"I thank you for your counsel, yet it is not so friendly as I could
have wished it to be. True it is, alas! Master Kingston, that death is
bitter and life is sweet; therefore I have settled myself, through the
strength of God's Holy Spirit, patiently to pass through the fire
prepared for me, desiring you and others to commend me to God's mercy
in your prayers."
{p.194} "Well, my Lord," said Kingston, "then there is no remedy, and
I will take my leave. I thank God that ever I knew you, for God
appointed you to call me, being a lost child. I was both an adulterer
and a fornicator, and God, by your good instruction, brought me to the
forsaking of the same."
They parted, the tears on both their faces. Other friends were
admitted afterwards. The queen's orders were little thought of, for
Hooper had won the hearts of the guard on his way from London. In the
evening the mayor and aldermen came, with the sheriffs, to shake hands
with him. "It was a sign of their good will," he said, "and a proof
that they had not forgotten the lessons which he used to teach them."
He begged the sheriffs that there might be "a quick fire, to make an
end shortly;" and for himself he would be as obedient as they could
wish.
"If you think I do amiss in anything," he said, "hold up your fingers,
and I have done; for I am not come hither as one enforced or compelled
to die; I might have had my life, as is well known, with worldly gain,
if I would have accounted my doctrine falsehood and heresy."
In the evening, at his own request, he was left alone. He slept
undisturbed the early part of the night. From the time that he awoke
till the guard entered, he was on his knees.
The morning was windy and wet. The scene of the execution was an open
space opposite the college, near a large elm tree, where Hooper had
been accustomed to preach. Several thousand people were collected to
see him suffer; some had climbed the tree, and were seated in the
storm and rain among the leafless branches. A company of priests were
in a room over the college gates, looking out with pity or
satisfaction, as God or the devil was in their hearts.
"Alas!" said Hooper, when he was brought out, "why be all these people
assembled here, and speech is prohibited me?" He had suffered in
prison from sciatica, and was lame, but he limped cheerfully along
with a stick, and smiled when he saw the stake. At the foot of it he
knelt; and as he began to pray, a box was brought, and placed on a
stool before his eyes, which he was told contained his pardon if he
would recant.
"Away with it;" Hooper only cried; "away with it!"
"Despatch him, then," Lord Chandos said, "seeing there is no remedy."
He was undressed to his shirt, in the cold; a pound of gunpowder was
tied between his legs, and as much more under either {p.195} arm; he
was fastened with an iron hoop to the stake, and he assisted with his
own hands to arrange the faggots round him.
The fire was then brought, but the wood was green; the dry straw only
kindled, and burning for a few moments was blown away by the wind. A
violent flame paralysed the nerves at once, a slow one was torture.
More faggots were thrown in, and again lighted, and this time the
martyr's face was singed and scorched; but again the flames sank, and
the hot damp sticks smouldered round his legs. He wiped his eyes with
his hands, and cried, "For God's love, good people, let me have more
fire!" A third supply of dry fuel was laid about him, and this time
the powder exploded, but it had been ill placed, or was not enough.
"Lord Jesu, have mercy on me!" he exclaimed; "Lord Jesu, receive my
spirit!" These were his last articulate words; but his lips were long
seen to move, and he continued to beat his breast with his hands. It
was not till after three-quarters of an hour of torment that he at
last expired.
The same day, at the same hour, Rowland Taylor was burnt on Aldham
Common, in Suffolk. Laurance Sandars had been destroyed the day before
at Coventry, kissing the stake, and crying, "Welcome the cross of
Christ! welcome everlasting life!" The first-fruits of the Whitehall
pageant were gathered. By the side of the rhetoric of the hysterical
dreamer who presided in that vain melodrama, let me place a few words
addressed by the murdered Bishop of Gloucester to his friends, a week
before his sentence.
"The grace of God be with you, amen. I did write unto you of late, and
told you what extremity the parliament had concluded upon concerning
religion, suppressing the truth, and setting forth the untruth;
intending to cause all men, by extremity, to forswear themselves; and
to take again for the head of the church him that is neither head nor
member of it, but a very enemy, as the word of God and all ancient
writers do record. And for lack of law and authority they will use
force and extremity, which have been the arguments to defend the pope
and popery since their authority first began in the world. But now is
the time of trial, to see whether we fear more God or man. It was an
easy thing to hold with Christ whilst the prince and the world held
with him; but now the world hateth him, it is the true trial who be
his.
"Wherefore in the name, and in the virtue, strength, and power of his
Holy Spirit, prepare yourselves in any case to adversity and
constancy. Let us not run away when it is most {p.196} time to
fight. Remember, none shall be crowned but such as fight manfully; and
he that endureth to the end shall be saved. Ye must now turn your
cogitations from the perils you see, and mark the felicity that
followeth the peril--either victory in this world of your enemies, or
else a surrender of this life to inherit the everlasting kingdom.
Beware of beholding too much the felicity or misery of this world; for
the consideration and too earnest love or fear of either of them
draweth from God. Wherefore think with yourselves as touching the
felicity of the world, it is good; but none otherwise than it standeth
with the favour of God; it is to be kept, but yet so far forth as by
keeping it we lose not God. It is good abiding and tarrying still
among our friends here, but yet so that we tarry not therewithal in
God's displeasure, and hereafter dwell with the devils in fire
everlasting. There is nothing under God but may be kept, so that God,
being above all things we have, be not lost. Of adversity judge the
same. Imprisonment is painful, but yet liberty upon evil conditions is
more painful. The prisons stink; but yet not so much as sweet houses,
where the fear and true honour of God lack. I must be alone and
solitary; it is better so to be, and have God with me, than to be in
company with the wicked. Loss of goods is great, but loss of God's
grace and favour is greater. I am a poor simple creature, and cannot
tell how to answer before such a great sort of noble, learned, and
wise men. It is better to make answer before the pomp and pride of
wicked men, than to stand naked, in the sight of all heaven and earth,
before the just God at the latter day. I shall die by the hands of the
cruel men; but he is blessed that loseth this life full of miseries,
and findeth the life of eternal joys. It is pain and grief to depart
from goods and friends; but yet not so much as to depart from grace
and heaven itself. Wherefore there is neither felicity nor adversity
of this world that can appear to be great, if it be weighed with the
joys or pains in the world to come."[447]
[Footnote 447: Hooper to his friends: Foxe, vol.
vi.]
Of five who had been sentenced, four were thus despatched. Bradford,
the fifth, was respited, in the hope that the example might tell upon
him. Six more were waiting their condemnation in Bonner's prisons. The
enemies of the church were to submit or die. So said Gardiner, in the
name of the English priesthood, with the passion of a fierce revenge.
So said the legate and the queen, in the delirious belief that they
were chosen instruments of Providence.
So, however, did not say the English lay statesmen. The {p.197}
first and unexpected effect was to produce a difference of opinion in
the court itself. Philip, to whom Renard had insisted on the necessity
of more moderate measures, found it necessary to clear himself of
responsibility; and the day after Hooper suffered, Alphonso a Castro,
the king's chaplain, preached a sermon in the royal presence, in which
he denounced the execution, and inveighed against the tyranny of the
bishops. The Lords of the Council "talked strangely;" and so deep was
the indignation, that the Flemish ambassador again expected Gardiner's
destruction. Paget refused to act with him in the council any more,
and Philip himself talked more and more of going abroad. Renard, from
the tone of his correspondence, believed evidently at this moment that
the game of the church was played out and lost. He wrote to the
emperor to entreat that when the king went he might not himself be
left behind; he was held responsible by the people for the queen's
misdoings; and a party of the young nobility had sworn to kill
him.[448]
[Footnote 448: "L'evesque de Londres avec les
autres evesques assembleez en ce lieu pour
l'execution du statut conclu en dernier Parlement
sur le faict de la religion, a fait brusler trois
heretiques; l'ung en ce lieu et les deux autres en
pays; et sont apres pour continuer contre les
obstinez: dont les nobles et le peuple heretique
murmure et s'altere; selon que l'ay faict entendre
au roy par ung billet par escript duquel la copie
va avec les presentes; et la noblesse tousjours
desire d'avoir occasion d'attirer le peuple et le
faire joindre a revolte avec elle; et prevoys si
Dieu n'y remedie, ou que telle precipitation ne se
modere, les choses prendront dangereux succes, et
signamment les partiaulx, contre le chancelier ne
perdront ceste commodite de vengeance.... Les
dictes conseilliers se retirent de negoces. Paget
se voyant en la male grace de la royne, et de la
pluspart du conseil, se trouve souvent au quartier
dudict Sieurroy ... le peuple parle contre la royne
estrangement.... Comme j'entendz que l'on parle
pour me faire demeurer, et sejourner par deca apres
le depart du roy, je n'ay pen delaisser de supplier
tres humblement vostre majeste me excuser ... je
suys certain l'on me tueroit incontinant apres
ledict parlement," etc.--Renard to Charles V.:
_Granvelle Papers_, vol. iv. pp. 400-402.]
Among the people the constancy of the martyrs had called out a burst
of admiration. It was rumoured that bystanders had endeavoured to
throw themselves into the fire to die at their side.[449] A prisoner,
on examination before Bonner, was asked if he thought he could bear
the flame. You may try me, if you will, he said. A candle was brought,
and he held his hand, without flinching, in the blaze.[450] With such
a humour abroad, {p.198} it seemed to Renard that the Lords had only
to give the signal, and the queen and the bishops would be
overwhelmed.
[Footnote 449: "Et a l'on dict que plusieurs ... se
sont voulu voluntairement mettre sur le buche a
coste de ceulx que l'on brusloit."--Ibid. p. 404.]
[Footnote 450: "Un bourgeois estant interrouge par
ledict evesque de Londres se souffriroit bien le
feug, respondist qu'il en fist l'experience: et
aiant fait apporter une chandelle allumee, il meit
la main dessus sans la retirer ny se
mouvoir."--Renard to Charles V.: _Granvelle
Papers_, vol. vi. p. 404. The man's name was
Tomkins. Foxe, who tells the story as an
illustration of Bonner's brutality, says that the
Bishop himself held the hand. But Renard's is
probably the truer version.]
He expected the movement in the spring. It is singular that, precisely
as in the preceding winter, the deliberate intentions of moderate and
competent persons were anticipated and defeated by a partial and
premature conspiracy. At the end of February a confederate revealed a
project for an insurrection, partly religious and partly agrarian.
Placards were to be issued simultaneously in all parts of the country,
declaring that the queen's pregnancy was a delusion, and that she
intended to pass upon the nation a supposititious child; the people
were, therefore, invited to rise in arms, drive out the Spaniards,
revolutionise religion, tear down the enclosures of the commons, and
proclaim Courtenay king under the title of Edward VII.[451] In such a
scheme the lords and country gentlemen could bear no part. They could
not risk a repetition of the popular rebellions of the late reign, and
they resolved to wait the issue of the queen's pregnancy, while they
watched over the safety of Elizabeth. The project of the court was now
to send her to Flanders, where she was to remain under charge of the
emperor; if possible, she was to be persuaded to go thither of her own
accord; if she could not be persuaded, she would be otherwise removed.
Lord William Howard, her constant guardian, requested permission to
see and speak with her, and learn her own feelings. He was refused;
but he went to her notwithstanding, and had a long private interview
with her; and the court could only talk bitterly of his treason among
themselves, make propositions to send him to the Tower which they
durst not execute, and devise some other method of dealing with their
difficulty.[452]
[Footnote 451: Renard to Charles V.: _Granvelle
Papers_, vol. iv. p. 403.]
[Footnote 452: Renard to Charles V.: Ibid. pp. 404,
405.]
Meantime, Philip, who had pined for freedom after six weeks'
experience of his bride, was becoming unmanageably impatient. A paper
of advice and exhortation survives, which was addressed on this
occasion by the ambassador to his master, with reflections on the
condition of England, and on the conduct which the king should pursue.
"Your majesty must remember," said Renard, "the purpose for which you
came to England. The French had secured the Queen of Scotland for the
Dauphin. They had afterwards made an alliance with the late king, and
spared no pains to secure the support of England. To counteract their
schemes, and to {p.199} obtain a counter advantage in the war, the
emperor, on the accession of the queen, resolved that your highness
should marry her. Your highness, it is true, might wish that she was
more agreeable;[453] but, on the other hand, she is infinitely
virtuous, and, things being as they are, your highness, like a
magnanimous prince, must remember her condition, and exert yourself,
so far as you conveniently may, to assist her in the management of the
kingdom.
[Footnote 453: "Et combien l'on pouvoit requerir
plus de civilite en la Reyne.--Renard to Philip:
_Granvelle Papers_, vol. iv. p. 394.]
"Your highness must consider that your departure will be
misrepresented, your enemies will speak of it as a flight rather than
as a necessary absence. The French will be busy with their intrigues,
and the queen will not be pleased to lose you. The administration is
in confusion, the divisions in the council are more violent than ever.
Religion is unsettled; the heretics take advantage of these late
barbarous punishments to say, that they are to be converted by fire,
because their enemies are unable to convince them by reason or
example. The orthodox clergy are still unreformed, and their
scandalous conduct accords ill with the offices to which they are
called.[454]
[Footnote 454: "Les gens d'eglise ne sont
reformees, il y a plusieurs abuz qui donnent
scandale et maulvaise impression, et ilz ne
respondent aux offices auxquelz ilz sont
appellez."--Ibid. p. 395.]
"Further, your highness will do well to weigh the uncertainty of the
succession. Should the queen's pregnancy prove a mistake, the heretics
will place their hopes in Elizabeth: and here you are in a difficulty
whatever be done; for if Elizabeth be set aside, the crown will go to
the Queen of Scots; if she succeed, she will restore heresy, and
naturally attach herself to France. Some step must be taken about this
before you leave the country; and you must satisfy the queen that you
will assist her in her general difficulties, as a good lord and
husband ought to do.[455]
[Footnote 455: "Donner ce contentement a la royne
d'avoir intention de asseurer et establir ses
affaires et la secourir comme bon Seigneur et
mari."]
"The council must be reformed, if possible, and the number diminished;
those who remain must be invited to renew their oaths to your majesty.
Regard must be had to the navy, and especially to the admiral Lord
William Howard; and above all there must be no more of this barbarous
precipitancy in putting heretics to death. The people must be won from
their errors by gentleness and by better instruction. Except in cases
of especial scandal, the bishops must not be permitted to irritate
them by {p.200} cruelty, and the legate must see that a better
example is set by the clergy themselves.[456] The debts of the crown
must be attended to; and your majesty should endeavour to do something
which will give you popularity with the masses. Before all things,
attend to the succession.
[Footnote 456: "Que es choses de la religion l'on
ne use de precipitation par punition cruelle, ains
avec la moderation, et mansuetude requise, et dont
l'eglise a tousjours use; retirant le peuple de
l'erreur par doctrine et predication, et que si ce
n'est un acte scandaleux l'on ne passe oultre en
chastoy que puisse alterer le peuple et le
desgouter, que la reformation requise pour le bon
example, soit introduicte sur les gens de l'eglise
comme le legat advisera pour le mieulx."--Renard to
Philip: _Granvelle Papers_, vol. iv. p. 395.]
"You cannot set aside the dispositions of King Henry in favour of
Elizabeth without danger of rebellion. To recognise her as
heir-presumptive without providing her with a husband, who can control
her, will be perilous to the queen. The mean course between the
extremes, will be therefore, for your highness to bring about her
marriage with the Prince of Savoy. It will please the English,
provided that her rights of inheritance are not interfered with; and
although they will not go to war for our quarrel, they will not in
that case be unwilling to assist in expelling the French from
Piedmont.
"If your majesty approve, the thing can be done without delay. At all
events, before you leave the country, you should see the princess
yourself; give her your advice to be faithful to her sister, and, on
your part, promise that you will be her friend, and assist her where
you can find opportunity."
{p.201} CHAPTER IV.