[Footnote 650: Bentham to Lever: Strype's
_Memorials_, vol. vi.]
Alarmed himself, this time, at the display of emotion, Bonner dared
not outrage the metropolis with the deaths of the remaining six. Yet,
not to let them escape him, he tried them privately in his own house
at Fulham, and burnt them at Brentford at night in the darkness.[651]
[Footnote 651: "This fact," says Foxe, "purchased
him more hatred than any that he had done of the
common people."]
So fared the Protestants, murdered to propitiate Providence, and, if
possible, extort for the queen a return of the Divine favour. The
alarm of invasion diminished as summer advanced. England had again a
fleet upon the seas which feared no enemy, and could even act on the
offensive. In May, two hundred and forty ships, large and small, were
collected at Portsmouth;[652] and on the day of the burning at
Brentford, accident gave a small squadron among them a share in a
considerable victory.
[Footnote 652: Swift to the Earl of Shrewsbury:
Lodge's _Illustrations_.]
Lord Clinton, who was now admiral in the place of Howard, after an
ineffectual cruise in the south of the Channel, returned to Portsmouth
on the 8th of July. A few vessels remained in the neighbourhood of
Calais, when M. de Thermes, whom the Duke of Guise left in command
there, with the garrison of Boulogne, some levies collected in
Picardy, and his own troops, in all about 9000 men, ventured an inroad
into the Low Countries, took Dunkirk, and plundered it. Not caring to
penetrate further, he was retreating with his booty, when Count
Egmont, with a few thousand Burgundians and Flemings, cut in at
Gravelines between the French and their own frontiers. They had no
means of passing, except at low water, between the town of Gravelines
and the sea, and the English ships, which were in {p.312}
communication with Egmont, stood in as near as they could venture, so
as to command the sands.
De Thermes, obliged to advance when the tide would permit him, dashed
at the dangerous passage; the guns of Gravelines on one side, the guns
of the English vessels on the other, tore his ranks to pieces, and
Egmont charging when their confusion was at its worst, the French were
almost annihilated. Five thousand were killed, De Thermes himself,
Senarpont of Boulogne, the Governor of Picardy, and many other men of
note, were taken. If Clinton had been at hand with the strength of the
fleet, and a dash had been made at Calais by land and sea, it would
have been recovered more easily than it had been lost. But fortune had
no such favour to bestow on Queen Mary. Clinton was still loitering at
Spithead, and when news of the action came it was too late.
The plan of the naval campaign for the season was to attack Brest with
the united strength of England and Flanders, and hold it as a security
for the restoration of Calais at the peace. It was for the arrival of
his allies that Clinton had been waiting, and it was only at the end
of the month that the combined fleet, a hundred and forty sail, left
Portsmouth for the coast of Brittany. They appeared duly off Brest;
yet, when their object was before them, they changed their minds on
the feasibility of their enterprise; and leaving their original design
they landed a force at Conquet, which they plundered and burnt, and
afterwards destroyed some other villages in the neighbourhood. The
achievement was not a very splendid one. Four or five hundred Flemings
who ventured too far from the fleet were cut off; and as the Duke
d'Estampes was said to be coming up with 20,000 men, Clinton
re-embarked his men in haste, returned to Portsmouth, after an
ineffectual and merely mischievous demonstration, and then reported
the sickness in the fleet so considerable, that the operations for the
season must be considered at an end.[653]
[Footnote 653: _MS. Mary, Domestic_, vol. xiii.]
In the meantime, the contending princes in their own persons, Philip
with the powers of the Low Countries and Spain, Henry with the whole
available strength of France, sate watching each other in entrenched
camps upon the Somme. The French king, with the recollection of St.
Quentin fresh upon him, would not risk a second such defeat. Philip
would not hazard his late advantage by forcing an action which might
lose for him all that he had gained. In the pause, the conviction came
slowly over both, that there was no need for further bloodshed, and
that the {p.313} long, weary, profitless war might at last have an
end. A mighty revolution had passed over Europe since Francis first
led an army over the Alps. The world had passed into a new era; and
the question of strength had to be tried, not any more between
Spaniard and Frenchman, but between Protestant and Catholic. Already
the disciples of Calvin threatened the Church of France; Holland was
vexing the superstition of Philip, and the Protestants in Scotland
were breaking from the hand of Mary of Guise: more and more the
Catholic princes felt the want of a general council, that the
questions of the day might be taken hold of firmly, and the
Inquisition be set to work on some resolute principle of concert.
On September 21, the emperor passed away in his retirement at St.
Just. With him perished the traditions and passions of which he was
the last representative, and a new page was turning in the history of
mankind. Essential ground of quarrel between Henry and Philip there
was none; the outward accidental ground--the claims on Milan and
Naples, Savoy and Navarre--had been rendered easy of settlement by the
conquest of Calais, and by the marriage which was consummated a few
weeks after Guise's victory, between the Dauphin and the Queen of
Scots.
Satisfied with the triumph of a policy which had annexed the crown of
Scotland to France, and with having driven the English by main
strength from their last foothold on French soil, Henry could now be
content to evacuate Savoy and Piedmont, if Philip, on his side, would
repeat the desertion of Crepy, and having brought England into the
war, would leave her to endure her own losses, or avenge them by her
single strength. With this secret meaning on the part of France, an
overture for a peace was commenced in the autumn of 1558, through the
mediation of the Duchess of Lorraine. An armistice was agreed upon,
and the first conference was held at the abbey of Cercamp, where
Arundel, Wotton, and Thirlby attended as the representatives of
England.
How far Philip would consent to an arrangement so perfidious towards
the country of which he was the nominal sovereign, depended, first, on
the life of the queen. The titular King of England could by no fiction
or pretext relieve himself of the duties which the designation imposed
upon him; and if the English were deserted their resentment would
explode in a revolution of which Mary would be the instant
victim.[654]
[Footnote 654: Renard found it necessary to warn
Philip of this, in a despatch written in October:
_Granvelle Papers_, vol. v. p. 225.]
{p.314} Mary, indeed, would soon cease to be a difficulty. She was
attacked in September by the fever which was carrying off so many of
her subjects. The fresh disease aggravated her constitutional
disorder, and her days were drawing fast to their end. But Philip's
hold on England need not perish with the death of his wife, if he
could persuade her sister to take her place. His policy, therefore,
was for the present to linger out the negotiations; to identify in
appearance his own and the English interests, and to wait the events
of the winter.
At the opening of the conference it was immediately evident that
France would not part with Calais. The English commissioners had been
ordered to take no part in the discussion, unless the restitution was
agreed on as a preliminary; and when they made their demand, Henry
replied that "he would hazard his crown rather than forego his
conquest."[655] The resolution was expressed decisively; and they saw,
or thought they saw, so much indifference in the Spanish
representatives, that they at first intended to return to England on
the spot.
[Footnote 655: Arundel, Thirlby, and Wotton to the
Council: _French MSS._, bundle 13.]
"To our minds," they wrote, "Calais is so necessary to be had again
for the quieting of the world's mind in England, and it should so much
offend and exasperate England, if any peace was made without
restitution of it, that, for our part, no earthly private commodity
nor profit could induce us thereto, nor nothing could be more grievous
to us than to be ministers therein."[656]
[Footnote 656: Ibid.]
They were on the point of departure, when a letter from Philip
required them to remain at their posts. Contrary to their expectation,
the king promised to support England in insisting on the restoration,
and his own commissioners were instructed equally to agree to nothing
unless it was conceded.[657] Thus for a time the negotiation remained
suspended till events should clear up the course which the different
parties would follow.
[Footnote 657: Philip to the English Ambassador,
October 30: Ibid.]
And these events, or the one great event, was now close, and the
shadows were drawing down over the life of the unfortunate Mary.
Amidst discontent and misery at home, disgrace and failure abroad, the
fantastic comparisons, the delirious analogies, the child which was to
be born of the Virgin Mary for the salvation of mankind--where were
now these visionary and humiliating dreams?
{p.315} On the 6th of October, the privy council were summoned to
London "for great and urgent affairs." At the beginning of November
three men and two women suffered at Canterbury. They were the last who
were put to death, and had been presented by Pole in person to be
visited "with condign punishment."[658] On the 5th, parliament met,
and the promised second subsidy was demanded, but the session was too
brief for a resolution. The queen's life, at the time of the opening,
was a question perhaps of hours, at most of days; and aware of what
was impending, Philip despatched the Count de Feria to her with a
desire that she should offer no objections to the succession of
Elizabeth.
[Footnote 658: "Condigna animadversione
plectendos."--Wilkins's _Concilia_, vol. iv.]
The count reached London on the 9th of November. He was admitted to an
interview, and the queen, too brave to repine at what was now
inevitable, and anxious to the last to please her husband, declared
herself "well content" that it should be as he wished; she entreated
only that her debts might be paid, and that "religion" should not be
changed.
Leaving Mary's deathbed, De Feria informed the council of the king's
request, and from the council hastened to the house of Lord Clinton, a
few miles from London, where Elizabeth was staying. In Philip's name,
he informed her that her succession was assured; his master had used
his influence in her favour, and no opposition need be anticipated.
Elizabeth listened graciously. That Philip's services to her, however,
had been so considerable as De Feria told her, she was unable to
allow. She admitted, and admitted thankfully, the good offices which
he had shown to her when she was at Woodstock. She was perhaps
ignorant that it was for the safety of Philip's life that her own had
been so nearly sacrificed; that Philip's interest in her succession
had commenced only when his own appeared impossible. But she knew how
narrow had been her escape; she had neither forgotten her danger, nor
ceased to resent her treatment. It was to the people of England, she
told the count, that she owed her real gratitude. The people had saved
her from destruction; the people had prevented her sister from
changing the settlement of the crown. She would be the people's queen,
and she would reign in the people's interest.
De Feria feared, from what she said, that "in religion she would not
go right." The ladies by whom she was surrounded were suspected; Sir
William Cecil, whose conformity was as transparent then as it is now,
would be her principal secretary; {p.316} and the count observed,
with a foreboding of evil, that "she had an admiration for the king
her father's mode of ruling;" and that of the legate she spoke with
cold severity.[659]
[Footnote 659: Report of the Count de Feria:
Tytler, vol. ii. p. 494. _Memorial of the Duchess
of Feria, MS._, quoted by Lingard.]
It is possible that Pole was made acquainted with Elizabeth's feelings
towards him. To himself personally, those feelings were of little
moment, for he, too, like the queen, was dying--dying to be spared a
second exile, and the wretchedness of seeing with his eyes the
dissolution of the phantom fabric which he had given the labours of
his life to build.
Yet what he did not live to behold he could not have failed to
anticipate. The spirit of Henry VIII. was rising from the grave to
scatter his work to all the winds; while he, the champion of Heaven,
the destroyer of heresy, was lying himself under a charge of the same
crime, with the pope for his accuser. Without straining too far the
licence of imagination, we may believe that the disease which was
destroying him was chiefly a broken heart. But it was painful to him
to lie under the ill opinion of the person who was so soon to be on
the throne of England; and possibly he wished to leave her, as a
legacy, the warning entreaties of a dying man.
Three days after De Feria's visit, therefore, Pole sent the Dean of
Worcester to Elizabeth with a message, the import of which is unknown;
and a short letter, as the dean's credentials, saying only that the
legate desired, before he should depart, to leave all persons
satisfied of him, and especially her grace.[660]
[Footnote 660: _Cotton. MS. Vespasian._ F. 3. The
letter is written in a shaking hand. The address is
lost, and being dated the 14th of November, while
Mary was still alive, it has been described as to
her and not to her sister. But an endorsement "From
the queen's majesty at Hatfield," leaves no doubt
to whom it was written.]
This was the 14th of November. The same day, or the day after, a
lady-in-waiting carried the queen's last wishes to her successor. They
were the same which she had already mentioned to De Feria--that her
debts should be paid, and that the Catholic religion might be
maintained, with an additional request that her servants should be
properly cared for.[661] Then, taking leave of a world in which she
had played so ill a part, she prepared, with quiet piety, for the end.
On the 16th, at midnight, she received the last rites of the church.
Towards {p.317} morning, as she was sinking, mass was said at her
bedside. At the elevation of the Host, unable to speak or move, she
fixed her eyes upon the body of her Lord; and as the last words of the
benediction were uttered, her head sunk, and she was gone.
[Footnote 661: Among the apocryphal or vaguely
attested anecdotes of the end of Mary, she is
reported to have said, that if her body was opened,
Calais would be found written on her heart. The
story is not particularly characteristic, but
having come somehow into existence, there is no
reason why it should not continue to be believed.]
A few hours later (November 17), at Lambeth, Pole followed her, and
the reign of the pope of England, and the reign of terror, closed
together.
No English sovereign ever ascended the throne with larger popularity
than Mary Tudor. The country was eager to atone to her for her
mother's injuries; and the instinctive loyalty of the English towards
their natural sovereign was enhanced by the abortive efforts of
Northumberland to rob her of her inheritance. She had reigned little
more than five years, and she descended into the grave amidst curses
deeper than the acclamations which had welcomed her accession. In that
brief time she had swathed her name in the horrid epithet which will
cling to it for ever; and yet from the passions which in general tempt
sovereigns into crime, she was entirely free: to the time of her
accession she had lived a blameless, and, in many respects, a noble
life; and few men or women have lived less capable of doing knowingly
a wrong thing.
Philip's conduct, which could not extinguish her passion for him, and
the collapse of the inflated imaginations which had surrounded her
supposed pregnancy, it can hardly be doubted, affected her sanity.
Those forlorn hours when she would sit on the ground with her knees
drawn to her face; those restless days and nights when, like a ghost,
she would wander about the palace galleries, rousing herself only to
write tear-blotted letters to her husband; those bursts of fury over
the libels dropped in her way; or the marchings in procession behind
the host in the London streets--these are all symptoms of hysterical
derangement, and leave little room, as we think of her, for other
feelings than pity. But if Mary was insane, the madness was of a kind
which placed her absolutely under her spiritual directors; and the
responsibility for her cruelties, if responsibility be anything but a
name, rests first with Gardiner, who commenced them, and, secondly,
and in a higher degree, with Reginald Pole. Because Pole, with the
council, once interfered to prevent an imprudent massacre in
Smithfield; because, being legate, he left the common duties of his
diocese to subordinates, he is not to be held innocent of atrocities
which could neither have been commenced nor continued without his
sanction; and he was notoriously the one person in the council whom
the queen {p.318} absolutely trusted. The revenge of the clergy for
their past humiliations, and the too natural tendency of an oppressed
party to abuse suddenly recovered power, combined to originate the
Marian persecution. The rebellions and massacres, the political
scandals, the universal suffering throughout the country during
Edward's minority, had created a general bitterness in all classes
against the Reformers; the Catholics could appeal with justice to the
apparent consequences of heretical opinions; and when the reforming
preachers themselves denounced so loudly the irreligion which had
attended their success, there was little wonder that the world took
them at their word, and was ready to permit the use of strong
suppressive measures to keep down the unruly tendencies of
uncontrolled fanatics.
But neither these nor any other feelings of English growth could have
produced the scenes which have stamped this unhappy reign with a
character so frightful. The parliament which re-enacted the Lollard
statutes, had refused to restore the Six Articles as being too severe;
yet under the Six Articles twenty-one persons only suffered in six
years; while, perhaps, not twice as many more had been executed under
the earlier acts in the century and a half in which they had stood on
the Statute roll. The harshness of the law confined the action of it
to men who were definitely dangerous; and when the bishops' powers
were given back to them, there was little anticipation of the manner
in which those powers would be misused.
And that except from some special influences they would not have been
thus misused, the local character of the persecution may be taken to
prove. The storm was violent only in London, in Essex, which was in
the diocese of London, and in Canterbury. It raged long after the
death of Gardiner; and Gardiner, though he made the beginning, ceased
after the first few months to take further part in it. The Bishop of
Winchester would have had a persecution, and a keen one; but the
fervour of others left his lagging zeal far behind. For the first and
last time the true Ultramontane spirit was dominant in England; the
genuine conviction that, as the orthodox prophets and sovereigns of
Israel slew the worshippers of Baal, so were Catholics rulers called
upon, as their first duty, to extirpate heretics as the enemies of God
and man.
The language of the legate to the city of London shows the devout
sincerity with which he held that opinion himself. Through him, and
sustained by his authority, the queen held it; and by these two the
ecclesiastical government of England was conducted.
{p.319} Archbishop Parker, who succeeded Pole at Canterbury, and had
therefore the best opportunity of knowing what his conduct had really
been, called him _Carnifex et flagellum Ecclesae Anglicanae_, the
hangman and the scourge of the Church of England. His character was
irreproachable; in all the virtues of the Catholic Church he walked
without spot or stain; and the system to which he had surrendered
himself had left to him of the common selfishnesses of mankind his
enormous vanity alone. But that system had extinguished also in him
the human instincts, the genial emotions by which theological theories
stand especially in need to be corrected. He belonged to a class of
persons at all times numerous, in whom enthusiasm takes the place of
understanding; who are men of an "idea;" and unable to accept human
things as they are, are passionate loyalists, passionate churchmen,
passionate revolutionists, as the accidents of their age may
determine. Happily for the welfare of mankind, persons so constituted
rarely arrive at power: should power come to them, they use it, as
Pole used it, to defeat the ends which are nearest to their hearts.
The teachers who finally converted the English nation to Protestantism
were not the declaimers from the pulpit, nor the voluminous
controversialists with the pen. These, indeed, could produce arguments
which, to those who were already convinced, seemed as if they ought to
produce conviction; but conviction did not follow till the fruits of
the doctrine bore witness to the spirit from which it came. The
evangelical teachers, caring only to be allowed to develop their own
opinions, and persecute their opponents, had walked hand in hand with
men who had spared neither tomb nor altar, who had stripped the lead
from the church roofs, and stolen the bells from the church towers;
and between them they had so outraged such plain honest minds as
remained in England, that had Mary been content with mild repression,
had she left the pope to those who loved him, and married, instead of
Philip, some English lord, the mass would have retained its place, the
clergy in moderate form would have resumed their old authority, and
the Reformation would have waited for a century. In an evil hour, the
queen listened to the unwise advisers, who told her that moderation in
religion was the sin of the Laodicaeans; and while the fanatics who had
brought scandal on the Reforming cause, either truckled, like Shaxton,
or stole abroad to wrangle over surplices and forms of prayer, the
true and the good atoned with their lives for the crimes of others,
and vindicated a noble cause by nobly dying for it.
{p.320} And while among the Reformers that which was most bright and
excellent shone out with preternatural lustre, so were the Catholics
permitted to exhibit also the preternatural features of the creed
which was expiring.
Although Pole and Mary could have laid their hands on earl and baron,
knight and gentleman, whose heresy was notorious, although in the
queen's own guard there were many who never listened to a mass,[662]
they dared not strike where there was danger that they would be struck
in return. They went out into the highways and hedges; they gathered
up the lame, the halt, and the blind; they took the weaver from his
loom, the carpenter from his workshop, the husbandman from his plough;
they laid hands on maidens and boys "who had never heard of any other
religion than that which they were called on to abjure;"[663] old men
tottering into the grave, and children whose lips could but just lisp
the articles of their creed; and of these they made their
burnt-offerings; with these they crowded their prisons, and when filth
and famine killed them, they flung them out to rot. How long England
would have endured the repetition of the horrid spectacles is hard to
say. The persecution lasted three years, and in that time something
less than 300 persons were burnt at the stake.[664] "By imprisonment,"
said Lord Burghley, "by torment, by famine, by fire, almost the number
of 400 were," in their various ways, "lamentably destroyed."
[Footnote 662: Underhill's _Narrative_.]
[Footnote 663: Burghley's _Execution of Justice_.]
[Footnote 664: The number is variously computed at
270, 280, and 290.]
Yet, as has been already said, interference was impossible except by
armed force. The country knew from the first that by the course of
nature the period of cruelty must be a brief one; it knew that a
successful rebellion is at best a calamity; and the bravest and wisest
men would not injure an illustrious cause by conduct less than worthy
of it, so long as endurance was possible. They had saved Elizabeth's
life and Elizabeth's rights, and Elizabeth, when her time came, would
deliver her subjects. The Catholics, therefore, were permitted to
continue their cruelties till the cup of iniquity was full; till they
had taught the educated laity of England to regard them with horror;
and till the Romanist superstition had died, amidst the execrations of
the people, of its own excess.
{p.321} INDEX
Abergavenny, Lord, 90, 92-6, 177.
d'Aguilar, 139.
Alexander, Mr., 296.
Alva, Duke of, 139-43, 165, 171, 210, 275, 276, 285, 292.
Annates, payment of, 239, 240.
Arnold, Sir Nicholas, 114, 260.
Arras, Bishop of, 38, 60, 61, 85, 119, 150, 155, 208.
Arundel, Lord, 13, 18, 21, 22, 28, 42, 43, 116, 171, 313, 314.
"Arundel's," 262.
Ashley, Mrs., 217.
Ashridge, Elizabeth at, 217.
Ashton, Christopher, 260-2.
Askew, Anne, 201, 202.
Astley Park, 101.
Aucher, Mr., 296.
Augsburg, Cardinal of, 190.
Aylmer, 70.
Bagenall, Sir Ralph, 170.
Baker, 308.
Baoardo's _History_, 1, 10, 20, 28, 35, 40, 92, 100, 102,
111, 112, 141-3.
Barlow, Bishop, 47.
Bath, Earl of, 11, 71.
Baynard's Castle, 18.
Bedford, Lord, 34, 83, 129, 136.
Bedingfield, Sir Henry, 11, 215.
Bedyll, 267, 268.
Bembridge, 310.
Bentham, Thos., 311.
Berkeley, Sir Maurice, 109.
Binifield, 268.
Bird, Bishop, 47.
Bishops Authority Bill, 133;
creation of new, 119;
requests to the, 176, 177;
Mary's letter to the, 212.
Blacklock, 263.
Bocher, Joan, 135.
Bonner, Edmond, 32, 47, 83, 155, 190, 197, 201, 202, 212, 223,
232, 235, 245, 246, 257, 278, 280, 311.
Bourne, Dr., 34, 37, 68, 116, 180.
Bradford, Bishop, 37, 191, 196.
Bradford, John, 220-2.
Bray, Sir Ed., 95, 268.
Brett, Captain, 95, 107-9, 114.
Bromley, Sir Thos., 46, 132.
Brookes, Bishop of Gloucester, 224.
Brown, Sir Anthony, 141.
Brydges, Sir John, 104, 112, 119, 126, 135, 178, 194, 252.
Bucer, Martin, 281.
Burghley, Lord, 320.
Burnet, referred to, 67, 118, 149, 150, 157, 189, 193, 211,
212, 281, 288, 309.
Bush, Paul, 47.
Bushing, 296.
Calais, 294-305, 314.
Caraffa, Cardinal, _see_ Paul IV.
Cardmaker, 191, 213.
Carew, Sir Gawen, 110.
Carew, Sir Peter, 11, 87-90, 120-2, 140, 157.
Castaldo, John Baptiste, 145.
Castro, Alphonse, 197.
Cathie, Catherine, 281.
Causton, Thos., 201.
Cava, meeting at, 292.
Cecil, Sir Wm., 15, 23, 161, 315.
Celi, Medina, 139.
Celibacy of clergy, 47, 70.
Cercamp, conference at, 313.
Cervino, Marcellus, 206, 210.
Champernowne, Sir Arthur, 88, 89.
Chandos, Lord, _see_ Brydges.
Chappelle, Admiral, 136.
Charles V., 24, 25, 29, 30, 51, 55-7, 67, 83, 84, 94, 110,
114-19, 144, 151, 159, 161, 218, 223.
Cheke, Sir John, 6, 15, 20.
Cheny, 70.
Cheyne, Sir Thos., 15, 16, 91, 92, 95, 96, 104, 116.
Chichester, Bishop of, _see_ Scory.
Chichester, Sir John, 88, 89, 262.
Cholmley, Judge, 28.
Christopherson, Bishop, 281.
Church property secularised, 176, 178, 179.
Clarence, Lady, 72, 216.
Clarke, George, 93.
Clinton, Lord, 23, 106, 311, 312, 315.
Cobham, Lord, 13, 90, 91, 94-6, 109, 114, 127, 164.
Cole, 253, 254.
Colebrook, meeting at, 215.
Coligny, Admiral, 290.
Commendone, Cardinal, 53, 54, 67.
_Commons Journals_, quoted, 133, 232, 239, 240.
Conquet, plundering of, 312.
Convocation, demands of the Lower House, 176, 177.
Cornwallis, Sir Thos., 97, 107, 114, 116, 123, 295.
Coronation Oath, 60.
Corry, Thos., 120.
de Courieres, 2, 83, 85.
Cotton MSS., 81, 225, 243, 306, 307.
Courtenay, Lord, 6, 24, 30, 37-9, 59, 69-71, 76, 87-91, 103, 107,
110, 113-16, 130, 131, 162, 198, 262, 272.
Coventry, 100.
Coverdale, Miles, 47, 134, 206.
Cowling Castle, 96, 164.
Cranmer, Thos., 15, 20, 48, 74, 110, 118, 134, 165, 212, 224-34,
245-59.
Crofts, Sir James, 23, 87, 102, 110, 114, 157.
Dalaber, Anthony, 203.
Daniel, John, 262, 263, 266, 268.
Darcy, 116.
Day, Bishop, 32, 47.
Debts of the Crown, 33.
Delaware, Lord, 268.
Dennys, Sir Thos., 90.
Derby, Earl of, 11, 36, 37, 71, 83, 116, 136.
Derick, 267, 268.
Desmond, Earl of, 278.
Devonshire, Earl of, 273, 274.
Dives, Louis, 296.
Doria, Andrea, 145.
Drury, Sir Wm., 11.
Dudley, Lord Ambrose, 23, 28, 74.
Dudley, Sir Andrew, 17, 40-2.
Dudley, Lord Guilford, 4, 5, 10, 74.
Dudley, Lord Henry, 12, 74.
Dudley, Sir Henry, 260, 263-7.
Dudley, Lord Robert, 23, 28.
Dunkirk, plundering of, 311.
Durham, Bishop of, 164.
Dymocke, Sir Ed., 61.
Edgecumbe, Sir Richard, 90.
Edward VI., 1-3, 35, 36.
Egmont, Count, 83, 85, 98, 115, 139, 311.
Elder, John, 141.
Elizabeth Tudor, 30-2, 57, 76-8, 93, 94, 103, 110, 114, 115,
122-31, 136, 155, 162, 199, 200, 213-19, 236, 315-320.
d'Enghien, Duc, 291.
Englefield, Sir Francis, 71, 267, 268, 308.
d'Estampes, Duke, 312.
Exeter, Marchioness of, 69.
Fagius, Paul, 281.
Famine in England, 277.
Feckenham, Abbot, 68, 111, 277.
Feria, Count de, 139, 310, 315.
Ferrars, Robert, 47, 134, 203-6.
Fitzgerald, 23.
Fitzwalter, Lord, 129.
Fitzwarren, 23.
Flanders MSS., 85.
Flower, Wm., 206.
Foxe, quoted, 16, 17, 22, 23, 48, 68, 70, 130, 173, 191, 196,
197, 200, 202, 213, 214, 216, 224, 225, 232-5, 245, 246, 253,
269, 270, 281, 282, 309.
Framlingham, 21.
Gage, Sir John, 107, 108, 116, 126, 130.
Gardiner, Stephen, 28, 30, 33, 36, 41, 47, 56-63, 72-6, 83, 89,
91-7, 103, 106, 109, 114-23, 132-5, 162, 171, 172, 175, 177,
190, 196-7, 208, 223, 237, 238.
Gates, Sir Henry, 40-2.
Gates, Sir John, 14, 40-5.
Goldwell, Thos., 81.
Gomez, Ruy, 171, 185, 186.
Gonzaga, Hernando de, 139, 145.
Goodman, 309.
Granvelle Papers, 3, 8, 13, 18, 19, 25, 27, 32, 37-9, 47, 55,
56, 61, 64, 85, 92, 97, 105, 115, 116, 119, 137, 139, 147,
150, 151, 155-7, 162, 176, 178, 179, 185, 186, 197-9, 200,
214, 216, 313.
Gravelines, Cardinal Pole at, 162.
Great Bill, the, 180-2.
Greenwich, disturbance at, 60.
Gresham, Sir Thos., 84, 139, 208, 209, 308.
Grey, Lady Jane, 4-20, 31, 39, 44, 74, 100, 110, 111.
Grey, Lord John, 87, 92, 102, 110, 178.
Grey, Lord Leonard, 87.
Grey, Lord Thomas, 87, 90, 92, 101, 102, 106, 110, 116, 135.
Grey, de Wilton, Lord, 12, 23, 28, 295-304.
Grey, Sir Arthur, 296.
_Grey Friars Chronicle_, _see_ Machyn.
Griffin, Maurice, 212.
Guise, Duke of, 285, 291, 297-305.
Guisnes, 294-9, 302, 303.
Gybbes, Mr., 88, 89.
Hambletue, 298.
Hammes, 294, 296, 299, 303.
Hampton Court, Mary at, 208;
Elizabeth at, 215.
Harding, 269.
Harleian MSS., 20, 24, 35, 42, 45, 61, 112, 127, 130, 153, 166,
170, 244, 252-4, 257, 258.
Harley, Bishop of Hereford, 67.
Harper, Sir George, 93, 95, 105, 107.
Harpsfeld, 69, 163, 212, 234, 309.
Harrington, Sir John, 263.
Hastings, Sir Ed., 11, 34, 83, 97, 114, 116, 123, 160, 162, 267.
Hastings, Lord, 163.
Hawkes, 201.
Heath, Bishop, 32, 43, 47.
Heneage, 266.
Henry of France, 24, 25, 86, 121, 138, 144, 275-7, 312, 313.
Heresy Bill, 134.
Heresy, Commission on, 280, 281.
Higbed, Thos., 201.
Hoby, Sir Philip, 24, 83.
Holgate, Archbishop, 47.
Holinshed quoted, 8, 9, 22, 98, 108, 124, 128-31, 216, 242.
Holyman, Bishop of Bristol, 224.
Hooper, Bishop, 47, 134, 190-6.
Hormolden, Edgar, 120.
Horn, Count, 115, 139.
Horsey, Ned, 262, 263.
Hot Gospeller, _see_ Underhill.
Howard, Lord Wm., 25, 85, 95, 99, 104, 108, 114, 116, 129, 136,
140, 155, 178, 198, 199, 215, 269, 271, 287.
Hunter, 201-3.
Huntingdon, Earl of, 100-2, 110, 136, 163.
Inglefield, 116.
Irish, Mr., 231.
Isly, Sir Henry, 92, 110.
Italy, Philip's invasion of, 290.
Jenkins quoted, 224, 250, 252, 253.
Jerningham, Sir Henry, 15, 93, 116, 267.
Joanna of Castile, 215.
Julius III., Pope, 53-5, 81, 148, 175, 206.
Karne, Sir Ed., 287, 288.
Keninghal, 3.
Killegrew, Henry, 272, 273.
Kingston, Sir Anthony, 193, 194, 260-2, 266.
Kingston, Wyatt at, 105.
Knight, 201.
Knox, John, 16.
Knyvet, Anthony, 93, 105-9.
Lalaing, Count de, 83, 85.
Lansdowne MSS., 21.
Latimer, Bishop, 48, 110, 118, 134, 161, 224-34.
Lawrence, 201.
Lee, Sir Henry, 233.
Leicester, rising at, 100.
Lennox, Lady, 76, 77.
Lingard, Dr., 223.
Loans, raising of, 308.
Lodge quoted, 239, 267.
Lollard statutes, 178.
London Bridge, closing of, 99, 104.
Longueville, Duke de, 291.
_Lords Journals_ quoted, 132, 135, 240.
Lorraine, Cardinal of, 208, 236.
Low Countries, campaign in, 144, 207.
Machyn, 1, 12, 28, 30, 32, 33, 85, 137, 208, 209, 219, 270, 277.
Markham, Wm., 107.
Marsh, George, 206.
Martin, Dr., 224.
Martyn, Peter, 46, 47, 231, 281.
_Mary, Chronicles of Queen_, 100, 109, 111-13, 127, 130, 153.
Mary, Queen of Scots, 79, 122.
Mason, Sir John, 13, 19, 35, 145, 161, 176, 295.
Mendoza, Diego de, 65, 139.
Merchant adventurers, loan of the, 308.
Mewtas, Sir Peter, 260.
Michele, Giovanni, 98, 241, 306.
Mildmay, Sir Walter, 308.
Mohun's Ottery, 88-90.
Money, shortage of, 239.
Mordaunt, Lord, 11.
Moreman, Dr., 70.
Montague, Judge, 28, 46.
Montague, Lord, 163, 165, 178, 236.
Montmorency, 86, 208, 210, 269, 291.
Montpensier, Duke de, 291.
Morgan, Bishop, 206.
Morone, Cardinal, 148, 149, 151.
Mortmain, Statute of, 176;
suspended, 184.
Mountain, Thos., 62.
Namur attacked, 144, 145.
Navas, Marquis delas, 138.
Newhall, 27.
Newnham Bridge, 299.
Nichols, John Gough, 6.
de Nigry, 83, 85.
Noailles referred to, 7, 12, 19, 25, 30, 36, 46, 57-9, 60-2, 67,
74, 77-80, 86, 87, 90, 92, 98, 99, 103, 114, 121, 122, 125, 129,
130, 135, 137, 138, 140, 141, 153, 154, 166, 180, 187, 192, 206,
209, 210, 214, 218, 219, 220, 222, 236, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244,
264, 265, 269, 271, 272, 285.
Norfolk, Duke of, 28, 30, 39, 93.
North, Lord, 178, 214.
Northampton, Marquis of, 23, 28, 31-42, 87, 127.
Northumberland, Duke of, 3, 11-22, 28, 31, 39-42, 43, 44.
Norton, Anthony, 90, 91.
Nowel, Alexander, 67.
Oatlands, Mary at, 219.
Oldcastle, Sir John, 96.
Oliver, Dr., 228.
Ormaneto, 150, 281, 289.
Ormond, Lord, 23, 93.
Oxford, Earl of, 18, 177, 264.
_Oxford, Annals of University of_, 282.
d'Oysel, 86, 87.
Paget, Lord, 15, 21, 28, 68, 71, 73, 76, 79, 80, 93, 103, 116,
118, 123-7, 132-5, 139, 160, 162, 197, 208, 269.
Paleano, seizure of, 275.
Pallavicino, quoted, 53, 175.
Palmer, Sir Henry, 13, 296, 297, 304.
Palmer, Sir Thomas, 13, 40-2, 45, 46.
Parker, Archbishop, 319.
Parsons, 41.
Paul IV., 210, 236, 239, 275, 287-9, 292.
Peckham, Sir Edmund, 11.
Peckham, Sir Henry, 260-4, 266-8.
Pelham, 105.
Pembroke, Earl of, 14, 16, 18-20, 36, 37, 98, 106-8, 116, 135,
154, 208, 277, 287.
Perrot, Sir John, 262.
Peto, Wm., 80, 289, 292.
Petre, Sir Wm., 6, 33, 92, 94, 114, 116, 270, 308.
Pexall, Sir Richard, 310.
Philibert of Savoy, 144, 145, 155, 162, 213, 290.
Philip of Spain, 38, 71-4, 137-42, 153, 165, 171, 185, 197, 198,
217-24, 268, 269, 303, 312-14.
Phillips, Dean of Rochester, 70.
Phillips, 223.
Philpot, Bishop, 70, 134, 234.
Pigot, 201.
Plots against Mary, 263-8.
Pole, Reginald, 51-4, 65-8, 80, 81, 147-52, 158, 159, 162-70, 178,
188-90, 206-8, 210, 212, 219-22, 231, 234, 278-80, 284, 287-90,
292, 309, 316.
Pollard, Sir Hugh, 262.
Pomfret, 136.
Ponet, Bishop, 32, 47, 105, 107, 118, 134, 165, 215.
Potter, Gilbert, 7, 10, 24.
Premunire, Act of, 184, 187.
Prideaux, John, 90.
Property of Church, 176, 178, 179.
Protestants, set-back to, 69, 70;
hanging of, 84.
Radcliff, Sir Humfrey, 105.
Rampton, Thos., 100.
Regency Bill, 185, 186.
Register introduced, 189.
Religious houses rebuilt, 243.
Religious Persecution Bills, 132.
Renard quoted, 2, 7, 8, 10, 12, 17-21, 24-6, 28-32, 36-40, 46, 47,
49, 51, 55, 57-64, 68-84, 91, 93-7, 102, 103, 106, 108-19,
122-37, 139, 147, 153-9, 162, 176, 178, 185, 186, 197-200, 214,
223.
Renty, attack on, 145.
Repeal, Act of, 179.
Rich, Lord, 18, 177.
Richmond, Mary at, 137.
Ridley, Bishop, 16, 23, 28, 32, 46, 47, 68, 110, 118, 134, 190,
191, 224-34.
Rochester, Sir Robert, 71, 116, 135, 192, 267.
Rochester, rising at, 93.
Rogers, Canon, 190-2.
_Rolls House MSS._, 6, 10-12, 15, 17, 20, 21, 26, 28, 30, 37, 39,
40, 46, 47, 49, 51, 57-61, 64, 67-9, 70-4, 78-80, 83-4, 86, 91, 93,
94, 97, 102, 103, 106, 108, 110, 114-19, 123, 127, 128, 133, 135.
Rome, supplication to, 172.
Rosey, 266-8.
Russell, Lord, 37, 122, 178.
Rutland, Earl of, 300, 301.
Rymer quoted, 82.
Rysbank, 298-300.
St. Andre, Marshal, 291.
St. Leger, Sir Anthony, 63.
St. Lowe, Sir Wm., 114.
St. Mary Overy, Church of, 190.
St. Quentin, battle of, 290, 291.
Salkyns quoted, 165.
Sandars, Laurence, 134, 191, 195.
Sanders, Ninian, 7.
Sandgate, 299.
Sandys, Edwin, 16, 21, 22, 28.
Scarborough, occupation of, 286, 287.
Scheyfne, 2, 6, 15.
Schoolboys, fight between, 122.
Scory, Bishop, 32, 47.
Scot, Bishop, 281.
Senarpont, 276, 297, 312.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 19, 71, 116, 136, 140, 141, 154, 164, 239, 309.
Sidney, Sir Henry, 23.
Simson, Cuthbert, 309.
Six Articles, the, 318.
Skelton, Sir John, 11.
Sloane MSS., 286.
Smith, Benet, 242.
Smith, Sir Thos., 287, 309, 310.
Somerset, Duchess of, 30.
Soto, P., 231, 232.
Southwell, Sir R., 90-6, 104, 116.
Stafford, Sir Thos., 286, 287.
Stanley, Sir George, 62.
Stanton, Captain, 268.
Story, Dr., 224.
Stourton, Lord, 178.
Stow quoted, 130.
Strangways, 264, 265.
Strozzi, Pietro, 144.
Strype quoted, 36, 48, 49, 63, 94, 137, 208, 221, 222, 243, 280,
286-90, 309-11.
Subsidy Bill, 239, 240.
Succession, question of the, 68, 132, 182, 185, 186, 199, 200,
214, 218.
Suffolk, Duchess of, 76, 77, 102.
Suffolk, Duke of, 19, 20, 31, 87, 92-100, 110, 114, 157.
Sussex, Earl of, 11, 71, 116, 123-7, 136.
Swift, Robert, 267, 268.
Talbot, Lord, 239.
Tanner MSS., 21, 62, 107, 238, 241.
Tate, Richard, 164.
Taylor, Bishop, 67, 134.
Taylor, Rowland, 191, 195.
de Thermes, 311, 312.
Thirlby, Bishop, 69, 245, 246, 280, 313, 314.
Thomas, Wm., 105, 114.
Thornton, Bishop, 212.
Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, 87, 88, 114, 131, 132, 266.
Throgmortons, the, 264.
Toledo, Antonio de, 139.
Tomkins, 197, 201.
Treason, Act of, 69.
Tregonwell, Dr., 67.
Tremayne, Edmund, 129.
Tremaynes of Colacombe, the, 262, 264.
Tucker, Lazarus, 84.
Tunstal, Cuthbert, 32, 47, 92, 190.
Tytler quoted, 80, 116, 131, 136, 160, 162, 316.
Underhill, Ed., 33, 61, 105, 320.
Uvedale, 264-7.
Valles, Marquis de los, 139.
Vannes, Peter, 273, 274.
Vaughan, Cuthbert, 131.
Villegaignon, Admiral, 87.
Waldegrave, Sir Ed., 71, 83, 116, 267, 268, 308.
Walpole, 267.
Warne, 213.
Warner, Sir Edmund, 87, 90.
Warwick, Earl of, 39-43.
Watson, Bishop, 281.
Watson, Dr., 41, 46, 70.
Wentworth, Lord, 116, 162, 178, 296-300.
Westmoreland, Lord, 154, 177, 264, 287.
Weston, Dr., 36, 70, 103, 130, 134, 176.
Wharton, Lord, 11.
White, Bishop, 224.
White, Rawlins, 206.
White, Thomas, 266, 267.
Wight, Isle of, 122, 264.
Wilkins quoted, 177, 315.
Wilkinson, Mrs., 229.
Williams, Lord, of Thame, 15, 119, 178, 232, 233, 252, 258, 259, 261.
Willoughby, Lord, 264.
Winchester, Bishop of, _see_ Ponet.
Winchester, Marquis of, 9, 16, 116, 124, 136, 178.
Windsor, Lord, 83.
Woodhouse, Sir Wm., 302, 303.
Woodstock, Elizabeth at, 136, 137, 155, 215.
Worcester, Dean of, 316.
Worcester, Lord, 107, 178.
"Worthies, the nine," 153.
Wotton, Dr., 80, 86, 121, 140, 144, 147, 260, 267, 271-6, 285,
286, 313, 314.
Wyatt, Sir Thos., 23, 87-114, 122, 123, 130, 131, 189.
Young, 70.