In addition to the cordage used in the fabrication of articles of
apparel, household utensils, and for the hafting of tools, the cave
contained the usual miscellany of prepared fibers and knots (139544)
usually of agave fiber. There is also a bundle of unspun hair tied in
the center with an overhand knot (139543). The bulk of the miscellaneous
cordage is 2-ply cord--each single S-twisted with a final Z-twist. Since
the spinning is so uniformly of this twisting, it is highly probable
that manufacture of the cordage followed that described by Kissell for
the Papago, and noted in many other places. This method of "down
movement" followed by an "up movement" to make the 2-ply gives a
preliminary S-twist and a final Z-twist (Kissell, 1916, p. 229).
Under the microscope, one of the specimens shows a single fiber, used as
a tie at a position where a new bundle of fibers is added, weaving in
and out of the old and new bundles. This gives the fibers much stronger
binding than does twisting together alone. The twist is normally
medium-hard to hard with an occasional crêpe twist.
Fur-wrapped cord, of which only fragments were recovered, consists of
strips of hide with fur attached, about 1 cm. wide, wrapped around
(S-twist) already prepared 2-ply _agave_ fiber cord. No articles were
found which had been constructed with fur-wrapped cord.
Since these fragments are undoubtedly bits broken from finished articles
or remnants from the construction of articles, it is not surprising
that, with one notable exception, they cover the range of prepared
cordage for the other specimens. The exception is cotton cord, of which
no fragments were recovered. This strengthens the hypothesis that the
cotton cloth (139537) was brought to the peninsula in its manufactured
state.
Both human-hair cord and palm-fiber cordage, common to cave collections
from the Cape Region of southern Baja California, are missing here at
Bahía de Los Angeles.
Square knots are most common in the collection of miscellaneous cordage.
This is to be expected, in view of the square-knot construction of the
hairnets and carrying nets found in the cave.
Identifiable vegetal fibers include those of _Apocynum_ sp. (probably
_cannabinum_) and _Agave_ sp.[3]
[3] Identifications were made by Dr. Herbert Mason and Miss Annetta
Carter, University of California Herbarium.
On a comparative basis the cordage and miscellaneous knots from Bahía de
Los Angeles are most like historic-period materials from central Baja
California. Excavated sites and large private collections there contain
an overwhelming amount of cordage that is 2-ply Z-twist; both square and
overhand knots were found. Again like Bahía de Los Angeles, nets were
made by the square-knot technique (Massey and Tuohy, MS).
The southern part of the peninsula, on the contrary, exhibits 2-ply
Z-twist cordage only in slightly over 50 per cent of collected
specimens. Both knots were known, but netting was made entirely by
lark's-head knotting (Massey, MS 1).
_Simplest Uses of Prepared Cord_
_Four-warp weaving._--Many samples of 4-warp weaving were found in the
miscellaneous fiber collection (139544) and in a group of woven
fragments (139554). None was found in connection with the finished
articles of the collection, so that their use is purely conjectural. The
warp is generally 2-ply, Z-twist, medium- to hard-twist cordage;
the weft is the same, but generally lighter in weight than the warp.
_Cord-wrapped sticks (bobbins?)._--There are two kinds of sticks wrapped
with cordage: single short sticks loosely wrapped around the midsection
(bobbins?), and pairs of sticks tied together end-to-end tightly in two
places. The cord on these specimens is invariably of the common 2-ply
Z-twist agave fiber.
One of the pairs of sticks (139585a), with a total length of 50 cm.,
consists of a pointed stick with a nocked butt end lashed tightly to
the second stick in two places (pl. 15, _c_). The stick with the nock
appears to be the butt end of a projectile shaft. If it were, it would
be unusual for Baja California, where projectile shafts are usually of
cane. The second specimen (139558d) consists of two lengths of cane,
10.3 and 5.4 cm. long, which are loosely bound with a single-strand
fiber (pl. 14, _f_).
Four specimens of sticks wrapped with cord were recovered. Lengths of
these specimens are as follows: 139558a, 22 cm. (pl. 15, _d_); 139558b,
15.8 cm. (pl. 14, _e_); 139558c, 17.3 cm. (pl. 14, _d_); and 139549, 11
cm.
_Strings for beads._--Shell beads were strung on a very fine 2-ply cord,
probably made of agave fiber; each ply consists of about three fibers,
probably of agave also (139546; pl. 13, _d_). Both of these groups are
fragments, so use is again problematical.
_Miscellaneous._--There is a piece of hide wrapped with a 2-ply cord,
probably of agave fibers, loosely Z-twisted (139548; pl. 14, _g_). The
first end is secured by wrapping-over; the outer end is drawn under some
of the cord and pulled tight.
Noticeably lacking from the cave materials are sections of reed strung
on cord, which formed the aprons of women throughout most of the
peninsula. Specimens of this type are abundantly reported for all
of central and southern Baja California, and they have been
archaeologically found in the central area (Massey, MS 1).
_Haftings_
Five different types of hafting were found among the Bahía de Los
Angeles artifacts.
_Flakers (see "Wooden Artifacts")._--One bone flaker (139556; pl. 14,
_b_) is hafted with eight rounds of cord, of 2-ply Z-twist agave,
medium- to hard-twist; each single consists of three to five
fibers, Z-twisted, loose-to-medium. The original end was secured by
wrapping-over; the final end is broken and not secured at the present
time. An overhand knot with no function occurs in the wrapping.
A second bone flaker (139557; pl. 14, _c_) is hafted with a 2-ply agave
cord, S-twist, medium, which is wrapped three times around the bone and
wood. The end is drawn under the three wrappings and twisted to the
original end.
_Darts or arrows._--A third hafted specimen (139585) consists of what
appears to be broken parts of two arrows hafted together for greater
length, wrapped in two places. The "rear" haftings, obviously the main
tying, consist of a cord wrapped twelve times around the two pieces; the
first end caught down by the succeeding wrappings and the final end
pulled tight under the entire series and cut off. The same type of cord
is used for the secondary "front" tie, where it is wrapped around from
the middle and tied with a granny knot.
The sting-ray spine point of the cane projectile (139587) was simply
inserted into the hollow cane shaft which had been split down to a node.
The cord securing the point begins at the node on the shaft where the
cord end is caught under three wrappings, carried up the split in the
cane, wrapped three times around the end of the cane, and broken (fig.
1). It may once have been secured by drawing under the final wrappings,
as were most of the Bahía de Los Angeles haftings. The cordage used is 2
mm. in diameter of 2-ply agave (?) with a medium-to-hard Z-twist. Each
single is S-twisted and very loose.
_Water bags (?)._--There is a cord wrapping around what may have been
the neck of a bladder or skin water bag (139555; pl. 16, _b_). The piece
of skin had been folded together very evenly by accordion-pleating and
wrapped for a length of 2 cm. with a 2-ply loosely twisted Z-twist cord,
and finally secured with a granny knot.
Skins of animals and fish bladders were in use as water containers in
this area in early historic times, as reported by Francisco Ulloa in
1540 (Wagner, 1925, pp. 25, 28). Farther south on the peninsula similar
water bags were reported in use in the 18th century (Baegert, 1942, p.
85; W. Rogers, 1928, p. 208).
_Matting_
Two pieces of matting of distinct types were preserved in the
collection. They probably were saved by Dr. Palmer as samples of the
types in the cave.
One of the pieces (139544) is sewed, or threaded, rush matting (pl. 16,
_d_). The lengths of rush (_Juncus_ _acutus_ var. _phaerocarpus_), which
form the warp are pierced at intervals of about 10 cm. by the sewing
thread which is a continuous length of cord, probably of _agave_. This
sewing element, which serves as the weft, consists of 2-ply Z-twist cord
with a medium-to-hard twist. Each single ply is Z-twisted in medium
degree. Total size of this well-preserved fragment is about 50 cm. by 21
cm. The one selvage which has been preserved would indicate that the
width of the mat at least was set when the worker began the sewing
process.
Apparently threaded or sewed matting was not widely used in neighboring
areas to the north. Such matting with a decorative selvage was found by
Cosgrove in a cave in the Upper Gila region (Cosgrove, 1947, p. 114).
Distributions which he gives are confined to early Pueblo period
cultures in the Southwest.[4] The trait was specifically denied for
Humboldt Cave (Heizer and Krieger, 1956, p. 58).
[4] He lists Tularosa Cave (Hough, 1914, p. 87, fig. 178) and Segi
Canyon (Guernsey, 1931, pl. 58a).
The second fragment of matting (139540) consists of bundles of unspun
fibers secured by cord with a simple overhand knot which holds the fiber
warp closely together (fig. 2). In this tie-twined matting the wefts are
spaced at intervals of 3.2 cm., and they consist of 2-ply _agave_ (?)
cord with a loose to medium Z-twist, with each single strand S-twisted.
The warp bundles, identified as grass, are not twisted.
[Illustration: Fig. 2. Tie-twined matting technique.]
Although none of the Spanish accounts lists the use of matting by the
natives of Baja California, archaeological specimens of both the sewed
and tie-twined types have been recovered from caves in the central
region of the peninsula from Mulegé to Comondú (Massey and Tuohy, MS;
Massey, MS 2). The tie-twined matting also occurs in the extreme south
of the peninsula (Massey, MS 1). Mats are recorded as part of the
household furnishings of most southern Californians. Mats of _Juncus_
sp. are noted for the Mountain and Desert Diegueño. The Yuma do not use
mats (Drucker, 1937, p. 21).
The use of tie-twined matting appears to be an old trait in the Desert
Area and its cultures. It is known throughout the peninsula, where old
traits were retained, and also in archaeological collections from
various parts of the Great Basin and Southwest. A sampling of the
literature reveals the following occurrences: Lovelock Cave (Loud and
Harrington, 1929, pp. 56-60); Humboldt Cave (Heizer and Krieger, 1956,
p. 57); Danger Cave (Jennings _et_ _al._, 1957, pp. 242-243); Promontory
Point (Steward, 1937, p. 29); Hueco Area (Cosgrove, 1947, p. 113; see
also p. 114 for various other Southwestern locations); the Guadalupe
Mountain area (Ferdon, 1946, pp. 15-16); and portions of Texas
(Jackson, 1937, p. 157).
_Netting_
_Hairnets._--Two complete hairnets (139534a and b) and one fragment
(139534c) were found on crania in the cave (pl. 16, _a_, _c_). All of
these were tied with a single-element square-knot technique (fig. 3).
Cordage is of the 2-ply Z-twist type with each single S-twisted. The
cord is probably of agave fiber.
[Illustration: Fig. 3. Square-knot technique.]
The two complete hairnets are begun with a center circle of discrete
tied yarn. Ten large loops are cast onto this. In the next round, each
of the large loops has three loops tied onto it with the continuous
cord, making a total of 30 loops for the circumference of the net
(fig. 4). The gauge of the succeeding 15 rows of knots is approximately
2.5 cm.
In order to gather the lower edge of the net for fitting purposes, the
cord was doubled and two loops were gathered together and tied with the
same square-knot technique (fig. 5).
The third net (c) has eleven loops cast onto the original circle; the
technique of tying is the same, but the mesh gauge of 1 to 1.5 cm. is
finer.
[Illustration: Fig. 4. Method of beginning hairnets and carrying nets.]
[Illustration: Fig. 5. Detail of lower, fitted edge of hairnet.]
[Illustration: Fig. 6. Detail of lower, gathered edge of carrying net.]
Among the historic tribes the wearing of hairnets, both plain and
decorated, was universal among the women of Baja California. Such usage
among southern Californians was denied by all of Drucker's informants
(Drucker, 1937, p. 45). There appears to be no mention of them from the
adjacent west coast of Mexico, but they are known archaeologically from
the Great Basin. Loud and Harrington picture several from Lovelock Cave,
but give no description of the knotting technique (1929, pl. 41).
However, in their discussion of knots they mention that the "mesh knot"
(weaver's knot) was the most common, and the square knot was little
used (ibid., pp. 83-87). Actually the nets, as they appear in Loud and
Harrington's plate, are very similar to the Baja California specimens in
being knotted rather than being made by the more frequently found
coil-without-foundation technique.
Hairnets were also worn in ancient Peru. Some hairnets described by
Singer from Pachacamac were constructed with square knots, but most of
the 29 specimens she describes were made with the sheet-bend
(fisherman's) knot (Singer, 1936).
Hairnets of the square-knot construction from Bahía de Los Angeles pose,
at the present time, an unanswerable question of origin and
extrapeninsular distribution.
_Carrying net._--One fragmentary net (139535a), the original size of
which cannot be determined, is similar to the hairnets in construction,
but probably was used for carrying. The bag is tied with the same
element square knot; the mesh size is approximately 2.4 cm. Both ends of
this net, however, are gathered together. The net beginning is a small
circular piece of cord. Four loops are cast onto this; the number of
working loops is increased to 16 in the next course by the method
illustrated in figure 4. The square-knot tying begins with the next
course.
At the lower end, the meshes are gathered together with a hitch (fig.
6). This may have been put through the loops at what would have been the
top of the bag to hold it shut. This would serve as a supplementary
tying cord rather than being part of the structure of the net.
This fragmentary net has one notably unique feature. Feathers,
presumably decorative, were caught, not in the knots themselves, but
between them (fig. 7). The knot used is identical to the "marline spike
hitch" described by Graumont and Hensel (1946, p. 69; fig. 101; pl. 29).
This type of knot--more properly called a hitch--has not been reported
elsewhere among the methods of attaching feathers. As can be seen in the
reconstruction, the feather serves to hold the hitch, yet if the cord
were to be pulled tightly around it, the feather could be removed only
with difficulty. It remains puzzling that the carrying net, rather than
the hairnets, should be so decorated.
[Illustration: Fig. 7. Detail showing insertion of feathers in hitches
of carrying net.]
Turning to other archaeological examples of nets from the peninsula, we
learn that specimens of square-knot netting have been found to the south
in the central region from Mulegé to Comondú. Caves to the west of
Mulegé have yielded two fragments of square-knot netting (Massey, MS
2). Other examples derive from Caguama and Metate caves between Comondú
and Loreto. In Metate Cave there was a single complete carrying net
(Massey and Tuohy, MS). Elsewhere on the peninsula little is known of
them except for the southern Cape Region, where netting was in the
distinct technique of lark's-head knotting (Massey, MS 1).
On the ethnographic level, carrying nets were widely used by Indians
of western North America from Canada to Mexico, and again in Central
America. As part of this general distribution they were used throughout
the peninsula (Driver and Massey, 1957, pp. 274, 276, map 78).
Among the Lower Californians nets were used for carrying suitable
gathered products, and also, in the central part of the peninsula at
least, for carrying infants. For the latter purpose two portage methods
were in vogue: the net was suspended over the shoulders from a tump band
across the forehead; or from the end of a pole held by one hand across
the shoulder, as a "bindle."
_Feathered "Apron" or "Cape"_
Even though this piece (139535b; pl. 17, _a_) is extremely fragmentary,
it is one of the more interesting of the perishable artifacts. At
present it measures about 25 cm. by 17.5 cm. Many of the tying cords and
feathers have disappeared or are incomplete. The original bundles of
bast fiber actually were probably little longer than in this fragment.
The method of making the article has been reconstructed as follows. The
heavy "waist belt" cord is a bundle of unspun fibers and spun cord, 1.5
cm. in diameter. The origin of the spun cord is lost in the mass of
material; it is probable that the cord itself was held by the wrapping
cords from the bark units. The hanging bundles of shredded bark were
doubled over this "waist belt" and wrapped with unspun fibers to make a
rigid, tightly closed bundle. These fibers hold the feathers, which may
once have covered the bundles completely for, on some, the wrapping
covers the entire length. The length of these bundles varies from 13 to
17.5 cm. These bundles are held in place on the heavy cord by a wrapping
cord of 2-ply Z-twisted agave, which frequently appears to cross the
bundles and the heavy cord in a haphazard manner; feathers are wrapped
onto the heavy cord by this means. Although now there is considerable
rigidity introduced into the fibers by dirt, the mass of ties always
prevented this from being a softly hanging piece.
To date no like specimens are known from the archaeology of the
peninsula. We know of no similar articles in historic times in Baja
California, nor to the north in southern California.
_Human Hair "Cape"_
The human hair "cape" from the Palmer Collection (139539; also 139538,
139550) is fragmentary, but sufficiently intact to provide complete
information on the technique of its construction and manufacture (pl.
17, _b_).
The hanks of human hair forming this garment are from 12.7 cm. to 27.5
cm. long with the majority falling in midrange. The hanks are about 6
mm. in diameter. Primarily, each bundle of hanks was held together by
a light wrapping of single agave (?) fibers and some such adhesive
material as pitch. In addition, these bundles are secondarily secured
with fine 2-ply cord, which is 1 mm. in diameter, with a hard Z-twist.
This fine cord also serves to tie each bundle to the main cord of
suspension.
The bundles of hair were held together by the same tie-twining as in the
matting (fig. 2). There is an overhand knot between each of the bundles.
The twining cord itself is 2-ply, Z-twisted in a loose twist. This
method served to fasten the bundles to the cord, space them, and to hold
them closely. This tying consists of a basic cord and a wrapping cord. A
third cord, which formed the wrapping of the individual bundles, is
carried to the basic cord, wrapped around it, and in turn is wrapped by
the whipping cord. This wrapping is not accomplished neatly; the
garment--for all of this cord wrapping--is not a very strongly
constructed article.
In the Palmer Collection there are broken hanks of human hair,
undoubtedly parts of this specimen, which are catalogued separately
(139538). Among these is a string of _Olivella_ beads strung on 2-ply
cord, and wrapped in with the tying cord of a hair bundle. Thus shell
beads were probably part of the original garment. Other tied hanks of
human hair (139550) were undoubtedly parts of the specimen.
There is no single item of native culture of Baja California so
diagnostic or characteristic as mantles of human hair used by shamans.
Few European chroniclers who had a chance to observe them failed to
mention this article. However, none have appeared in any other reported
archaeological excavations on the peninsula.
As part of the paraphernalia of the shaman, the cape or mask of human
hair was indispensable from the Guaicura north to the Kiliwa and Western
Diegueño. In all recorded cases the hair was obtained from relatives
mourning the death of a recently deceased member of the family or from
the dead themselves. Construction of the garments must have been in the
hands of the shamans themselves, so secret were most aspects of the
medicine-man's lore.
Although the cultural and tribal identification of masks or capes of
human hair with the shaman is general for the Peninsular Yumans
(Cochimí), such capes were found as far south as the Guaicura in
historic times (Baegert, 1942, p. 123). Both of the major sources for
the historic ethnography of the Yuman-speaking peoples of central Baja
California attest to the use of this device by native medicine-men
(Venegas, 1944, I:95-96, 100; Clavigero, 1937, p. 114). For the area
nearest Bahía de Los Angeles, the best description of the use of these
garments is that of the 18th-century Dominican, Father Luis Sales, who
speaks of the capes as follows (1794, pp. 76-77):
When all are gathered, ornamented with charcoal and yellow,
the old man places himself in the center of the circle. Under
his arm he has a doubled mat of rushes in which he hides the
rain cape from the _fiesta_.[5] On another little stick he has
the hair of the dead man suspended. He indicates silence, puts
on the rain cape of the hair of the dead, and causes as much
horror as when a bear appears. He plays a whistle and tells
them that the dead man is coming; but, however much they look,
they do not see him coming. Nevertheless they believe it. Then
he shows them the little stick with the hair of the dead man,
and tells them that he is there, that they see him--and they
see nothing. However they give cries, they pull their hair, and
make other ridiculous actions. Finally, relieved by crying, the
old man comforts them. He puts a thousand questions to the head
of hair, and he himself answers them to his liking.
[5] Sales, 1794. p. 69. In this, his first reference to the cape of
human hair in use at another ceremony, Sales says, "The old man makes
something like a rain cape from the hair of the dead."
This 18th-century description of Indians to the north of Bahía de Los
Angeles, on the Frontera, has its exact counterpart in a 20th-century
description of the ñiwey ("Talking with the Dead") Ceremony of the
Kiliwa (Meigs, 1939, pp. 50-57).
_Tump Band_
The tump band (139536) is made with the twining technique used so
frequently in such constructions. Fragments of both ends are present,
but the intervening central portion is missing so the original length of
the specimen is not known. The largest section is 25 cm. long and 7.7
cm. wide (pl. 17, _d_).
The original warps were three heavy cords which were loosely Z-twisted
of two plys of 2-ply cord; each 2-ply single is S-twisted. The fiber is
probably of some species of agave. The outer two of the three heavy
cords form the selvage cords. The center cord was split into its two
component yarns, and forms the beginning of the inner warp threads.
Two-ply cords were introduced rapidly to make a maximum of the 27
present at its greatest width. Introduction of the warp elements was
accomplished very evenly, producing no distortion of the flat surface.
Twining was done with the pitch up-to-the-right. The weft was also of
2-ply agave (?) cord.
The one peculiar feature of this twined band is the form of the selvage,
which gives the appearance of a sewing running-stitch along the heavy
outer cords.
It is extremely unlikely that this was a sling or belt. The band seems
too rigid to have been used for either of these two purposes, and slings
are not recorded historically from Baja California.
The only similar specimen know in the archaeology of the peninsula is a
fragment of a tump band from the upper or historic level of Metate Cave
near Comondú.[6] This fragment is identical with the tump band from
Bahía de Los Angeles in weave, selvage, and cordage. Even the count is
similar: 9 warps and 15 wefts per inch for the Bahía de Los Angeles
example, and 10 by 22 for the Metate Cave specimen. Either of these is
much coarser than Basketmaker bands, like those from Segi Canyon with
their 24 warps and wefts per inch (Guernsey, 1931, p. 9).
[6] University of California. Robert H. Lowie Museum of Anthropology,
specimen 3-13586.
The tump band was used for portage with carrying nets among the historic
Indians of central Baja California (see "Carrying Nets"). The modern
Kiliwa of the north supported nets on the back by a band which passed
across the forehead. At the forehead this band consisted of 20 "parallel
cords" (Meigs, 1939, p. 38; twined or simple cords are not stipulated).
Woven packstraps were used by all southern California Indians (Drucker,
1937, p. 21). Babies and general burdens were carried in nets supported
by the forehead tumpline in the central and northern areas of the
peninsula (Clavigero, 1937, p. 106).
_Cotton Cloth_
Since woven cotton (_Gossypium_ sp.) was unknown in aboriginal Baja
California at the time of European contact, its provenience must be
beyond the peninsula. Presumably this specimen is a piece of
pre-Columbian trade goods from the mainland of Mexico, and so belongs in
the cultural inventory of the cotton-weaving cultures of the Oasis Area.
The weave of this fragment (139537) is Plain (over-one-under-one) (pl.
17, _c_). The piece, which measures 25.5 cm. long (warp) by 30 cm.
(weft), consists of one loomstring end and neither selvage. The warp is
white cotton cord, 1 mm. in diameter, in a loosely twisted 2-ply
Z-twist. The weft of the same material has a diameter of 2 mm. of single
ply, very loosely Z-twist cord. This weft is about the equivalent of
commercial slub with no tensile strength. The thread count of the cloth
is virtually square (6 x 5 per cm.), although the greater diameter of
the tightly beaten weft makes it the predominant feature of the textile.
The warp ends carry a decorative strengthening feature known to
Southwestern textiles, both ancient and modern. Two whipping cords that
are like the weft secure the end warp loops. They were structural and
were probably inserted while the warp was being set up.
One side of the cloth has a whipped edge holding irregularly broken weft
ends. This rough mending was accomplished with the usual native 2-ply
cordage. Depth of the stitch into the material varies considerably--an
indication of expedience rather than ornamentation.
Since cotton cloth and cotton are absent from the pre-Columbian
archaeology and the historic ethnography of the peninsula, this specimen
must have been obtained through trans-Gulf trade with mainland Mexico.
The Seri of Tiburon Island and Sonora were probably the intermediary
traders. These Indians are well aware of the peninsula opposite them to
the west (Griffen, 1959).
Although the weave of this specimen is the simplest of all weaving
techniques, it is lacking among other textile materials of Baja
California, such as basketry and matting. The precise mainland
derivation of this specimen must remain in doubt; all the tribes of
Sonora--except the Seri--wove cotton (Driver and Massey, 1957, p. 216).
Plain cotton cloth was extremely widely distributed in the prehistoric
Oasis area, and dates at least from Pueblo I times in the American
Southwest (Kent, 1957, p. 491).