.
The temptation to make away with others in a similar manner produced
two more victims during the night, but these the Governor tried to save
by keeping them in custody. The brutal mob, however, howled for their
blood, and made such an uproar that the weak Governor, a youth of
eighteen, surrendered them to a cruel death, as he had done the others.
These two, like their brethren, refused to curse the Bab and live.
The Moullas have ever been defeated in their efforts to produce
recantation from a Babi, and it is this remarkable steadfastness in
their faith which has carried conviction into the hearts of many that
the sect is bound to triumph in the end. The thoughtful say admiringly
of them, as the Romans said of the Christians, whom they in vain doomed
to death under every form of terror, 'What manner of men are these, who
face a dreadful death fearlessly to hold fast to their faith?' An
instance is mentioned of a Babi who did recant in order to escape the
martyr's death, but he afterwards returned to his faith, and suffered
calmly the death he had feared before.
The Moullas who led the Yezd massacre desired to associate the whole
town in the crime, and called for the illumination of the bazaars in
token of public joy. The order for this was given, but the Governor was
warned in time to issue a countermand. It was found by the state of
public feeling, and told to those in authority, who were able to realize
the danger, that, as one-half or more of the shopkeepers were Babis,
they would not have illuminated, for to have done so would imply
approval of the murders and denial of their faith. Their determination
to refuse to join in the demonstration of joy would have roused further
mob fury, and the whole body of Babis, impelled by the instinct of
self-preservation, would have risen to defend themselves.
The late Shah was deeply troubled and pained on hearing of this cruel
massacre, and removed the Governor, who was his own grandson (being the
eldest son of his Royal Highness the Zil-es-Sultan), notwithstanding the
excuses urged in his favour, that the priestly power which roused the
mob was too strong for him to act and prevent the murders. It is
probable that the Government is assured of the peaceful nature of the
Babi movement as it now exists; and with the orders to put an end to
persecution, supported in some degree by popular feeling, we may hope
to hear no more of such crimes as were committed at Isfahan and Yezd in
1890 and 1891.
The Babi reform manifests an important advance upon all previous modern
Oriental systems in its treatment of woman. Polygamy and concubinage are
forbidden, the use of the veil is discouraged, and the equality of the
sexes is so thoroughly recognised that one, at least, of the nineteen
sovereign prophets must always be a female. This is a return to the
position of woman in early Persia, of which Malcolm speaks when he says
that Quintus Curtius told of Alexander not seating himself in the
presence of Sisygambis till told to do so by that matron, because it was
not the custom in Persia for sons to sit in presence of their mother.
This anecdote is quoted to show the great respect in which the female
sex were held in Persia at the time of Alexander's invasion, and which
also was regarded as one of the principal causes of the progress the
country had made in civilization. The Parsees to this day conduct
themselves on somewhat similar lines, and though we have not the
opportunities of judging of maternal respect which were allowed to the
Greeks, yet the fact of the same custom being shown in a father's
presence at the present time seems to point to the rule of good manners
to mothers being yet observed. And we know, from what happened on the
death of Mohamed Shah in 1848, that a capable woman is allowed by public
opinion to exercise openly a powerful influence in affairs of State at a
critical time when wise counsels are required. The Queen-mother at that
time became the president of the State Council, and cleverly succeeded
in conciliating adverse parties and strengthening the Government, till
the position of the young Shah, the late Sovereign, was made secure.
For a long time Russia and England were regarded as the only great
Powers really interested in the future of Persia; but within the last
few years it has been observed that Turkey, in showing an intention to
consolidate her power in the Baghdad and Erzeroum pashaliks, was likely
to be in a position to renew old claims on the Persian border. France
has also lately increased her interest in Persia, and Germany has now
entered the field of enterprise there in the practical manner of
improving the road from Khani Kin, on the Turkish frontier, to Tehran,
connecting it with a road from Baghdad. It will probably be found that
this road-scheme belongs to the company under German auspices who are
now constructing a railway which is ultimately to connect Baghdad with
the Bosphorus, and part of which is already working. The trunk-line
passes by Angora, Kaisarieh, Diarbekr, Mardin, and Mosul; and a
loop-line leaves it at Eski Shehr, which, going by Konia, Marasch, and
Orfa, rejoins it at Diarbekr.
There was an idea that, as Konia is a most promising field for the
production of exports, the Smyrna lines competed so eagerly for the
concession to extend there that the Porte was enabled to make terms with
the Anatolian Railway Company (to which I have alluded) for the
extension to Baghdad, which strategically is of great importance. It was
said that the strong competition placed the Government in the position
of the man in the Eastern story who went to the bazaar to sell an old
camel, and a young cat of rare beauty. The cat was shown off sitting on
the camel, and was desired by many purchasers; but there was no bid for
the camel. The competition for the cat ran high, and then the owner
announced that the one could not be sold without the other, on which the
camel was bought with the cat. But as a matter of fact there was no
opening for competition for the Konia branch. The Anatolian Railway had
preferential rights for what is called the southern or loop line, which
I have mentioned as passing through Konia, and rejoining the main or
northern line at Diarbekr. They also have preferential rights of
extension to Baghdad, and they mean to carry the line there.
The Smyrna Aidin railway has lately had a considerable improvement in
its traffic, from the barley of Asia Minor being in increased demand in
addition to its wheat. This means that the material for the beer as well
as the bread of the masses elsewhere is found to be abundant and cheap
there, and the extension of railway communication in those regions will
most probably increase the supply and demand. The same trade in barley
has lately sprung up in Southern Persia and Turkish Arabia, and for some
time past, while the low price of wheat discouraged the existing wheat
trade there, it has been found profitable to export barley from the
Gulf ports. Barley is the cheapest grain in Persia, where it is grown
for home consumption only, being the universal food for horses. Owing to
want of care with the seed, and the close vicinity of crops, the wheat
was often so mixed with barley as to reduce the price considerably, and
the question of mixture and reduction was always a very stormy one. When
I was at Ahwaz, on the Karun, in 1890, I saw a machine at work
separating the grains, and the Arab owners waiting to take away the
unsaleable barley, the wheat being bought for export by a European firm
there which owned the machine. The Arab sellers probably now move to the
other side of the machine to carry away the unsaleable wheat, the barley
being bought for export owing to the turn of trade.
The German group that has obtained the Persian road concession has also
taken up the old project of an extension of the Tehran tramways to the
villages on the slopes of the Shimran range, all within a distance of
ten miles from the town. The Court, the city notables, and the foreign
legations, with everyone who desires to be fashionable, and can afford
the change, reside there during the warm months--June, July, August and
September. The whole place may be described as the summer suburb of the
capital, and there is great going to and fro.
I have already mentioned the Russian road now under construction from
the Caspian Sea base to Kasvin, with the object of enabling Russian
trade to command more thoroughly the Tehran market. The total distance
from the coast to the capital is two hundred miles. There is an
old-established caravan track over easy country, from Kasvin to Hamadan
in the south--west, distant about one hundred and fifty miles. It has
lately been announced that the Russian Road Company has obtained a
concession to convert this track into a cart-road in continuation of
that from Resht. It is seen that with improved communication Russian
trade may be made to compete successfully at Hamadan, which is only
about fifty miles further from the Caspian Sea base than Tehran, and
there will also be the advantage of a return trade in cotton from
Central Persia, as Armenian merchants now export it to Russia from as
far South as Isfahan and Yezd. The German road from Baghdad to Tehran
will be met at Hamadan.
Kermanshah and Hamadan, through which the German road will pass, are
both busy centres of trade in districts rich in corn, wool, and wine.
They are also meeting-points of the great and ever-flowing streams of
pilgrims to Kerbela _viâ_ Baghdad, said to number annually about one
hundred thousand. This has been a popular pilgrim route, as well as
trade route, for centuries, and with greater facilities on an improved
road the traffic is certain to increase.
It is said that the alignment of the Russian road from Resht is to be
made in view of a railway in the future. The same will probably be done
in the Hamadan extension, and it is believed that the German road will
be similarly planned. All this would mean that behind the concessions
are further promises for the time when railway construction comes.
Looking into the dim distance, the eye of faith and hope may see the
fulfilment of railway communication from India to Europe by a connection
between the Quetta or Indus Valley line and Kermanshah.
This brings us to the agreement of 1890 between Persia and Russia to
shut out railways till the end of the century. This agreement, when made
known, was regarded as proof of a somewhat barbarian policy on the part
of Russia, unwilling or unable herself to assist in opening up Persia
and improving the condition of the country. But there is some reason for
the idea that the Shah himself was ready to meet the Russian request, so
as to keep back the railway which he feared would soon connect his
capital with the Caucasus. There was much railway talk in Persia in
1890, and Russia knew that it would take quite ten years to complete her
railway system up to the Northern frontiers of Persia and Afghanistan.
The railway now being made from Tiflis to Alexandropol and Kars will
probably send out a line down the fertile valley of the Aras to Julfa,
ready for extension across the Persian frontier to Tabriz, and a branch
may be pushed forward from Doshakh, or Keribent, on the Trans-Caspian
railway, to Sarakhs, where Russia, Persia, and Afghanistan meet, to
facilitate trade with Herat as well as Meshed. In the meanwhile also the
cart-roads, ready for railway purposes if wanted, from the Caspian Sea
base to Kasvin, Tehran, and Hamadan, will be completed.
Russia insisted on regarding the opening of the Karun to the navigation
of the world as a diplomatic victory for England, and a distinct
concession to British commerce, which is predominant in the South. She
therefore thought out well what to get from the Shah in return, to
favour her commercial policy in the North, and the ten years'
prohibition of railways was the result. Russia desires commercial
predominance in Persia just as England does, and she will use all the
influence which her dominating close neighbourhood gives to obtain the
utmost favour and facilities for her trade.
While Russia and England were thus engaged in strong commercial rivalry,
Germany unexpectedly made her appearance in the Western region of
Central Persia, where their competition meets. Nor has Persia been idle
in trading enterprise; her merchants are not only aiming at getting more
exclusively into their own hands the interior commerce of the country,
but they have established direct relations with firms in foreign
countries, and now work in active competition with the European houses
which in old days had almost all the export and import trade in their
own hands. The introduction of the Imperial Bank of Persia has given an
impetus to this new spirit of native enterprise by affording facilities
which before were not available on the same favourable terms. The Nasiri
Company, a mercantile corporation of Persians, was formed in 1889 to
trade on the Karun, and it commenced operations with two small steamers.
Later, a third steamer was added, and they are now negotiating for the
purchase of a fourth. They have a horse tramway, about one and a half
miles long, to facilitate the necessary transhipment of cargo between
the upper and lower streams, where the Ahwaz Rapids break the river
navigation. This trading corporation has strong support, and the Persian
Government is earnest in giving it every assistance, so that it may
develop into an effectual agency for the revival of the prosperity which
made the Karun Valley in old times what the Nile Valley is now.
Messrs. Lynch Brothers also run a large steamer on the Lower Karun in
connection with a 'stern-wheeler' (Nile boat pattern) on the upper
stream, and between them and the Nasiri Company a regular and quick
communication is maintained between Bombay and Shuster. One of the
articles of import at the latter place is American kerosene-oil for lamp
purposes, to take the place of the Shuster crude petroleum, said to have
been used there for centuries. This petroleum contains an unusual amount
of benzine, and being highly explosive in lamps, the Shuster people, who
can afford to pay for the safer substance, have taken to American oil.
The Shuster petroleum-springs belong to a family of Syuds in the town,
and did not fall within the field of the Persian Mines Corporation.
These oil-springs may yet become the object of practical operations
should the Nasiri Company develop the resources of the Karun Valley.
Belgium has also taken an active interest in Persia lately, the tramway
company, and the glass manufactory at Tehran, and the beet-sugar factory
in the vicinity, having all been established with Belgian capital; and
Holland, who is believed to be seeking an opening in Persia, may find
her opportunity in the Karun Valley irrigation works. The creation of
strong international interests in Persia should have the best effect in
strengthening her national independence, developing her natural
resources, and introducing good government. And the peaceful succession
of the lawful heir to the throne should go far to carry the country
forward in the path of progress and prosperity. It is evident that the
strong sentiment attaching to the late Shah's long and peaceful reign,
and the popular feeling of loyalty to him which influenced the people,
has had the effect of enforcing the royal will in favour of the heir
legitimately appointed by Nasr-ed-Din Shah.
[Illustration: PRESENT SHAH WHEN ENTERING HIS CARRIAGE.]
The reigning family of Persia are the hereditary chiefs of the royal
Kajar tribe, and still preserve the customs of that position. They have
not changed the manly habits of a warlike race for the luxury and
lethargy which sapped the energies and ruined the lives of so many
monarchs of Persia. Up to the time of the present ruling dynasty the
princes of the blood were immured in the harem, where their education
was left to women and their attendants, and until the death of the King
his destined successor was not known. At that period the son of the
lowest slave in the harem was deemed equally eligible to succeed to the
throne with the offspring of the proudest princess who boasted the
honour of marriage with the Sovereign. And similarly as in the West,
up to about four hundred years ago, the Crown was generally made secure
by murder, every actual or possible rival for the throne being blinded
or removed from the scene. This was the practice of the Soffivean
dynasty, which preceded the Kajar. But with the change which then took
place, this hideous practice disappeared, and usages more congenial to
the feelings of the military tribes which support the throne were
established. Under the late Shah the princes of the blood were employed
in the chief governments of the country, and exercised all the powers
and responsibilities of office.
Persia may be described as a theocratic democracy under an absolute
monarchy. There is no hereditary rank but that of royal birth, and that
of the chiefs of the military tribes, who may be regarded as a military
aristocracy; but there is a system of life titles which secure to the
holders certain privileges and immunities, and are much prized. The
titles are nominally descriptive of some personal quality, talent, or
trust, such as Councillor of the State, Confidant of the King, Trusted
of the Sultan; they are also bestowed upon ladies in high position. The
name of an animal is never introduced into the title; at least, I have
only heard of one instance to the contrary in modern times. An
individual of European parentage was recommended to the late Shah's
notice and favour by his Persian patrons, and they mentioned his great
wish to be honoured with a title. His Majesty, who had a keen sense of
humour, observed the suggestive appearance of the candidate for honours,
and said, 'Well, he is Hujabr-i-Mulk' (the Lion of the Country). The new
noble was ready with his grateful thanks: 'Your sacred Majesty, may I be
thy sacrifice;' but he added in a subdued tone, 'A lion requires at
least a lamb a day.' The Shah laughed at the meaning speech, and said,
'Let him have it.' The granting of a title does not give any emolument
unless specially directed. As a precedent for this title, the Shah may
have had in his mind the story of Ali Kuli Khan, one of the favourites
of Shah Suliman. During the reign of Shah Abbas this chief was generally
in prison, except when his services were required against the enemies of
his country. This had gained for him the name of the Lion of Persia, as
men said that he was always chained except when wanted to fight.
The Shah can raise whomsoever he chooses from the lowest to the highest
position or post, except in the most powerful of the nomad tribes, where
the nomination to chieftainship is confined to the elders of the leading
families, who generally represent two lines from one head, one being in
the opposition when the other is in power. The chieftain of a clan
considers himself superior in real rank to the most favoured Court
title-holder, and the chiefs of the military tribes may be termed the
hereditary nobility of Persia. The monarch may, by his influence or
direct power, alter the succession, and place an uncle in the situation
of a nephew, and sometimes a younger brother in the condition of an
elder, but the leader of the tribe must be of the family of their chief.
The younger sons and nephews are enrolled in the royal guard, and the
Shah is thus enabled by judicious change and selection to keep his hold
upon the tribe. Change of chiefs is not always effected peacefully. The
wild tribesmen who, in feudal fashion, attach themselves as idle
men-at-arms to a popular leader are sometimes disinclined to accept his
fall from favour without an appeal to arms. But the royal authority
prevails in the end, and the new chiefs rule begins, and lasts just so
long as Fortune smiles and the Shah wills.
A marked instance of this was shown in July, 1892, when Jehan Shah
Khan-Ilbegi was deprived of the chieftaincy of the Afshar section of the
powerful Shahsevend tribe, who range from Ardebil to Tehran. The famous
Nadir Shah was originally a simple trooper of this tribe, and belonged
to the colony of it which was planted at Deregez on the Turkoman border.
The ostensible cause of the chiefs removal from power was that with his
own hands he had killed his wife, the sister of his cousin,
Rahmat-ulla-Khan, who was known to be his rival in the tribe for place
and power. Jehan Shah had unjustly accused her of being unfaithful to
him, and going to her house, he called her out, and, notwithstanding her
appearing with a copy of the Sacred Koran in her hand, shot her dead
while in the act of swearing on the holy book that she was innocent of
all guilt. Jehan Shah than went in search of the tribesman whom he
suspected of being her paramour, and killed him also. The matter was
reported to the Shah, then in camp in Irak, who ordered Jebam Shah to
be deprived of the chieftainship, and Rahmat-ulla-Khan to be appointed
Ilbegi in his place. It was further ordered that Jehan Shah should be
arrested and sent as a prisoner to Tehran. The Ihtisham-e-Dowleh-Kajâr,
cousin of the late Shah and Governor of Khamseh, in which province Jehan
Shah was then located with his clan, was directed to carry out the royal
commands.
Much telegraphing had taken place on the subject, and as cipher was not
used, Jehan Shah, by means of money and influence, was able to obtain
the fullest information of all that passed, and as he was known to have
a numerous personal following armed with Peabody-Martini rifles, the
Governor was instructed to act with caution. He accordingly had recourse
to stratagem, and gave out that the object of his journey to the tribal
quarters was to coerce a section of the tribe which had been giving
trouble. He therefore asked Jehan Shah to assist him, and this gave the
chief a good excuse for assembling his men. The Prince Governor took
with him one hundred cavalry and four hundred infantry, but no attention
was paid to the ammunition, and they started without a proper supply.
Rahmat-ulla-Khan was fully aware of the Governor's real intentions, but
the influence and power of the popular chief prevented any partisan
gathering against him. He therefore could only depend upon the Persian
troops to enforce the order of the Shah, and was unable to do more than
prepare a reception tent and provide a luncheon for the Prince and his
people, about eight miles in advance of their camp, at a place appointed
for the meeting with himself and Jehan Shah. On approaching this place,
these two, with the elders and the tribesmen, went forward for the
customary ceremonial reception of the Governor. Jehan Shah dismounted
and saluted with the utmost show of respect; but on reaching the tent
which had been prepared for them by his rival, he declined to enter and
partake of his hospitality, declaring that he preferred to pass on to
his own tents, some distance off, his mounted following of fifteen
hundred men accompanying him. The Governor knew that Jehan Shah had
become dangerous from the devotion of his well-armed followers, and the
readiness of the main body of the fierce fighting tribesmen to support
him. He had evidently contemplated his arrest and seizure at the place
of meeting, but the show of force and feeling in Jehan Shah's favour was
too strong to admit of any such attempt. He therefore decided to declare
openly the object of his coming, and after lunch he assembled the elders
of the tribe, and summoned Jehan Shah to his presence, who, however,
declined to obey. The Prince on this announced his deposition, and the
appointment of Rahmat-ulla-Khan in his place, showing at the same time
the Shah's written commands. He then appears to have indulged in some
violent abuse of Jehan Shah, and again sent an order to secure his
presence.
In the meanwhile, that chief had taken counsel with his tribal
following, numbering about fifteen hundred, armed with breechloaders,
and finding them entirely on his side, and determined to dispute the
rule of his rival, he served out cartridges freely, and decided to
discuss the matter with the Governor. He left most of his men at some
distance, and presented himself attended by only a few. The Prince
informed him of the Shah's orders, and after some contentious talk, he
held out the royal firman for him or any of those with him to read. On
one of the elders moving forward to take the paper, Jehan Shah suddenly
motioned them all back with his hands, and the Prince, taking alarm at
this appearance of a signal, called out to his guards to seize Jehan
Shah. There was a shout and a rush, and some of Jehan Shah's men from
behind fired over the heads of the soldiers, who, however, returned the
fire point-blank, killing and wounding several of the Shahsevends. The
tribesmen then opened fire in earnest, and the Prince with his troops
promptly fled. All ran and rode for their lives, pursued by the furious
enemy. Some of the servants kept with their master, and remounted him
twice when the horses he rode were wounded and disabled. The tribesmen
are said to have made him a special target, for he was most conspicuous
in rich dress, and a third time he and his horse were rolled over
together, he receiving two bullet-wounds. He was then seized, partially
stripped, and treated with great indignity. The pursuit was kept up to
his camp, which was captured and plundered; thirty-five of his men were
killed, and fifty wounded. One of the Prince's officials, also
wounded, was taken with him, and both were kept prisoners for three
days.
[Illustration: PERSIAN TURK OF THE MILITARY TRIBES]
In the meantime Jehan Shah, having recovered from his mad fury, trembled
at the recollection of his crime, and dreading the vengeance which he
saw was certain to follow, he packed up his valuables and fled with a
few followers to the Caspian coast. He had the intention to escape by
steamer to Baku, but failing in this, owing to all communication with
Russian territory having been suspended during the outbreak of cholera
then prevailing, he determined to make his way by land across the
Northern frontier. Being closely pursued by a party of Persian cavalry,
he abandoned all his baggage, and with great difficulty reached Tabriz,
where he was constrained to take sanctuary in the house of the chief
Moulla. He died there after enduring existence for about six months
under circumstances and with surroundings which must have been supremely
hateful to him. I was at Tabriz in the end of 1892, while he was there,
and I was told by one who had seen him that he was a sad sight then, the
hereditary head of the Afshar Shahsevends, a section of a royal tribe,
herding in misery with a crowd of criminals seeking sanctuary in order
to avoid the avenger of blood. On the first news of the occurrence the
Shah ordered the immediate mobilization of the infantry regiments of
Khamseh and Kasvin, and this had the effect of dispersing the tribe,
facilitating the work of retribution, and establishing the power of the
new chief. This incident had the best political result in aiding the
Kajar policy of breaking up the ruling families and the cohesion of the
dangerous tribes, and asserting fully the authority of the Tehran
Central Government. Jehan Shah had gradually improved and strengthened
his position by increasing the superior armament of his tribesmen (who
were said to have three thousand breechloaders) and laying in a large
supply of cartridges, so that, with his wealth, influence, and
popularity, he must have been regarded as dangerously powerful. No doubt
the conceited confidence thus produced led him to indulge in the
ungovernable rage which wrecked his freedom and ended his life. The
tribesmen said that the wife whom he killed was truly innocent; but
being themselves men of wild ways and tempestuous temper, they thought
he had been harshly judged, and they therefore stood by him to resist
his seizure and deportation.
As in England four hundred years ago, every place of worship is a sacred
refuge; and the dwelling-house of the Chief Priest gives similar
protection. This right of sanctuary continues in force throughout
Persia; but to benefit by it for any length of time, money is very
necessary, for without such aid, or when the supplies fail, starvation
steps in to drive the refugee out. While in sanctuary, compromise and
arrangement may be effected, so that the fugitive may be allowed to go
unmolested, the relatives paying, or becoming 'bail' for, the
blood-money or compensation agreed upon. A fugitive from justice,
oppression, or revenge often claims the privilege of sanctuary in the
house or premises of a local dignitary of influence, whose house would
not be unceremoniously entered by pursuers, and this affords time either
to meet the demands or accusations made, or to escape to a safer place.
At Tehran there is a big gun, said to have been brought by Nadir Shah
from Delhi, and known as the Pearl Cannon. It is said to be so called
from having had a string of pearls hung on it near the muzzle when it
was on show in Imperial Delhi. This was probably the case, for we know
that heavy guns in India were regarded with a degree of respect and
reverence almost approaching worship. The gunners of the Maharajah
Runjeet Singh, the Lion of the Punjab, used to 'salaam' to their guns,
and to hang garlands of the sweet-scented _champak_ flower, which is
used in temples and at festivals, round the muzzles. The Pearl Cannon
occupies a prominent position close to the Shah's palace, and has always
been recognised as possessing a semi-sacred character, and giving the
right of sanctuary to those who touch it and remain by it.
I remember a regiment of infantry, represented by three hundred men who
were 'off duty' and available for the demonstration, claiming the
privilege of this great gun sanctuary after they had assailed the house
of their Colonel in order to wreak their vengeance on him, as he was
suspected of withholding their pay. The officer's servants were warned
in time, and closed the courtyard door, so that the rioters were unable
to enter; but they relieved their feelings by battering the door with
stones and damaging the Colonel's carriage, which they found outside.
Having thus created a great disturbance and excited considerable rumour,
they proceeded to the Pearl Cannon, and gave vent to their grievances in
loud cries, which reached the royal palace, on which the Shah,
Nasr-ed-Din, was made acquainted with all the facts, and caused the
soldiers' wrongs to be redressed. One of the charges against the Colonel
was that he had managed, by lending money to the men, to gain possession
of their village lands by unfair means--for he was a landlord in the
same district, and desired to add to his holding. The corps was the
Lârâjani territorial infantry battalion, and an English resident at
Tehran, who caught the name as Larry-Johnny, said the whole incident was
'quite Irish, you know.'