THE GERMAN MIND, SELF-DEPICTED
In those chapters in which we have dealt with the violations of
international treaties, and of the Hague Convention, we have often
been led to comment on the mode of thought displayed by those who
committed these crimes. But hitherto we have touched upon the subject
of German mentality only in an incidental fashion; it will doubtless be
interesting to consider it more closely.
We shall utilize, by preference, documents of German origin. In cases
where these are lacking, for example, in the case of the cruelties
committed, we shall have recourse to observations which we ourselves
have collected, and whose authenticity is indisputable.
In place of passing in review all the peculiarities of the modern
German mind, which would occupy too much space, we shall confine
ourselves to those from which Belgium has suffered most cruelly; but
we shall not speak--it would be superfluous--of the obscene spirit of
rape, and rapacity, and drunkenness. The three psychological elements
which we shall consider are pride, duplicity, and spitefulness.
A.--Pride.
_Some Manifestations of Pride and the Spirit of Boasting._
"The German nation is the Chosen People, and God is with us." That is
the prevailing idea of the speeches and proclamations of the Kaiser.
In his Speech from the Throne on the 4th August, 1914, he declared:
"It is not the spirit of conquest which urges us forward; but we are
animated by the inflexible determination to retain the position in
which God has set us, for ourselves and for all the generations to
come."
In her pride Germany is unanimous. No German is permitted to doubt
the indisputable superiority of his nation over all other nations. As
soon as he learns to lisp his first words, his brain is steeped in the
conviction that no people is comparable to his own, even remotely.
This longing to exalt his own country is accompanied by a corresponding
desire to abase all others. Hardly is a discovery of any kind made in a
neighbouring country than a German appropriates it in order to give it
a new trade-mark. One example will suffice.
All the world knows that Louis Pasteur was the founder of the science
of bacteriology, a science whose consequences, in the spheres of
hygiene and medicine, are incalculable. Germany ignores Pasteur and has
heard only of Koch. A Belgian, who attended the Berlin celebrations
in honour of Koch, returned disgusted with the fact that the name
of Pasteur was systematically suppressed throughout the ceremonies.
In an obituary notice devoted to Koch a Belgian bacteriologist, M.
Jules Bordet, remarked with great justice, in speaking of the German
biographies of the scientist who had just died:--
"They made Koch the absolute creator of modern medicine: all other
glory pales before his; he is the founder of bacteriology. Their
obituary articles, emanating, for the most part, from disciples of
the master, and which are, one feels, steeped in pious gratitude,
and also, perhaps, to a certain extent, in a somewhat exclusive
patriotism, attribute to him the honour of having shown the organic
origin of contagious diseases." "It would be," said Herr Pfeiffer,
the distinguished Breslau bacteriologist, "a real act of justice were
posterity to divide the history of medicine into two periods, one
before Koch and the other after him."
Reading such notices it would almost seem as though Pasteur had never
lived!
We think M. Bordet shows himself far too indulgent toward the German
biographers when he says, in conclusion: "And one could not take it
amiss of these disciples if, in their filial solicitude, they left on
the tomb of their Master a few leaves from the laurels of Pasteur."
Here is another example of boasting, interesting principally by reason
of the _charlatanesque_ manner in which it was published. Every one
has heard of the Cooper-Hewitt mercury-vapour lamp, with its strange
blue-violet light, so rich in ultra-violet rays. The most summary
treatises on physics explain that quartz will allow the ultra-violet
rays to pass, and that the Cooper-Hewitt quartz lamp is in constant
employment in the laboratories. But if you read the communication which
the Germans imposed upon _L'Ami de l'Ordre_ on the 27th December, 1914,
you will see that the Germans invented the whole affair.
If you want to be initiated into the perfections of the German, Herr
Momme Nissen, in _Der Krieg und die Deutsche Kunst_, will enumerate
them for you. "The qualities of the German," he says, "integrity and
courage, profundity of mind and fidelity, insight and the sense of
inwardness, modesty and piety, are also the ornaments of our art."
_The Germans compare themselves with their Allies._
Here is a last point to be considered. The Germans do not merely
consider themselves to be superior to their adversaries; they are
equally modest on behalf of their allies. To their minds, and in their
writings, the present war is "the German war." The most complete
chronological compilation which has appeared hitherto is entitled
_Chronik des Deutschen Krieges_. The official publications deliberately
ignore the Austrians, Hungarians, Czechs, Croats, Turks, etc. The first
of the pamphlets of propaganda distributed by the Germans (_Journal
de la Guerre_) begins thus: "The name this war will one day bear in
history is already determined; it can only be the _German War_, for it
is a war destined to establish the position of the German nation in the
world." By what name shall we call the German's sense of superiority
over all other nations: is it pride, presumption, or impudence?
Herr Paul Rohrbach, who is generally more moderate in his expressions,
has written a pamphlet entitled _Warum es der Deutsche Krieg ist_ ("Why
this is the German War").
It would be useless to insist on the general aspects of the question.
Let us consider only a few of the immediate consequences of this frame
of mind: militarism, disdain for others, cynicism, and absence of the
critical spirit.
1. MILITARISM.
_Might comes before Right._
Bismarck has given us a precise formula of the cult of brute force,
"Might comes before right!" Nietzsche has gone further, "Might creates
right." "You say that a good cause sanctifies even war? I tell you that
a good war sanctifies any cause!" (_Thus Spake Zarathustra_).
Herr Maximilian Harden, the well-known polemical writer, expressed
the same idea in a lecture delivered at Duisbourg and reproduced in
_K.Z._ (8th December, 1914). It is expressed with equal lucidity in an
article published in _Zeit im Bild_ (19th November, 1914), and signed
_Vitus Bug_; the author, after inquiring into the reasons which make
Germany hated, adds: "Let us be victorious, and people will immediately
discover that we were in the right!"
It is, consequently, towards the army that the essential aspirations
of the German nation converge; everything must give way to the
military interest; the moment this is in question there is no longer
any room for morality, says Professor Rein, of the University of Jena
(_N.R.C._, 22nd January, 1915, morning), nor for humanity, says Herr
Erzberger (_N.R.C._, 6th February, 1915, evening), nor even for the
law of nations, declares Professor Beer, of the University of Leipzig
(_Völkerrecht und Krieg_). In other countries people have remained
simple enough to believe that it is precisely in time of war that the
prescriptions of international law should be most strictly respected.
Nothing of the sort, say the Germans; the moment war breaks out
everyday justice can only efface itself. On the slightest accusation,
the least pretext, or even without any, they begin to shoot and to
burn. If by accident those put to death are innocent, or if there was
in truth no complaint to be made against the inhabitants of the houses
burned to ashes, it is obviously regrettable; but such commonplace
considerations will not prevent the German army from inflicting on the
nearest village a punishment any less exemplary. _Es ist Krieg_: in
this phrase is contained the whole psychology of the German soldier in
war-time. "Do you suppose," said a German at Louvain, "that we've got
time to make inquiries?" (_N.R.C._, 9th September, 1914, morning). "You
understand clearly," said an officer at Francorchamps, "that we cannot
stop the German army to inquire if this man has really fired on us; he
was accused of doing so; isn't that sufficient reason for shooting him?"
* * * * *
Before leaving the subject of militarism, we will cite one
insignificant fact which, however trifling, clearly reveals the
importance which the military idea has assumed in the conceptions of
the German people. According to the _N.R.C._ of the 6th February, 1915
(evening), _Vorwärts_ has protested against the following measure: The
German wife whose husband is under arms cannot be expelled from her
dwelling for non-payment of rent; but if her husband should be killed
in the war the landlord immediately recovers the right to turn her out.
2. DISDAIN OF OTHERS.
We have seen that the Germans are seeking by all possible means to
accentuate their superiority over their neighbours. An elementary
procedure for increasing the vertical distance between them and their
rivals consists in depreciating the latter. Germany has so often, in
every tone of voice, proclaimed the irremediable inferiority of all
the other peoples inhabiting our planet, that she has at last come to
believe it herself, and has begun to act in conformity with her belief.
_Some Inept Proclamations, etc._
Thus, to speak only of our own experience, they assuredly
under-estimated our national integrity when they believed us capable
of becoming accomplices in the violation of an international treaty.
They also greatly under-estimated our army's powers of resistance, or
they would have taken good care not to lose a fortnight in Belgium,
a delay which spoiled their sudden attack upon France. Finally, they
show us every day, by their placards, that they do not think much of
our intelligence. Some of those entitled "News published by the German
General Government" are really inimitable.
Imagine our laughter when the authorities to whom we are forced to
submit officially announced that a German squadron had captured fifteen
fishing-boats; or that the Serbians had taken Semlin in order to obtain
food; or that the star of Paschitsch was growing pale; or that the
Austrians had evacuated Lemberg for strategic and humanitarian reasons;
or that the British Army is so ill-equipped that the soldiers are
without writing-paper and shoelaces; or that the river of the "gifts of
love" continues to flow; or that General Joffre (in a French that could
only have come from a German pen) informs his troops that "the moment
is come to profit by the weakness which offers itself to us, after we
have reinforced ourselves in men and material." In the last days of
September 1914, when a citizen of Brussels met a fair-haired comrade,
he hastened to measure him, to make sure that he was not Charles-Alice
Yate, "being about 5 ft. 9 in. in height."
Here are some of these placards:--
NEWS PUBLISHED BY THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT.
BERLIN, _6th September, 1914_.--The Austria-Hungarian Ambassador
publishes the following dispatch which has been forwarded to him by
the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Vienna:--
"The Russian news on the subject of the battle of Lemberg and
the triumphant capture of the city is a lie. The open town of
Lemberg was evacuated by us without a battle for strategical and
humanitarian reasons."
THE GENERAL GERMAN GOVERNMENT.
LONDON, _8th September, 1914_ (Reuter's Agency).--A German
squadron, composed of two cruisers and four torpedo-boats, has
captured fifteen English fishing-boats in the North Sea, and has
brought numerous prisoners to Wilhelmshaven.
THE GERMAN GENERAL GOVERNMENT.
BERLIN, _22nd September, 1914_.--On the night of the 19th September
Major Charles-Alice Yate, of the regiment of the Yorkshire Light
Infantry, escaped from Torgau, where he was prisoner of war. Yate
is that English officer of superior rank concerning whom it was
announced the other day that he did not deny, upon inquiry, that
the English troops have been supplied with dum-dum bullets; in the
course of this interrogatory he declared that the soldier must
obviously use the ammunition which is furnished to him by the
Government.
The fugitive is about 5 ft. 9 in. in height; he is slender,
fair-haired, and speaks German well.
THE GERMAN GENERAL GOVERNMENT.
VIENNA, _29th September, 1914_.--The _Reichspost_ announces from
Sofia: The correspondent of the _Volja_, the organ of Ghenadjev,
writes from Nish: The Austrian offensive has serious consequences
for Serbia; rebellion is muttering in the country and the army, and
every day may see the outbreak of the revolution. During the last
few days several regiments of artillery have revolted. A certain
number of guns have been demolished....
King Peter has returned; he is completely apathetic, and the Crown
Prince Alexander does not know what to do. The star of Paschitsch
is paling, and it is feared there may soon be victims in his
entourage.
THE GERMAN GENERAL GOVERNMENT.
L ONDON, _6th October, 1914_.--The _Daily Chronicle_ announces that
at Aldershot, in round figures, 135,000 militia belonging to all
arms should be prepared to depart for the army as soon as they
are ready. However, the training, despite the most brilliant
efforts, could not give satisfactory results, the troops being
insufficiently equipped. The newspaper appeals for the assistance
of the public, and remarks that, for example, no officer of Lord
Kitchener's first army possesses field-glasses. They also lack
socks, handkerchiefs, shoelaces, writing-paper and materials, and
drums and fifes for the Scottish regiments.
THE GERMAN GENERAL GOVERNMENT.
What is even more strange than their insistence in offering us their
sophisticated views, is their virtuous indignation when they discover
that we are not receptive of this kind of truth. Thus the people of
Liége, who would not believe the German placards and preferred their
secret newspapers, were warned by Lieut.-General von Kolewe that they
were in danger of appearing ridiculous in the eyes of intelligent
people.
TO THE POPULATION OF LIÉGE AND NEIGHBOURHOOD.
Considering the continual successes of the German troops, it is
impossible to understand why the people of Liége are still so
credulous as to believe the absurd and frivolous news spread by
the manufactories of falsehoods installed in Liége. Those who busy
themselves in propagating such news are risking severe punishment.
They are playing a dangerous game in abusing the credulity of their
fellow-citizens and in inciting them to reckless actions. The
reasonable population of Liége will resist all temptations of the
kind.
Otherwise it is exposing itself not merely to the gravest
disappointment, but also to appearing ridiculous in the eyes of
intelligent people.
KOLEWE,
_Lieut.-General and German Governor of the
Fortress of Liége_.
_It is forbidden to tear down this placard or to paste another over
it._
_Lies concerning the Situation in Belgium._
Before other placards the shrugging of shoulders gave way to disgust.
Baron von der Goltz, at Sofia, boasted of having rendered "the
situation in Belgium entirely normal." What of it? We were so glad
to be rid of him that we were ready to overlook any ineptitudes. But
when his successor, Baron von Bissing, after levying a contribution of
480 million frs. (£19,200,000), had the audacity to declare that he
hoped "to do much for the economic situation," and would especially
apply himself "to doing everything to assist the weak in Belgium, and
to encourage them," he passed the bounds of cynicism and presumption.
However, two months later, on the 18th February, 1915, after having
despoiled us of 120 million francs, he found occasion to go still
farther, affirming his "solicitude for the welfare and prosperity of
the population."
_Lies concerning "Francs-tireurs."_
What shall we say of the accusations made against Belgian civilians?
From August, at the time of the first sortie of our troops from
Antwerp, the Germans posted up statements in Brussels that the Belgian
population was again taking part in the conflict.
OFFICIAL STATEMENT BY THE COMMANDANT OF THE GERMAN ARMY.
BRUSSELS, _28th August, 1914_.--On the 26th and 27th August several
Belgian divisions made a sortie from Antwerp in order to attack
our lines of communication, but they were repulsed by those of our
troops left behind to invest the city. Five Belgian guns fell into
our hands....
The Belgian population almost everywhere took part in the fighting.
It became necessary to take the most drastic measures to repress
the bands of francs-tireurs....
Now certain of these battles took place at a distance of only six miles
from Brussels; peasants were shot at Houtem (a hamlet of Vilvorde) and
at Eppeghem: that is, in villages whence people went into the city
every morning with vegetables, milk, etc., so that the inhabitants
of the capital were perfectly informed as to the behaviour of the
German troops toward the Belgian civilians. They knew, too, that these
pretended attacks of "francs-tireurs" had been delivered by detachments
of the Belgian army (_see_ E. Waxweiler in _La Belgique neutre et
loyale_, p. 219). The keen indignation against the German liars was
still further aggravated when, three weeks later, the Kaiser repeated
these calumnies. The fact of their having placarded the walls of
Brussels with these obviously false accusations shows once more in what
low esteem the Germans hold the mental faculties of their victims.
NEWS PUBLISHED BY THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT.
BRUSSELS, _7th October_.--From the leader of a troop of cyclists
near Hennuyères written instructions were taken, intended for the
leaders of the so-called "destructive detachment," in which they
are told, among other things: "Spread false news: landing of the
English at Antwerp, Russians at Calais."
That the Germans should seek to deceive their own compatriots as to the
situation is natural enough--they are quite content with official news.
But in Belgium we still, in spite of all obstacles, continue to receive
foreign newspapers, which keep us informed of the military operations.
Why, then, did the Germans try to impose on us over the battle of the
Marne, when nothing was easier than to learn the truth from the _Times_
and the French Press?
A still more curious case was that of the battle of Ypres. During a
whole fortnight the official placards daily informed the Belgians
of the latest German success ... and at the end of three weeks the
army was still as far from Ypres. The whole of this Yser campaign
is interesting as throwing a light upon the German mentality. From
the outset the Germans tried to establish a confusion between the
"canalized" Yser and the "canalized" Yperlée, that is, the canal
running from Ypres to the Yser. What they call "the canal of the Yser"
in their placard of the 22nd October is the canalized Yser between
Dixmude and Nieuport. In the placard of the 2nd November they spoke
of the "canal from the Yser to Ypres, near Nieuport," an absolutely
fantastic description. Finally, on the 4th April, when they claimed to
have crossed "the Yser canal" to occupy Driegrachten, it was really
the Yperlée that was in question, and not the Yser at all. This is, as
will be seen, on a par with the intentional confusion which they sought
to create between the city of Liége and its forts (pp. 50, 58). Such
confusions may deceive the Germans, but the Belgians, familiar with the
geography of their country, naturally laugh at them.
Another point relating to this astonishing campaign on the Yser: On
the 2nd November the Germans announced that operations were rendered
difficult by the inundation. On the following day, having expressed
their pity for the Belgians "whose fields were devastated for a long
time to come," they added that the water was in parts deeper than a
man's height, but that they had lost neither man, nor horse, nor gun.
How can they impose such idle stuff on people who know the _polders_
of the coast region, with their innumerable canals and ditches, and
who know, moreover, than an inundation there renders all retreat
impossible?
3. CYNICISM.
They must require a good stock of effrontery to put before us such
assertions as that of the Kaiser, whose falsity is obvious at sight.
They cannot be ignorant of the fact that these impostures are instantly
exposed. But this consideration does not give them pause; German
superiority appears to them so indisputable that they have no need
to trouble about the opinion of other people; if they occasionally
indicate the reasons for their actions, it is to reassure their own
conscience, not to justify themselves to their victims. They are, in
short, in the situation of the sportsman who brings down the game
passing within gunshot, but is not required to render an account of
it to the rabbits and partridges. To the sportsman's way of thinking
there is no cynicism in so acting: between the hunter and the game
there is too great a difference to make such a justification necessary.
Similarly, the Germans occupy, in the scale of _Kultur_, so exalted
a position as compared with the Belgians, that they believe in good
faith that all is permitted to them in dealing with this horde, and
that they need not justify their actions. They behave toward us as the
Conquistadores toward the Aztecs.
More, they actually advertise their contempt for the rules of justice.
We have already mentioned the placard posted at Gand, according
to which they openly placed themselves in conflict with the Hague
Convention. They have gone yet farther in this direction. What are we
to say, for example, of the placard posted at Menin, in July 1915, by
order of Commandant Schmidt, in which it is ordained that the families
of those "who do not work regularly on the military works" shall be
allowed to die of starvation?
ORDER.
From to-day the town can no longer grant relief--of whatever kind,
even for families, women and children--save only to those workmen
who are working regularly on the military works and on other works
prescribed.
All other workmen and their families cannot henceforth be assisted
in any way whatever.
And this is not the gem of the collection. At Roubaix and the vicinity
(in French Flanders, close against the Belgian frontier) they
advertised their decision to prevent all sales of comestibles if work
were not resumed by the 7th July, and they even threatened completely
to suppress "circulation," which would have resulted in the lingering
death of the whole population.
And this is not the worst. In a neighbouring town, Halluin, Commandant
Schranck caused a declaration to be read to the assembled notables
which stated that he denied their right to invoke the Hague Convention,
since the German military authorities had determined to enforce the
fulfilment of all their demands, "even if a city of 15,000 inhabitants
had to perish."
(_Read at Halluin, on the 30th June, at 11.30 p.m., to the
Municipal Council and notables of the Town of Halluin._)
GENTLEMEN,
What is happening is known to all these gentlemen. It is the
conception and interpretation of Article 52 of the Hague Convention
which has created difficulties between you and the German military
authority. On which side is the right? It is not for us to discuss
that, for we are not competent, and we shall never arrive at
an understanding on this point. It will be the business of the
diplomatists and the representatives of the various States after
the war.
To-day it is exclusively the interpretation of German military
authority which is valid, and for that reason we intend that all
that we shall need for the maintenance of our troops shall be made
by the workers of the territory occupied. I can assure you that
the German authority will not under any circumstances desist from
demanding its rights, even if a town of 15,000 inhabitants should
have to perish. The measures introduced up to the present are only
a beginning, and every day severe measures will be taken until our
object is obtained.
This is the last word, and it is good advice I give you to-night.
Return to reason, and arrange for the workers to resume work
without delay; otherwise you will expose your town, your families,
and your persons to the greatest misfortunes.
To-day, and perhaps for a long time yet, there is for Halluin
neither a prefecture nor a French Government. There is only one
will, and that is the will of German authority.
THE COMMANDANT OF THE TOWN,
SCHRANCK.
Do you not agree that a cynicism so shameless is a sign of perplexity
and an admission of impotence? The Germans realize that they are driven
to the worst expedients!
A host of similar facts might be cited, but it would mean useless
repetition. Let us rather examine some examples of graphic cynicisms.
_Photographs and Picture Postcards._
The Germans have published, in their newspapers, photographs
representing the population of a village, consisting principally of
women, being driven away as prisoners (_Berl. Ill. Zeit._, No. 36, 6th
September, 1914); a military observation-post installed by them on the
tower of Malines Cathedral during the siege of Antwerp (_Berl. Ill.
Zeit_., No. 44, 1st November, 1914); doctors detained as prisoners in
Germany, contrary to the Geneva Convention (_Berl. Ill. Zeit._, No. 15,
11th April, 1915); soldiers taken prisoners, whom they are forcing,
despite Article 6 of the Hague Convention, to do work directed against
their country (_Die Wochenschau_, No. 44, 1914).
We find the same effrontery in respect of the conflagrations started
by their troops: Scharr and Dathe, of Trèves, have edited and placed
on sale, in Belgium itself, a series of fifty picture postcards,
representing localities which the German army has destroyed by fire.
We may mention Dinant, Namur, Louvain, Aerschot, Termonde; and in
Belgium, Luxemburg, Barranzy, Etalles, Èthe, Izel, Jamoigne, Musson,
Eossignol, Tintigny. Let us add that these photographs commonly show
German soldiers and officers striking triumphant attitudes amid the
ruins. The most instructive card of this kind which we have seen is one
representing General Beeger amid the ruins of Dinant. To understand
the full significance of this card, one must remember that it was this
officer who ordered 1,200 of the houses of Dinant to be burned and 700
of the inhabitants to be massacred. It is surprising that he did not
have a few corpses of "francs-tireurs" arranged about him when the
photograph was taken--preferably selected from the old men, women, and
children at the breast.
After the torpedoing of the _Lusitania_ they sold in Belgium a series
of cards entitled _Kriegs-Errinerungs-Karte_, edited by Dr. Trenkler
& Co., of Leipzig, which pictured the operations of submarines. Card
No. 2, of Series XXXIII, represents--very inaccurately, by the way--a
German submarine stopping the _Lusitania_. It is as well to recall the
fact that in this disaster more than 1,500 non-combatants perished,
among them Mme. Antoine Depage, the wife of the well-known Belgian
surgeon.
Nothing ought to surprise us on the part of those who prove that every
means is good provided it is efficacious. Here is what a newspaper,
much respected in Germany, the _Hamburger Fremdenblatt_, has to say in
its weekly illustrated supplement for the 16th May, 1915:--
"In the situation in which Germany now finds herself, attacked on
three sides at once with all the means that cruelty and perfidy
can invent, we must not ask ourselves whether a means of defence
is permitted or prohibited; but whether it is effectual. All that
facilitates the defence must be employed; this is especially true
of the submarine war, and consequently of the destruction of the
_Lusitania_."
_Alfred Heymel on the Battle of Charleroi._
We have already spoken of the articles of Alfred Heymel and Walter
Blöm. Here are some extracts from an article by the former:--
THE BATTLE OF CHARLEROI.
One regiment of cavalry was detrained near the enemy frontier. For
a little while it halted on a manoeuvring ground where the division
to which we were to be attached as scouts was to assemble.
Already many of us were impatient at having to wait longer before
marching to the front; we heard the growling thunder of the
howitzers of the great fortress near the frontier, around which
there had been violent fighting these last few days; we were told
of cruelties that made our hair stand on end, committed, in its
fury, by a people which had for years been excited against us deeds
of cruelty committed against our compatriots, soldiers, civilians,
women and children, because of our violation of a neutrality which
it had itself violated a thousand times over in advance. On our
side we were boiling inwardly to avenge these infamies.... We
breathed more freely only when, in our march beyond the frontier,
we saw the first houses burned in reprisal; a curé, who had
revolted, was hanging from a tree in a neighbouring thicket,
swinging at the will of the wind, when at last the noise of battle
grew plainer....
(They arrive near Charleroi.)
The head of one regiment, led by my friend Lieutenant S----,
trotted forward again, and seized as hostages what civilians it
could catch; some 12 to 16 persons, old and young, fat and thin,
had to march before or between the lancers; more, this portion of
the regiment had received the order from its comrades not to ride
too far ahead.
Something that alarmed me quite particularly, giving me a
presentiment of misfortune, was the fact that the wives of these
civilians burst into weeping: one red-headed woman, frantic, threw
herself down in the road and gave vent to wild screams; others,
behind us, their emaciated arms stretched in the air, threatened
us, although they were several times assured that so long as
nothing was done to us nothing would happen to their husbands,
sons, friends, and lovers. All these significant scenes took place
in the side streets....
(A volley is fired from a barricade--or a railway crossing the
street; it is not clear which.)
I saw two or three cavalrymen fall back in front, and with them
the hostages fell to the ground; my friend was standing, near his
horse. A violent and rapid fire alternated with volleys; we could
not escape on either side; naturally we immediately faced about and
returned in the direction whence we had come; there was a furious
pursuit along the uneven road, with the balls whistling at our
backs. The horses fell, one after another....
Thus from the advance-guard we had become the rear-guard. We had
to consider how we could regain the main body of the troop. In the
first place hostages were taken, some curés among them; the cavalry
and artillery were no longer marching alone and unprotected, but
flanked by the infantry and pioneers; one soon learns when once
one has been caught. With great difficulty we again penetrated
the streets in the smoke and heat, in the midst of the flames
we ourselves had lit; now we continually heard the popping of
cartridges, bursting harmlessly, piled up in the houses, and
betraying the friendly intention of the ex-inmates![32]...
We learned later, when we had found the uniforms, that two
battalions of crack French infantry were distributed everywhere,
in order to organize and discipline the fire of the Belgian
civic guard and the francs-tireurs. The rumour (of marksmen on
the neighbouring heights) spread.... I thought I perceived--this
chilled my heart, and I still hope I was mistaken--that my
cavalrymen, otherwise so brave, did not really feel inclined to
go forward; their gait became slower and slower; they continually
observed more minutiæ and took a longer time in seizing civilians;
in short, I saw the necessity of intervening, at need, against my
own troops, the most heart-breaking thing that can happen to you in
war. In any case I prepared myself, with a heart full of pain, to
face even the abyss of this prospect....
_Kunst und Künstler_, January 1915 (Amm. xiii, part 4).
We must not overlook an article by Captain Walter Blöm, adjutant to
General von Bissing. Herr Blöm, who is greatly admired in Germany,
and whose novels may be seen at this moment on the shelves of the
travellers' libraries installed in our railway stations, does not
hesitate to declare that the conflagrations at Battice and Dinant
were not intended to punish the population, but to terrorize them (p.
84). The article already mentioned, which incidentally describes the
shooting of a French hostage, is highly typical. One sees that the
death of this man--shot because the French army does not consent to
cease its bombardment--does not in the least affect the writer, who
finds the conduct of his countrymen quite natural.
Referring to the systematic pillage effected by the German army,
we have already mentioned (p. 132) the fact that "war booty" was
despatched openly. In this respect, effrontery and impudence have
surely nowhere been carried to greater lengths than in the valley of
the Meuse. All the villas were as a matter of course emptied by the
officers; when they were situated close to the banks of the river
the furniture, etc., was transported on a little steamer, one of
those tourist boats which in summer run between Namur and Dinant. The
boat would stop before each villa, and--without the least attempt to
conceal the nature of the proceedings--the pianos, beautiful pieces
of furniture, clocks, pictures, etc., were piled on the deck. To cite
one case among hundreds, it was thus that the villa of Mme. Wodon, at
Davos, was emptied.
Cynicism and impudence often lend one another mutual support. Let us
recall, for example, the question of asphyxiating gases. Article 23 of
the Hague Convention forbids the employment of poisons. Even in the
siege of Liége our enemies were making use of shells which discharged
poisonous gases at the moment of explosion; it was one of them that
all but poisoned General Leman. It might, however, be supposed that
these toxic vapours were the inevitable result of the detonation of
the explosives with which the shells were loaded. But in April 1915
the Germans suddenly began to accuse their adversaries of the use of
asphyxiating shells (see the German official communiqués of the 9th,
12th, 14th, and 21st April). At the same time they made it known that
their chemists, far abler than those of France or England, were about
to combine substances whose detonation would liberate products far more
toxic than those of the enemy's shells. And on the 22nd April they
preceded their attack on the trenches to the north of Ypres by a cloud
of smoke of a yellowish-green colour, which asphyxiated the French and
Canadians (see _N.R.C._, 29th April, 1914, morning). Now the falsity
of their bragging allegations is obvious. They will not persuade any
one to believe that between the 8th of April and the 22nd May they had
had time to invent the combination of substances capable of giving
off toxic vapours, to manufacture them in sufficient quantities, and
finally to forward the cylinders to the field of battle.
Let us add, moreover, that we knew before the end of March--that is,
before the accusations made against the French--that the Germans were
making experiments on a large scale in the aviation camp at Kiewit,
near Hasselt. They were asphyxiating dogs. It may be supposed that
they presently realized that they had gone a little too far in their
cynicism, for in its issue of the 3rd May, 1915, _Die Wochenschau_,
commenting on the affair of the 22nd April, stated that the attack had
been "ably seconded by technical means."
Still, the palm for cynicism goes to the high authorities. What are we
to think of Baron von der Goltz, whose proclamations state that the
innocent and guilty will be punished without distinction? (p. 144).
Here we begin to see into the mentality of the Germans; swollen with
pride, they consider that all things are permitted to them as against
a people so uncivilized as the Belgians.
Well, incredible as it may seem, the Germans have surpassed themselves
in this department. The same action, accordingly as it is performed
by them or against them, is denounced as a crime or highly approved.
We have already seen this in connection with the bombardment of towns
by aeroplanes and dirigibles. What shall we say of the action of the
German cavalryman, who, surprised by superior forces, surrendered; but,
as he was giving up his arms thought better of it, broke the head of
one of his adversaries, and fled. If a Belgian or a Frenchman had been
guilty of such treachery the Germans could not have found sufficient
terms of abuse to heap upon his head; but as he was a German his action
became _ein kühnes Reiterstückchen_ (a "Bold exploit of a Cavalryman").
More--this incident is reported in the first number of the pamphlets
of propaganda distributed by order of the German authorities--the
_Journal de la Guerre_. Not only do they find no cause for blame in a
soldier who has committed so vile an action; they are proud of him, and
take pains to celebrate his glory in neutral countries.
Here are two other examples, bearing on matters of much greater
importance. On the 4th August, 1914, the very day on which they were
violating the neutrality of Belgium, and were commencing to punish
us, at Visé, for having dared to resist them, they expressed their
satisfaction in the fact that Switzerland was scrupulously remaining
neutral. M. Waxweiler (p. 52) calls our attention to this contradiction
in their attitude toward the two neutral countries--Belgium and
Switzerland. Moreover, they had the impudence to placard their
satisfaction in the neutrality of Switzerland about the streets of
Brussels.
NEWS PUBLISHED BY THE GERMAN GENERAL GOVERNMENT.
BERNE, _7th February_.--The representative of the Bund has been
received in Berlin by Herr von Jagow, Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, who spoke of Switzerland in the most friendly
manner. Herr von Jagow says: The strictly neutral attitude of
Switzerland has produced the most favourable impression in Germany.
We take a very keen interest in a neutral, independent, and
powerful Switzerland.
THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT IN BELGIUM.
While in Belgium they burn houses and torture civilians, on the pretext
that the latter have fired on them, they congratulate the Hungarian
peasants who took up arms to defend their country against the Russian
invader. The contrast here is so obvious that it even struck one
German--Herr Maximilian Harden. In an article in _Jingoism, a Disease
of the Mind_, he reproaches his compatriots with having two weights
and two measures (published in _Vorwärts_, August 1914).
They push their effrontery to the point of photographing their own
francs-tireurs, so that no doubt may be left in our minds. The _Berl.
Ill. Zeit._ of the 16th March, 1915 (p. 261), gives a photograph "from
the theatre of the war in the Carpathians"--"Ruthenian Peasant employed
in the Austro-Hungarian Army to guard roads and telegraph-lines." The
peasant, without uniform, carries a rifle.
Lastly, let us cite a case in which cynicism is allied to pedantry. On
the calcined walls of the Hôtel de Ville of Dinant (burned on the 23rd
and 24th August, 1914) is a chronogram. The letters are cut in a slab
of marble let into the wall facing the Meuse. The fire had rendered the
inscription illegible, but the commandant of the town, in March 1915,
had the slab re-painted black and the letters re-gilt. This is the
inscription:--
PAX ET SALVS
NEVTRA LITATEM
SERVANT IBVS DETVR.
("May peace and security be granted to those who preserve
neutrality.")
(1637.)
Herr Otto Eduard Schmidt, returning from the French front by way
of Dinant, was struck by this inscription. "I could not learn for
certain," he says, "by questioning passing soldiers of the Landsturm,
whether the inscription had lately been placed there or had merely
been re-gilt. But in any case, I should regard it an insult to German
authority, and I am astonished that this insult should be tolerated"
(O. E. Schmidt, _Eine Fahrt zu den Sachsen an die Front_, p. 131). What
would Herr Schmidt say if he knew that it was his own countrymen who,
in a fit of shameless cynicism, caused this inscription to be renovated?
_Surrender of the Critical Spirit. Refusal to Examine the Accusations
of Cruelty._
Painfully moved by the horrors committed in Belgium, M. Charles Magnet,
the National Grand Master of Belgian Freemasonry, wrote on the 9th
September to nine German lodges, requesting them to institute, by
common consent, an inquiry into the facts. Since the Germans denied the
atrocities of which their troops were accused, and, on the other hand,
were accusing the Belgians of maltreating the wounded, such an inquiry
could only have a happy result. Two lodges only replied. "The request
is superfluous; this inquiry would be an insult to our army," replied
the Darmstadt lodge. "Our troops are not ill-conducted; it would even
be dangerous to recommend them to display sensibility and kindness,"
replied the Bayreuth lodge.
The argument may be summarized thus: "We know, as Germans, that we
possess the truth; it is useless, therefore, to go in search of it with
the help of an impartial commission." In a second letter M. Magnet
commented on these evasions, as contrary to the spirit of brotherhood
as to the scientific spirit.
Let it not be supposed that the refusal to examine, objectively and
impartially, the German and the Belgian accusations, is peculiar to
Freemasonry. On the 24th January, 1915, Cardinal Mercier requested the
German authorities in Belgium to set up a commission comprising both
Germans and Belgians, under the presidency of a representative of a
neutral country. His request was accorded no reply.
Thus the Germans refuse to allow any light to be thrown on their
actions and those of the Belgians. Why this opposition to a faithful
search for the truth? They fear, perhaps, that the truth will be
unfavourable to them. That is undoubtedly one of their reasons; but we
do not think it can be the only reason; and the principal reason for
their refusal is without doubt the voluntary blindness to which they
have one and all subjected themselves since the outbreak of the war.
They have decided, one would imagine, to accept, without any
discussion, whatever is decreed by authority, which they invest with
the absolute truth; every German calmly receives that portion of the
truth which the Government thinks fit to dispense to its faithful, and
no German permits himself to ask for more. _Magister dixit_: the Staff
has spoken!
Since the month of August a strict censorship has been exercised over
the Press. _Vorwärts_ and other Socialist sheets have several times
been suspended. The _Kölnischer Volkszeitung_ was suspended on the 11th
September, 1914, for having published articles disposing of at least a
part of the so-called Belgian atrocities.... And then, apparently, it
proceeded to take them for granted; for afterwards it even aggravated
the accusations brought against the Belgians.
The _Vossische Zeitung_ itself, official as it is, had its issue of the
1st December, 1914, seized on account of an article on a commission of
the Reichstag (_N.R.C._, 3rd December, 1914, evening). At the same time
the Government was careful to stop all foreign books and newspapers.
This prohibition is so strict that Dutch working-men going to work
in Germany are not allowed to wrap their sandwiches in newspaper
(_N.R.C._, 10th December, 1914, evening).
In Germany even people are beginning to find the censorship a little
too strict. Before the Budget Commission of the Reichstag Herr
Scheidemann, the Socialist deputy, complained that in the district
of Rüstringen certain of the German official communiqués even were
prohibited. The newspapers may not leave blank the spaces caused by the
censorship, as the latter must not appear. At Strasburg the censorship
prohibited the publication of articles dealing with the increased price
of milk. At Dortmund the Socialist newspapers were subjected to a
preventive censorship for having inserted an article by the sociologist
Lujo Brentano, one of the "Ninety-three," professor at the University
of Münich (_N.R.C._, 16th May, 1913, morning).
Does the German public, knowing that the newspapers publish none but
articles inspired by authority, or at least controlled thereby, accept
this sophisticated mental pabulum in good part? Or does it make an
effort to procure foreign publications? One must believe that it does
not, for in that case the "intellectuals," better informed, would cease
to blindly accept the official declarations.
"But," it will perhaps be said, "since the Government forbids the
introduction of foreign newspapers, it is radically impossible to
obtain them." We do not know just how the Germans could obtain
pamphlets and newspapers, but we do know that in Belgium we read
prohibited literature every day--French, Dutch, and English. Any one
who does not intend to resign himself to living in an oubliette will
succeed, in spite of everything, in opening some chink that the light
may shine through; and this light, when we have received it, we hasten
to share. It is forbidden, under the severest penalties, including the
capital, to introduce newspapers into Belgium; it is forbidden, under
the same penalties, to publish and distribute "false news," as our
masters call it. It makes little difference to us; not an article or
book of importance appears abroad but it reaches us, and two days later
it is secretly distributed in thousands of copies. There will be a
curious book for some one to write when the war is over, on the subject
of the strange and ingenious means employed by the Belgians, prisoners
in their own country since August 1914, to obtain and distribute
prohibited letterpress.
There is accordingly no doubt that if the Germans really wished it
they could without great difficulty obtain reliable "documentation."
But they do not wish it. They, of late so proud of their critical
spirit, who made it their rule, so they professed--and their glory,
as was thought--to accept only that which their reason commanded them
to believe! They have abdicated their critical faculty; they have
sacrificed it to the militarist Moloch. And to-day, with eyes closed,
they swallow all that the Government and its reptile Press presents to
them.
_The Abolition of Free Discussion in Germany._
What am I saying? Not only are they ready to swallow all the lies
offered to them; they have even abolished liberty of speech among
themselves. A striking example of this fact was given by the _N.R.C._
(of the 16th November, 1914, morning edition). Dr. Wekberg, one of the
three editors of a German periodical, the _Revue des Volksrechts_,
retired from his editorship because his colleagues refused to insert an
article in which he declared that Germany's attitude towards Belgium
was perhaps disputable. It would be difficult to push intolerance of
criticism much farther.
In the same connection we may recall the sessions of the Reichstag
of the 4th August, 1914, the 2nd December, 1914, and the 20th March,
1915. At the first session not a voice protested against the war. At
the second, the Socialist deputy, Dr. Karl Liebknecht, asked leave
to present some objections, which indeed were timid enough; he was
at once disowned by his party. On the 20th March the deputy Ledebour
permitted himself to criticize the proclamation of Marshal von
Hindenburg, prescribing the burning of three Russian villages for any
German village burned by the Russians. Both these deputies expressed
the opinion that it is iniquitous to punish the innocent in the place
of the guilty. Immediately the whole assembly, Socialists included,
copiously abused and insulted the two speakers. We may remark that Herr
Ledebour was discussing not a strategical measure, but a prescription
that was merely inhuman (see _K.Z._, 20th March, 1915, evening).
These few examples are enough to show that the Socialists lend
themselves to militarist domestication with the same docility as the
"bourgeois" parties. As for the Catholic remnant in the Reichstag, its
docility surpasses even that of the Socialists.
In short, all the political parties, without exception, have abdicated
their liberty of thought, to accept, obsequiously and without the
slightest attempt at discussion, the ready-made opinions provided by
authority. Such, in Germany, is the power of discipline, that all
have submitted without protest--one might almost say wantonly--to
the voluntary extirpation of the critical spirit. But the inevitable
results of this servility were not long in showing themselves; having
renounced the employment of reason, the Germans now accept the most
extravagant lies.
_German Credulity._
We have remarked that one day a curious book may be written as to the
expedients invented by the Belgians to obtain news from abroad and to
distribute it throughout the country. Equally interesting--but how
discouraging, from the standpoint of the progressive evolution of
the human mind--will be the book containing the amazing examples of
credulity afforded by the Germans during this war. When speaking of
the German accusations against the Belgians we cited the case of the
rifles collected in the Hôtel de Ville, which were exhibited to the
German soldiers as the irrefutable proof of the official premeditation
of the "franc-tireur" campaign (p. 90). Not only were the soldiers
thus deluded. A well-known novelist, Herr Fedor von Zobeltitz,
visiting in Antwerp a museum of arms, which contained war weapons of
the Middle Ages, cried: "See how Belgium made ready for the war!" Was
he sincere? It is difficult to say, for artists often allow their
sensibility to run away with them. One may say the same of the Kaiser,
who also declared that Belgium had long been preparing for the "war
of francs-tireurs"; and even, perhaps, of Herr Bethmann-Hollweg, who
spoke, in his manifesto to the American newspapers, of gouged-out
eyes and other atrocities whose falsity he could very easily have
ascertained.
NEWS PUBLISHED BY THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT.
BERLIN, _10th September_.--The _Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_
publishes the following telegram addressed by the Emperor to
President Wilson of the United States:--
"I consider it my duty, Mr. President, to inform you, in your
quality of a most distinguished representative of humanitarian
principles, of the fact that my troops discovered, after the
capture of the French fortress of Longwy, in that fortress,
thousands of dum-dum bullets made in special workshops by the
Government. Bullets of the same kind have been found on dead
soldiers, or wounded or prisoners, of English nationality. You know
what horrible wounds and sufferings are caused by these balls, and
that their employment is forbidden by the recognized principles of
international law. I therefore raise a solemn protest against such
a mode of making war, which has become, thanks to the methods of
our adversaries, one of the most barbarous of history.
"Not only have they themselves employed this cruel weapon, but
the Belgian Government has openly encouraged the civil population
to take part in this war, which it had carefully for a long time
prepared. The cruelties inflicted, in the course of this guerilla
war, by women and even by priests, upon wounded soldiers, doctors,
and hospital nurses (doctors have been killed and hospitals fired
on) have been such that my generals have finally found themselves
obliged to resort to the most rigorous means to chastise the guilty
and to prevent the bloodthirsty population from continuing these
abominable, criminal, and hateful acts. Many villages, and even
the city of Louvain, have had to be demolished (except the very
beautiful Hôtel de Ville) in the interest of our defence and the
protection of our troops. My heart bleeds when I see that such
measures have been rendered inevitable, and when I think of the
innumerable innocent persons who have lost their homes and their
belongings as a result of the deeds of the criminals in question.
"WILHELM I.R."
THE GERMAN MILITARY GOVERNMENT.
DECLARATION OF THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EMPIRE TO THE ASSOCIATED AND
UNITED PRESS, NEW YORK.
... In this way England will tell your compatriots that the German
troops have burned and sacked Belgian towns and villages, but
she will carefully conceal the fact that young Belgian girls have
gouged out the eyes of wounded men stretched defenceless on the
field of battle, that the functionaries of Belgian towns have
invited German officers to dinner and have treacherously shot
them dead at table. Contrary to international law, the whole
civil population of Belgium has been called to arms[33] and has
treacherously risen against our troops with concealed arms and a
perfidy incredible after having first of all feigned a friendly
welcome. Belgian women have cut the throats of German soldiers
quartered on them while they slept....
_Journal de la Guerre_ (an organ of German propaganda).
We will suppose, for the time being--to be extremely generous to the
Kaiser and his Chancellor--that they accepted, in good faith, the
accusations of cruelty brought against the Belgians, and that they
carefully refrained from investigating them, so that they should not be
forced to recognize their imbecility.
_Voluntary Blindness of the "Intellectual._"
Perhaps it will be objected that the examples hitherto cited emanate
chiefly from politicians and literary men, who are not accustomed to
exercise their judgment. But there are also the manifestoes of the
professorial body, that is, those whose essential mission consists in
passing facts and ideas through the sieve of criticism, to isolate the
true from the false, and to extract from error the fragment of truth
which may have fallen into it. For what is the effect of teaching, of
whatever degree, if it is not the constant alertness of the critical
spirit, which seeks, in all things and at every moment, to separate
that which is true and which should therefore be communicated to the
disciple from the medley of false and useless things which may with
impunity be abandoned to oblivion? And when the teacher is also a
seeker, has he not once more unceasingly to exercise his critical
spirit, that he may recognize in the host of ideas which present
themselves to him those which may lead him to the desired end--and,
once this is attained, those which he may use as a touchstone to test
experimentally the validity of these deductions? In short, for the
professor and the scientific worker there is no intellectual faculty
more indispensable than the critical spirit.
Now among those who have dashed into the lists to champion, with their
pens, the rights of Germany, and to crush her adversaries, we must
make a quite special mention of the professors and schoolmasters. Let
us begin with the latter. Their principal argument in denial of the
barbarous conduct of which the German troops have been accused, is
that it would be incompatible with the flourishing condition of the
educational institutions of Germany. As though elementary education
was capable of eliminating from humanity the profound imprints of its
intimate mentality! Instruction may hide them, as under a veneer, but
it can never cause their disappearance.
The Germans, after Sadowa and the war of 1870-1, declared that the
whole honour of their victories was due to their primary education.
"The French campaign is the triumph of the German schoolmaster." Those
who in Belgium have seen the villages devastated by fire and the graves
of the civilians shot, and above all the pillaged homes, with furniture
and crockery broken into small fragments, and the filthy beds, will
carry away the impression that "the Belgian campaign is the bankruptcy
of the German schoolmaster."
_The Manifesto of the "Ninety-three."_
The famous manifesto of the "ninety-three Intellectuals" to the
civilized world is only too well known, and has already been so
universally execrated, that there is no need to discuss it at length.
The reading of this document, which ought to be carefully preserved
for the edification of future generations, might almost make us doubt
the sanity of the signatories. How could they have imagined that "the
civilized world" would accept their affirmations and their denials?
Both are equally devoid of proof. To cite only one proposition--what
are we to think of the amazing declaration that not a single Belgian
citizen has lost his life or his property--except in the case of
the bitterest necessity? Have they never seen the train-loads of
"war-booty" entering Germany? It would certainly be interesting to
hear them explain what is the "bitter necessity," under whose empire
pianos and pictures have to be carried off from Belgium, or that which
compels the Germans to force the collecting-boxes in the churches, or
that which made them shoot Father Dupierreux for writing in his diary
impressions unfavourable to the Germans!
It would be cruel to insist. The "Ninety-three" have already earned,
as the first penalty of their evil action, the disgust of the whole
world. Further dissection of their libel inevitably leads us to the
conclusion that the signatories display therein either their lack
of intelligence or their servility; and that their only plausible
excuse is that they allowed themselves to be carried away by their
German pride, the most incommensurable, intolerant, and insupportable
which the world has ever known. We will confine ourselves to
referring the reader to the principal replies which were made to the
manifesto of the "Ninety-three." They are those of M. Seippel, Mr.
Church, the Portuguese Academy of Sciences, the French Academy of
Inscriptions and Belles Lettres, the French Academy of Medicine, the
French Universities, the Zoological Society of France, the English
"intellectuals," M. Ruyssen, M. Vandervelde, and _Simplicissimus_.
There is yet one point to be mentioned. The declaration of the German
"intellectuals" was first made known to us by an article in the _Kriegs
Echo_ of the 16th October, 1914, entitled _Es ist Nicht Wahr_, and
giving the whole manifesto, excepting the signatures and the paragraph
referring to Louvain. Well! when we had read this tissue of flagrant
lies we attributed it to some journalist who dared not even sign his
name to his lucubrations. And when, later, we were told that the
authors--or more exactly the signatories--comprised some of the most
celebrated writers in Germany, we believed the whole thing must be a
hoax. But we had to admit the evidence. It was for many of us a very
painful moment when our illusions as to the stability of science in
Germany were thus dispelled.
_The Manifesto of the 3,125 Professors._
Did the Government consider that the representatives of science and
art were not yet sufficiently compromised, and that they had not yet
sufficiently involved the fate of the Universities with that of
Militarism? In any case, only a few days after the publication of the
manifesto of the "Ninety-three" a fresh declaration appeared, devoted
entirely to the promotion of the solidarity of superior education
with the army, and signed by 3,125 names, or those of almost all the
professors of Germany.
The mentality of the masters pales before that of the disciples.
The Brussels correspondent of the _N.R.C._ relates (_N.R.C._, 11th
November, 1914, morning), that of the innumerable soldiers whom he
has seen passing, the only ones whose attitude was insolent were
young university students of Berlin. Moreover, the German Socialists
who visited our _Maison du Peuple_ avowed that the troops who burned
Louvain were principally composed of "intellectuals"!
Besides the intellectuals of the teaching profession and the arts,
those "barbarian scholars," as M. Emile Boutroux calls them, there
is another category, which has likewise been mobilized to defend the
militarist spirit and the Hohenzollern dynasty. This is the clergy:
Protestant pastors, Catholic priests, Israelitish rabbis; all without
distinction have been touched by the militarist grace and have entered
the campaign for the good cause.
_The Protestant Pastors._
Honour where honour is due! Herr O. Dryander, first preacher to the
Court of Berlin, published a collective letter, drafted by himself,
Herr Lahusen, and Herr Axenfeld, in reply to M. Babut's appeal for a
declaration from the Christians of the belligerent countries, demanding
that the war should be conducted conformably with Christian principles
and the laws of humanity.[34] Herr Dryander and his acolytes refuse
to entertain the idea that "a step of this nature could be necessary
in Germany in order that the war shall be conducted conformably with
Christian ideas and the claims of the most elementary humanity."
Without cross-examination, without any sort of discussion, they adopt
the accusations made against the armies of the Allies, and they deny
the actions of which the Germans are accused. This is, as will be seen,
the same method as that of the German Freemasons in an analogous case.
Then they naturally sing the old refrain: "The war has been forced upon
Germany" (they do not say "by Belgium"). In short, there is no need to
throw any light on the subject, as there is already light within their
minds, and the German mind is of course the only mind one must take
into account.
The same theologian has published several pamphlets of sermons;
_Evangelische Reden in Schwerer Zeit_. The general theme remains
the same. "We have been compelled to accept war" (1, p. 5); "We are
fighting for our _Kultur_ against the absence of _Kultur_--for German
morality against barbarism--for the free German personality, attached
to God, against the instincts of the disorderly masses" (1, p. 7). "If
God be for us, who can be against us?"[35] "Now if ever there was a
just cause assuredly it is ours" (1, p. 9). "War is a duty only when
it is undertaken for legitimate defence.... Let us thank God that in
the present war our state of legitimate defence is so secure and so
evident, and that it is almost every day stayed up by fresh proofs;
also we have unshakable confidence in our right and in the purity of
our conscience" (2, pp. 38-9).
Here is a sermon of a somewhat peculiar kind. Herr Busch, having
explained that Germany is like a peaceful stroller who suddenly finds
himself attacked by two assassins, and then by a third (p. 5), declares
that "in spite of all the German soldiers love their enemies." "God
be thanked," he says, "we have already read of most touching examples
in the newspapers. A German sergeant-major, who had been obliged to
have a man and woman shot, in Belgium, after a council of war, adopted
their only child, a little girl of two or three years; for he was
himself without children; as his regiment soon afterwards left for
Eastern Prussia, and was passing through his own town, he took the
child to give it to his wife" (p. 9). Pray God--we might add, whose
civilization is only Belgian--that there are not too many married men
without children among the soldiers of the Kaiser, for they have a way
of making orphans in order to adopt them which would cost our country
dear.
Herr Correvon, pastor of the Reformed Church (French-speaking) in
Frankfort-on-Main, preached a sermon on the 9th August, 1914, on the
text: "If God be for us, who can be against us?" His arguments amount
to this: Germany, having the right on her side, will have God on her
side also. He naturally speaks of "the firm and admirable speech of the
Chancellor, a man whom I can only compare with a Duplessis-Mornay, the
minister of Henri IV" (p. 11). Then, having summarized the Emperor's
speech, he cried: "To solve the alarming problem of these social
questions ... it needed only the potent gesture with which the God who
is always the strong city, the '_feste Burg_' of Germany, the God of
Luther, the God of Paul Gerhard and Sebastian Bach, has pronounced the
terrible and perhaps the liberating word: 'You wish for war, you shall
have it'!"
We see that from the very first days of the war, before any one could
have verified the statements of the Chancellor, the Protestant pastors
of Germany, even those of foreign origin, unhesitatingly accepted the
official assertions. Is it as pastors that they stand forth as the
stern defenders of the rights of truth? Are they not rather spiritless
courtiers, we might almost say like the sheep of Panurge?
_The Catholic Priests and Rabbis._
The Catholic priests have given proofs of equal docility. Mgr. the
Cardinal Felix von Hartmann, Archbishop of Cologne, says in _The Divine
Providence_, a pastoral letter read on the 25th of January, 1915:--
"Our warriors have gone forth to the bloody conflict, with God, for
King and Country! With God, in the conflict which has been forced
upon us, the fight for the salvation and the liberty of our dear
German land; with God, in the war for the sacred possessions of
Christianity and its beneficent civilization. And what exploits
have not our warriors accomplished, under the protection of God,
under the leadership of their wonderful chiefs, the Emperor and
the German Princes, exploits whose glory shall shine in times to
come! And more, what precious treasures of devotion, of love for
one's neighbour, and of nobility, has not this war revealed, in our
country as on the field of battle!"
The curate August Ritzl, however, falls into the sin of pride.
"Kultur has received an unheard-of impulse in Germany; the human
spirit has subjected the most diverse forces of nature.... A
glance at the map shows us the German Empire as the centre of
Europe. On all sides, near and far, enemies are intent on the ruin
of our country. To the east the giant empire of Russia threatens
us--to the west, violent France, still strong despite her moral
decay--allied with English perfidy and Belgian cruelty; Japan,
Serbia, and Egypt have also declared war upon us" (pp. 26-27).
Well, reverend sir, before proclaiming the cruelty of the Belgians,
before asserting, from the vantage of the pulpit of Truth, that Serbia
and Egypt have declared war on Germany, a little circumspection and
critical sense would not have been out of place!
Let us also cite the sermon preached on the 9th August, in the
synagogue of Schwerin, by Dr. S. Silberstein, rabbi of the Grand Duchy
of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. "They have forced us to put our hand to the
sword; we execrate the perfidy with which our enemies are fighting us;
we wish to ward off the danger that threatens us in honourable combat."
So the Jewish rabbis knew as early as the 9th August that it was
Germany that had been attacked, and that the other nations were forgers!
Useless to prolong the series.... We should be only repeating
ourselves; for all the preachers, of whatever confession, repeat the
same lesson, almost in the same words: "The war which has been forced
upon us ... our treacherous enemies ... our loyal allies ... the cruel
Belgians ... our excellent soldiers, allying goodness to bravery ...
our heroic leaders...."
B.--Untruthfulness.
To describe frankly and completely the attitude of the Germans in
Belgium during the present war, without speaking of their duplicity,
would be an impossible task; so that the reader must not be surprised
that on every page of our record we have pinned down at least one
lie. We must not forget that modern Germany follows the examples of
Bismarck, and that Bismarck himself proclaimed that he had caused the
outbreak of the war of 1870 by a skilful falsification of a Government
despatch. At the time of the centenary of the Iron Chancellor's
birth--the 1st April, 1915--the German newspapers gave their lyric
enthusiasm a loose rein; but none of the endless dithyrambics
consecrated to the glorification of the Great Man contained a single
word of blame for the forgery itself--abominable as it was--nor for the
ostentatious impudence with which its author confessed it.
What honesty can we expect in a people which praises to the skies a
forger because he was a forger, and a forger proud of his skill!
1. A FEW LIES.
Number 50 of _Die Wochenschau_ (1914, p. 1588) contains a photograph
in which we see sailors loading a gun installed among sand-hills. The
inscription underneath (translated from the German) reads: "Belgian
gun, captured and served by German sailors on the coast of the
Channel." The Channel! The Germans have never been there: they did set
out, full of enthusiasm, for Calais, and then the shore of the Channel,
and then London. But in that direction they never got farther than
Lombartzyde, on the right bank of the Yser. But they prefer to let it
be believed that they command the Channel, so they have chosen the
Channel coast for the site of their gun--on paper. Then this "Belgian
gun" is of a curious type for a piece of Belgian artillery; our guns
have a rectangular shield, while the shield of the German guns is
round--just like that in the photograph! Finally, one may ask what the
gunners are aiming at on this seashore, with their small gun? Certainly
not one of the English vessels bombarding the Belgian coast, for these
lie much too far out to sea; perhaps the Germans are amusing themselves
by firing shells at the shrimpers, to repeat their memorable exploit of
the 8th September, 1914? Well, that makes three flagrant lies to one
single photograph!
Number 15 of _Die Wochenschau_ (1915) gives on page 463 a view of
the interior of the Palais de Justice in Brussels. Here is the
description--a French translation is given: "German soldiers in the
hall of the Assize Court in the Palais de Justice of Brussels. Brussels
having become the seat of the German General Government for Belgium,
has naturally a strong garrison and a very animated military life. The
famous Palais de Justice on the Place Poelaert also houses a great
number of soldiers. Nothing is more singular than the picture presented
by this imposing and luxurious building with the new inmates in
'campaigning grey' who are installed there. A thousand precautions are
taken so that nothing shall be spoiled; and while wherever the enemy
has trodden on German soil it will be necessary to work for a long time
rebuilding the buildings he has destroyed, no one will perceive, who
sees the superb halls of the Palais de Justice in Brussels, that the
German soldiers are billeted there."
To understand the full beauty of this pleasantry one has only to look
at the picture. One sees there the linen which these soldiers are
drying on clotheslines stretched across the "luxurious hall"; this,
apparently, is one of the "thousand precautions" taken in order that
nothing may be spoiled.
It was desired to prove that England had already been forced to send
marines into France. No. 27 of the _Illustrierte Kriegs-Kurier_,
a semi-official, subsidized organ, represents "President Poincaré
visiting the British forces in France. One sees him reviewing the
artillery of the Royal Marines." And we do see President Poincaré
passing in front of two ranks of British soldiers armed with rifles.
But was it in France that this review took place, during the present
war? Consult the July number of the French illustrated periodical,
_Lectures pour tous_, for 1913. On page 1245 you will find a
photograph entitled "The Consecration of the Entente Cordiale. M.
Poincaré, accompanied by the Prince of Wales, reviewing his guard of
honour on his arrival at Portsmouth (24th June, 1913)." Now the same
personages and the same soldiers figure in the two photographs; and the
surroundings are the same. The only difference is that one photograph
was taken a moment later than the other.
It seems that trickery of this kind is believed not to be a German
speciality. Our neighbours accuse the Russians and the English of the
same fault. But a kind of lie of which Germany may boldly claim the
paternity and the exclusive monopoly is that which consists in denying,
or at least in considerably diminishing, the extent of their acts of
vandalism. On the other hand, they try to deceive their readers as to
the causes of the destruction of Belgian towns.
Thus they are now trying to make people believe that Louvain was not
intentionally burned, but that the town suffered a bombardment. This
is the legend which they related to Dr. Sven Hedin, while calling his
attention to the accuracy of their fire:--
"Eleven miles to Louvain. Once in the town one goes a good way
before coming to the first ruins. By no means all Louvain has
been destroyed by the bombardment, as is imagined. Hardly a fifth
of the town is destroyed. It is true that this fifth included
many precious buildings, which cannot be replaced; particularly
regrettable is the loss of the library. In the midst of this
destruction, however, like a rock in the midst of the sea, rises
the Hôtel de Ville, the proud jewel of the period of 1450, with its
six slender open towers. I went right round the Hôtel de Ville, and
I could not with the best will in the world discover a scratch on
these walls, with their prodigal richness of ornamentation. Perhaps
there may somewhere be a scratch from a shell-splinter which
escaped my eyes. Thanks to the excellence of the German fire not a
single moulding of the six towers has been damaged. The reason for
the bombardment of Louvain is known. The civil population fired
from the windows on the German troops at the time of their entering
the town, and as this crime could not be punished otherwise, the
houses were burned by bombardment. When the German soldiers sought
to extinguish the flames in the houses adjacent to the Hôtel de
Ville the francs-tireurs again fired on them with their carbines.
_Any other army in the world would have done the same_, and the
Germans have themselves profoundly regretted that they were forced
against their will to resort to such means."
(SVEN HEDIN, _Ein Volk in Waffen_, p. 149.)
They told the same story at Termonde to Herren Koester and Noske: "It
is certain," say these gentlemen, "that Termonde was not intentionally
burned."
On the other hand, the Germans try to dissemble the extent of the
damage inflicted. In the October issue of the official and propagandist
_Journal de la Guerre_ they give a plan of Louvain on which the parts
destroyed are shown by shading. Now this plan is falsified in two
ways. In the first place, no distinction is made between the portion
built on and that occupied by market gardeners, which is considerable;
so that the ratio of the part destroyed to the part left intact is
distorted. Secondly, this portion is absolutely diminished; many
quarters burned are shown as intact; to mention only one example, the
Old Market, where only the College of the Josephites and a few adjacent
houses have been left standing, is marked as untouched by fire.
There is yet another kind of graphic lie which is peculiar to the
Germans. They are experts at displaying sentimentality to order; a
sentimentality, by the way, which goes ill with their incontestable
cruelty. Thus they have several times published photographs
representing German soldiers sharing their bread or soup with French
and Belgian women or children. One is particularly inclined to let
oneself be touched by the kindliness of these German warriors,
who, after having been so treacherously attacked by the terrible
"francs-tireurs," now take the bread from their own mouths to feed
the starving population.... What these public demonstrations of
German generosity and magnanimity are worth one may judge from the
photograph published in No. 16 of the _Illustrierte Kriegs-Kurier_. (It
is interesting to note that it is always the _Kurier_, semi-official
and subsidized, which bears the palm for sincerity.) The illustration
shows that "the soldiers of the German Landsturm share their bread with
French children." Now, this little scene, otherwise very convincing,
is not laid in France but in Belgium, in the railway station at
Buysinghen, near Hal. It is wholly "faked."
This is not the only instance in which the Germans have built up
scenes to be photographed or cinematographed. Here is another. On the
20th October, 1914, a military band had been playing on the terrace
of the Botanical Gardens of Brussels, and some German officers were
strolling round the musicians. At the same time a cinematographic
camera was set up in the Rue Royale. It was naturally hoped that large
numbers of the public would gather near the band, so that a nice
film could be obtained, showing a crowd of Belgian citizens present
at a military concert, and fraternizing with the German officers.
Alas, the Germans had counted without the hatred which the people
of Brussels entertain for anything which concerns our oppressors!
At the first thumps of the big drum the promenaders rapidly melted
away, and the disappointed officers were left alone. The scheme
had failed! A fresh attempt was made on the 26th, on the Boulevard
Anspach, near the Bourse; that is, at the busiest spot in Brussels.
The number of passers-by there is always so great that it is easy to
give the impression of a crowd. Yet those who had occasion to preside
over the unwinding of the film discovered that not a few people were
ostentatiously turning their backs upon the musicians. This, by the
way, is the favourite attitude of the people of Brussels when, at
about eleven o'clock each morning, the military band--a true barbarian
orchestra--passes down the Rue Royale and along the Park.
No. 31 of this semi-official journal shows "the band of the German
Marines which plays every Sunday at Zeebrugge." Now a street like that
represented, with tall contiguous houses and large shops, does not
exist in Zeebrugge.
No. 3 of the same paper (it must certainly justify the Government
subsidy) shows us, in these photographs, the entry of the German
Marines into Antwerp. Only the photographs were taken in Brussels, at
the corner of the Rue de la Loi and the Rue Ducale.
The same number contains two photographs of the Hôtel de Ville,
Louvain: "Before and after the Bombardment"(!)
Naturally our Washingtonian enemies do not miss their opportunities
of falsifying picture postcards. In January 1915 they were selling in
Belgium a card entitled _Kriegsoperationskarte als Feld-Postbrief_
(published by Forkel, Stuttgart), according to which they were
occupying, in Flanders, a region considerably to the west of the Yser;
their front reaching to Oost-Dunkerke and Poperinghe. Another card,
showing the country round Verdun, is even more flagrantly untruthful.
_Written Lies._
Let us pass on to the written lies.
The reader will remember the innumerable lies told by the German Press
respecting the attitude of the Belgian population toward the German
residents in our towns (p. 106), the German wounded (p. 99), and the
German troops passing through or billeted in them. We shall not return
to these again, save to refer to other inventions which the Germans
employed to excite their troops against ours.
Not content with accusing us of the most unspeakable crimes against
their army, the Germans have even accused us of odious crimes against
our own countrymen. In this way they seek to prove the bestially
ferocious character of the Belgians.
In the booklet entitled _Sturmnacht in Loewen_ (A Night of Alarm in
Louvain) Herr Robert Heymann, after reminding his readers of the
cruelties of which the Belgians were guilty in Antwerp, Brussels, etc.,
adds that these savage deeds were by no means surprising on the part of
a people which does not even respect its own fellow-citizens. Then (p.
8) he relates the "Brutalities committed against a Convent." This is
too interesting an effort to suffer a word of suppression.
BRUTAL ATTACK ON A CONVENT.
Let us hear one of those concerned relate his tribulations. The
story constitutes an important document, testifying to the high
level of Germany as regards morality and _Kultur_: Germany, who has
something better to do in this war than to commit any bloodthirsty
action.
A great mission has fallen to Germany, and the day is no longer
distant when all the neutral nations will realize this.
This is the "story of the Brothers of Silence."
The convent of the Jesuits is situated quite close to Liége, on a
hill about 600 yards from the southern fort (_a_). I had been a
brother of the convent for two years. We brothers do not read the
newspapers, and by reason of our vow of silence (_b_) we do not
speak either, so that we knew nothing about the war.
On Tuesday, the 6th August, I, simultaneously with seven other
brothers, took the watch from noon to midnight. In the night, at
11.15, I suddenly heard a sound completely unknown to me. I went
out into the courtyard, whence, to one side, I could see Liége and
its forts. I saw, at some distance, in the sky, a little light;
this told me that the thing was in the air. I intended to pursue my
rounds, but the snoring sound which was approaching, although the
life of the world has no interest for me, made me halt. The light
came nearer and nearer; the noise had ceased. The idea occurred
to me that this might be a dirigible; but no, all of a sudden a
blinding light illumined the earth. It is the star of the Magi,
announcing something, I thought; I will follow it with my eyes.
In the radiance down below I saw everything plainly--portions of
the fortress and other things. Then, lit up by reflection from the
illuminated earth, I saw that there really was a powerful dirigible
there (_c_). I felt inclined to shout for joy; I had never yet
seen a dirigible. The light lasted only a few seconds, but to me
it seemed a long time. My eyes were not yet accustomed to the
darkness of the night, when I heard a crash. I looked up to the
sky; I saw nothing; the little light was quietly moving away; but
down below there was plenty to see--fire, and smoke! In the light I
could easily see everything. I also heard the echo. I had not had
time to recover from my great alarm when a second light appeared
on the earth, rather close to me. This time I could see still more
clearly that it was a dirigible. It seemed to me that at the end of
a long cable was suspended, very low down, a metal car, in which
stood a man. I saw him distinctly with his two hands throwing an
object into the illumined part. Immediately afterwards the light
on the ground disappeared. I continued, however, to gaze at the
same spot. A mighty sheaf of fire gushed up, while great blocks
were thrown into the air on every side. What a terrible crash! My
ear-drums seemed broken; I was as though deaf. The earth trembled
so violently underfoot that I staggered. Greatly alarmed, I still
watched the same place. The blinding sheaf of fire had turned
into a dense mass of smoke, which was rising slowly into the air.
Little by little it grew lighter, like a white vapour. Finally the
vicinity lit up as though on fire.
I tried to note whether the fire was spreading, when I was
shaken by a fresh crash. This terrible spectacle repeated itself
continually, but was gradually moving away. From 11.15 to
midnight 12 bombs were thrown on the forts. In the interval of
the explosions one heard the snoring of the motors. After the
last explosion the dirigible rose, moved off, and disappeared. I
remained with my eyes fixed in the same direction; the clock of the
convent struck midnight.
The seven brothers who had been keeping the watch and I myself
remained in the courtyard with those who came to relieve us. No
one could think of sleep. The other brothers and the fathers (we
were 500) remained indoors, watching the burning fortress from the
windows.
As I was no longer on guard I went to seek a ladder, and in order
to see better I climbed a wall situated a little farther down, and
some 10 feet high. I remained there until four o'clock. About two
o'clock there began, down below in the city, a sound of isolated
rifle-shots, and shouts which soon grew louder and louder.
At last an infernal uproar reached my ears, and numerous fires
broke out in that part of the city neighbouring on the convent.
At four o'clock the bell called us to the church. It was an
extraordinary thing: despite our alarm we all remained obedient
to our vow of silence. We must not speak! But it became a real
torment, for our devotions lasted for two long hours.
By the shock of the explosions the beautiful stained-glass windows
were bent inwards like sails swollen by the wind. The walls of
stone, nearly 3 feet in thickness, which surrounded the courtyard,
showed long, deep fissures. When at 6 a.m. we left the church the
shots and the shouting were still more terrible, and the fires more
numerous and farther towards the interior of the town.
As usual, the porter opened the gate at six. How alarming! Hundreds
of Belgians from the neighbourhood rushed into the courtyard. As
we feared the convent might be sacked (_f_), the porter attempted
at first to drive them back. A brother said: "Go! you shall have
all you want!" The misguided populace immediately seized knives and
killed 20 of our brothers and one father. I myself rushed to the
bell in the courtyard and rang the alarm. Armed with pitchforks
and manure-forks and spades (_g_), the brothers rushed into the
courtyard and drove out the mob. Two brothers, who during the fight
were carried away in the crowd, were discovered hacked to pieces,
mangled as though by wild beasts. Their bodies were a dreadful
sight. A Belgian brother, hearing the alarm, seized a fork, and
so armed he rushed towards the gate, thinking to fight German
soldiers. When he saw that his assailants were his compatriots he
turned his arms against us, his brothers, shouting like a madman:
"You are mad, you are mad!" After a brief struggle the fork was
torn away from him. He was seized and thrown over the wall. He had
turned his arms against his brothers; but above all he had broken
his vow of silence.
The fight had lasted barely a quarter of an hour. After the gate
was closed--at 6.15, our usual breakfast hour--we assembled in the
refectory for our meal.
Despite these extraordinary events I was extremely hungry. We
now felt safe. But when, after the twenty minutes which our meal
lasted, we returned to the courtyard, we saw that the Belgian
brutes had in two places set fire to the convent. They had dragged
our corn and hay under the wood-shed which stood not far from the
convent; they had also pushed carts loaded with corn in the shock
against the buildings and outhouses (_g_), and had set fire to the
whole. The flames were already reaching the gable. It was no use
dreaming of saving anything, for all the buildings were connected
with one another. This was a sore trial. But it could not break our
vow of silence, and, doubly mute, we watched the flames. Our sorrow
found vent in tears when we saw our Superior burst into sobs. He
came into our midst; as all the fathers may speak, he said aloud:
"Go and save what you can!" and we carried out his orders.
Rapidly we telephoned to the Belgian authorities at Liége to obtain
help and protection. But to our great alarm _German soldiers_
appeared at this moment. As Germany does not allow us Jesuits
within her frontiers, we were extremely anxious. On account of the
presence of the German troops we wanted to carry back into the
convent the precious treasures already brought into the court; but
the leader of the German troops explained to our Superior that
this portion of Liége was already in the hands of the Germans. We
therefore placed ourselves under their protection. We had no reason
to regret it. The German escort came with eight automobiles, which
bore our inestimable treasures into Germany; paintings, which in
our haste we cut from their frames and rolled like paper; our
sacred golden vessels, and our fathers (_h_). In great haste we had
dug a huge ditch, in which, without religious ceremony and without
words, we buried our 20 assassinated brothers and the father who
was killed. While the fire continued to burn the hundreds of
brothers remaining ran hither and thither in unspeakable disorder,
seeking their clothes and shoes. I had wooden shoes on and could
not find shoes to fit me; but I saw, to my great amazement, four
pairs of shoes in my box. Everything was stuffed into the boxes and
forced down with the feet, in all haste.
So, on Saturday (_i_), at dawn, 350 brothers left the still
smoking convent to cross the German frontier. For three hours each
painfully dragged along what modest belongings he had saved. One
old brother of eighty years remained behind; he declared, when
abandoned: "I wish to die here." Although the German soldiers
protected us as we proceeded, the Belgian people still attacked us
frequently. I received violent kicks, blows on the legs, and all
over my body. For two nights none of us slept, and in addition we
were greatly perturbed and in terrible trouble.
When, after unheard-of exertions, we dragged ourselves across the
frontier, we let ourselves fall exhausted in a meadow, where we
slept, a leaden slumber, protected and watched by the Germans, from
morning to sunset.
(ROBERT HEYMANN, _Sturmnacht in Loewen_, pp. 8-13.)
As will be seen, this is a story to make the flesh creep. Still, it
seems to us to present certain difficulties.
(_a_) There is no convent of Jesuits near Liége about 600 yards from
one of the southern forts (Boncelles, Embourg, and Chaudfontaine).
(_b_) The Jesuit brothers are _not_ compelled to keep silence. No
doubt the author chose the Jesuits because the order is excluded from
Germany, so that he would expect his compatriots to know nothing of the
rule of the Jesuit communities.
(_c_) How did these brothers, who read no newspapers and never spoke,
know of the existence of dirigibles?
But apart from all this, the facts are incorrect. At no time did a
dirigible fly over Liége during the siege.
The people of Liége saw a German dirigible for the first time on the
1st September, 1914, at 10 p.m. On the following day, at 6 p.m., they
saw another.
(_d_) Therefore fires could not have been lit by the bombs from these
dirigibles.
(_e_) Where have stained-glass windows ever been seen to bulge like
sails under the shock of an explosion capable of cracking walls over 30
inches in thickness?
(_f_) Nothing had happened so far to give any one the idea that the
convent was about to be pillaged.
(_g_) Since when have the Jesuit convents owned farms, etc., or been
equipped with hay-forks, manure-forks, spades, hay-carts, etc.?
(_h_) It is delightful to note that in enumerating the precious
possessions of the convent the Jesuit fathers occupy the very last
place, after the pictures and the gold plate! But this impertinence is
more apparent than real; for the narrator has just stated that the 150
Jesuit fathers were packed, together with the pictures and the sacred
vessels, in _eight_ motor-cars! Evidently they were very tiny Jesuits.
It must have been their minuteness that saved them; for the author
has reminded us that Jesuits (of ordinary size) are not admitted into
Germany; but these, happily, passed unperceived.
(_i_) It was not Saturday, but Friday.
It is by such inventions--presented as the narratives of eye-witnesses,
and not as romances--that the Germans excite against us both their
troops and their home population. The method has given excellent
results; nothing gives better proof of its efficiency than the first
paragraph of the story of _The Battle of Charleroi_, in which we read
that at the beginning of August many trucks passed through Belgium
which bore the inscription:--
_Gegen Frankreich mit Mut,
Gegen Belgiën mit Wut._
(Against France with courage; against Belgium with rage.)
Which shows to what a pitch the minds of the German troops had been
excited against us.
_A "French Dirigible" Captured by the Germans._
Other inscriptions on the railway carriages and vans are not
uninteresting to the student of _Kultur_.
On the 5th March, 1915, we learned from ocular witnesses that a German
dirigible was lost, on the 4th, at Overhespen, near Tirlemont. _La
Belgique_ of the 6th March contained a few details.
BRUSSELS, _5th March_ (Official).--The Zeppelin dirigible L8,
returning yesterday from a fruitful voyage of exploration, came
to earth in the darkness near Tirlemont, and, during the process
of landing, struck against some trees. It was rather seriously
damaged, so that it seemed preferable to dismantle it. The
operation was completed very rapidly by the soldiers of the
aviation department of Brussels, who were despatched to the spot.
The dismantled parts will be transported to Germany, there to be
rebuilt.
In reality the "rather serious damage" meant that the balloon was
completely destroyed, and that twenty of the twenty-eight occupants
of the cars were killed. So far we would not describe the report as
a lie, as it does not exceed the habitual limits of our enemies'
official telegrams. But this goes a little too far: At Tirlemont the
report was spread that the dirigible in question was French, and that
it was skilfully captured by German troops; and on the trucks which
bore the metallic remains of the Zeppelin to Germany was written, in
large letters: _Erobertes Französisches Luftschiff_ (Captured French
Airship). This is no longer a manipulated truth, but a downright lie.
_The Transportation of the German Dead._
Here is another fraud of the same kind. When the number of the German
dead is too great for burial on the field of battle they evacuate the
surplus into other districts. The bodies are usually transported in
closed vans. But sometimes these are lacking, and the bodies have to
be packed into goods wagons. Nothing outside indicates the contents of
these wagons; it may be supposed that the authorities have no desire
to publish the extent of their losses. For this reason the corpses are
always hidden under something else; one sees passing, for example, what
appears to be a trainload of sugar-beet, but in reality the bodies
of soldiers are being transported. A biologist might call this an
interesting case of protective mimicry.
_Some Lying Placards._
The German authorities have no scruples about posting up false news.
For several weeks one might read, on the walls of the Hôtel de Ville at
Vilvorde, the following placard:--
NOTICE.
Antwerp surrendered to-day with its army.
THE DISTRICT COMMANDANT.
(Signature illegible.)
VILVORDE, _9th October, 1914_.
With its army! When the Germans were all crestfallen at having laid
hands on an empty nest!
This is merely grotesque; but here are three placards which belong to
the system of intimidation _à outrance_.
We have already stated (p. 147) that placards exhibited in Louvain
stated that the town of Mons was forced to pay a fine because a
civilian had fired on the German army. Now the fact was wholly
imaginary; never did any civilian of Mons fire on the Germans; never
did they accuse one of having done so; so that they never had occasion
to fine the town on that account. All is false here, from the first
word to the last.
While at Louvain they were posting up the placard relating to Mons,
they were exhibiting at Mons a notice according to which certain
inhabitants of Soignies had fired on the German troops. This also was
a sheer falsehood. No such action was imputed to any inhabitant of
Soignies. At Charleroi they advertised the statement that they had
inflicted a penalty on Anderlues for a similar offence. Here, once
more, both accusation and penalty were pure inventions.
Here is an equally untruthful placard. It was posted up at Cugnon
(Luxemburg) early in October, 1914, between the fall of the first forts
at Antwerp and the taking of the city. It announces the destruction of
the line of forts between Verdun and Toul, and the march on Paris (a
month after the battle of the Marne!). Its principal interest lies in
the signature: the burgomaster did not know of the placard until it
was posted; the military authorities had simply forged his name. This
did not prevent them from forcing the commune of Cugnon to pay for the
printing of these lies.
_M. Max's Denial._
The most interesting example of lying by placard is undoubtedly that
which was revealed by the burgomaster of Brussels. On the 30th August
one might read, on the walls of the capital, a notice in which M. Max
gave the lie to a placard posted at Liége. This is it:--
CITY OF BRUSSELS.
The German governor of the city of Liége, Lieutenant-General von
Kolewe, yesterday had the following notice exposed:--
_To the Inhabitants of the City of Liége._
"The burgomaster of Brussels has informed the German commandant
that the French Government has declared to the Belgian Government
the impossibility of assisting it offensively in any way, as it is
itself forced to assume the defensive."
_To this assertion I oppose the most positive denial._
THE BURGOMASTER,
ADOLPHE MAX.
BRUSSELS, _30th August, 1914_.
Since their burgomaster declared the assertion to be false, no doubt
could remain in the minds of the people of Brussels. But, curiously
enough, beside M. Max's placard there remained a German placard, which
had been posted two days earlier, and in which it was stated:--
On the 25th inst. the official French newspapers published a
communication from the French Government stating that the French
armies being forced to assume the defensive would no longer be in a
position to assist Belgium in the matter of a military offensive.
BRUSSELS, _23rd August, 1914_.
The only serious difference between the two texts was that at Liége
the burgomaster of Brussels guaranteed the truth of the _communiqué_.
So the impression was given that it was Herr von Kolewe who had the
idea of bringing M. Max's name into this ridiculous statement, in
the hope of giving it some weight. But no! Von Kolewe was innocent
of the forgery; it was the work of the German General Staff, and
was distributed by the Wolff Agency, as we learned a little later.
The Liége _communiqué_ is precisely the official German telegram as
published everywhere--for example, in _Les Nouvelles_, "published by
the authorization of the German Military Authority," at Spa, on the
30th August, 1914; by the _N.R.C._, on the 28th August; by the _K.Z._
(see _Kriegs-Depeschen_, p. 41); and by the _Frankfurter Zeitung_ (see
_Der Grosse Krieg_, p. 172).
What, then, is the meaning of the first telegram posted in
Brussels--that of the 25th August, in which no mention of the
burgomaster occurs? Simply this: the German Government was announcing
to the whole world an item of "news" whose improbability required to
be supported by the word of an honest man, such as the burgomaster of
Brussels. A lie so gross and flagrant might be published at Liége, but
not in Brussels itself. Unfortunately the Germans had not succeeded in
cutting off communication between Liége and Brussels; on the day after
its appearance the Liége placard had reached M. Max, and he was able to
issue his famous denial. The effect was tremendous. From that moment
the people of Brussels no longer believed any "official news."[36] Did
the Germans make any attempt to reply to the denial? None: why attempt
the impossible? But they prohibited, with their usual heaviness, the
publication of any placards, even by the municipality.
IMPORTANT NOTICE.
The publication of placards, unless they have received my special
permission, is strictly prohibited, those of the municipality of
the city being included.
(_Signed_) VON LÜTTWITZ, _General_.
Translated into the vulgar tongue this means: "When we Germans lie we
do not wish attention called to the fact."
_How the Officers Lie to their Men._
Hitherto we have considered only those German lies which were addressed
to the Belgians. But there are better lies than these: they lie
to their own troops. At the outset of the invasion of Belgium the
German soldiers were led to believe that they were already in France,
quite close to Paris, even in October and November 1914. Germans in
cantonments near Roulers, in Flanders, believed that they were only
eight miles from Paris, and they used to ask the correspondent of the
_Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant_ to show them "a place they could see the
Eiffel Tower from." This, it may be said, proves that in all armies
there are soldiers of small intelligence, even in the German Army. No:
it proves that in this latter army the officers lie with method. You
may judge. The soldiers tended in the hospital of the Palais de Justice
in Brussels used to date their letters "Paris"; and it was by order of
their superior officers that they deceived their families. The official
journal, _Deutsche Soldatenpost_, in its issue for the 16th October,
1914, contains a little poem entitled "Hindenburg," whose third stanza
commences:
_Vor Paris aber steht das deutsche Heer..._
(But the German host stands before Paris.)
This, be it noted, on the 16th October, more than a month after the
battle of the Marne. About the same time a soldier in Antwerp learned
from his officers that if the German army had not yet entered Paris it
was merely to avoid the plague, which was raging there (_N.R.C._, 20th
October, 1914, morning).
After that, who can doubt that systematic lying forms part of the
duties of an officer towards his men?
2. PERSEVERANCE IN FALSEHOOD.
Nothing is left to chance in the campaign of lies any more than in the
military campaign proper. The Great General Staff organizes everything
with the same care--the attacks of "francs-tireurs," the benzine
syringes, the pastilles of fulminating cotton employed in the rapid
starting of conflagrations--just as it organizes the manoeuvres of the
Press intended to direct the mentality of the troops towards a policy
of pitiless repression.
They even try to educate (which means, to pervert the minds of) the
prisoners of war in their concentration camps. Thus in No. 5 of _La
Guerre_, a journal especially intended for prisoners of war (published
the 10th March, 1915), a passage is reproduced from the "Records of the
War," by Houston Stewart Chamberlain. Here is an extract: "Finally,
one should read the notices on the detestable attitude of the civil
population of Belgium, of both sexes, in the present war: notices
officially confirmed and attested in writing by several priests:
according to which the populace, behaving a hundred times worse than
ferocious beasts, have horribly mutilated and gouged out the eyes
of poor wounded German soldiers, afterwards slowly stifling them by
pouring sawdust into their nose and mouth."
It will perhaps be objected that those who write of such things are
blinded by the militarist spirit; that they have, like everybody in
Germany, abolished in themselves the critical faculty; and that they do
not even dream of disputing the statements of the official journals;
in short, that they do not, properly speaking, lie, because they are
sincere. But can they really be sincere? Could they, on the 10th March,
pretend that they still believed that the Belgians gouge out the eyes
of wounded men and choke them to death with sawdust when _Vorwärts_
had succeeded in getting at the truth, and had been protesting against
these lies since the month of January? Besides, the Germans know their
own "reptile" Press, and they ought to realize that their newspapers do
not merit credence, least of all in time of war.
But even if we absolve these writers of the crime of lying, to accuse
them of nothing worse than inconceivable credulity, we cannot on any
pretext extend the same indulgence to those who are incontestably in
a position to know the truth. To cite only one example--is it not
shameful that Baron von Bissing the younger should publish _in April
1915_, in the _Süddeutsche Monatshefte_, an article on Belgium in which
he repeats the accusations against the "francs-tireurs," and the tales
of Belgians mutilating the German wounded? And what are we to say of
the reply made by the German Minister of War to Mlle. Leman according
to which the German troops have never ill-treated priests (p. 72), nor
touched the property of the Church? A visit to Bueken (near Louvain)
gives the reply to this twofold assertion. In May 1915 one could still
see, in the sacristy, the muniment chest which had contained the sacred
vessels; it had been broken open by the Germans with the aid of a
bell-clapper. As for the curé, M. De Clerck, we know what he suffered;
he was shot after his ears and nose were cut off. With the curé his
assistant was killed: Father Vincentius Sombroek, a conventual, born at
Zaandam, in Holland.[37]
The picture-postcard has, of course, not been forgotten. The Germans
had on sale in Brussels, for their soldiers, a coloured card of
_The Uhlans_ _before Paris_. It shows groups of German cavalrymen
contemplating Paris and the Eiffel Tower. This card is published by R.
and K., and bears the number 500.
This same firm fabricated some remarkable cards relating to the
military operations in Belgium. No. 507 represents the bombardment of
Antwerp. It shows the city in flames, seen from the Tête de Flandre,
and it also shows guns installed in the same locality. Now the Germans
never had guns on the left bank of the Scheldt. No. 502 shows the
bombardment of Namur by means of guns firing from Jambes, which again
is incorrect. These cards, it should be noted, were still being sold
in June 1915; that is, when every one knew that these pictures were
"faked."
_The Germans' Treatment of Mgr. Mercier._
There are other examples of continuity of falsehood than those relating
to violations of the Hague Convention and the Treaty of London (1839).
For example, a long series of lies was directed against one single
individual--Mgr. Mercier, Cardinal-Archbishop of Malines, Primate of
Belgium.
The facts are so well known that there is no need of lengthy comment.
1. Mgr. Mercier went to Rome for the Conclave. We learned in Belgium,
by a placard dated the 8th September, that the Cardinal was returning
to his country "with a safe-conduct, passing through the German lines."
_A lie._--The Cardinal never had any German safe-conduct. He returned
to Belgium by way of Lyons, Paris, Havre (where he delivered a speech),
London, and Holland.
2. During his stay in Rome the Cardinal made declarations very
unfavourable to the Germans. A placard of the 12th September, 1914,
assured us that he protested against the interview in the _Corriere
della Sera_.
_A lie._--The _Corriere della Sera_ is a neutral journal (in the sense
that the Belgian _Le Soir_ is neutral), and the Germans wished to
produce the impression that the Cardinal had been interviewed by a
correspondent of this newspaper. Now he was interviewed by the editor
of the Catholic journal, the _Corriere d'Italia_. This is merely one of
the "errors" of Cardinal von Hartmann's rectification. The whole is in
keeping with this; but it is too long to consider in detail.
3. Baron von der Goltz, at the moment of leaving Belgium, of which he
had been Governor-General, thought fit to assert that he had come to an
agreement with Mgr. Mercier as to the reopening of the courses in the
University of Louvain (_Le Réveil_, 1st December, 1914).
_A lie._--There was never any question of resuming these courses.
4. The Cardinal published his famous Pastoral Letter, which was sent
to all the churches of his diocese, to be read from the pulpit. It
recalled the present sufferings of the country, and adjured Belgians to
"remain faithful to their king and their laws."
Directly the Germans, informed by their spies, knew of the existence
of this pastoral letter they withdrew Cardinal Mercier's authorization
to visit the other bishops in his motor-car. At the same time they
forbade the curés to make the letter known to their parishioners; they
even proceeded to seize the pamphlet in the presbyteries. Naturally
the priests refused to obey the German injunctions, and the beginning
of the _mandamus_ was read from the pulpit on Sunday, the 3rd January,
1915. The Germans were furious, and forbade the curés to continue
the reading of the letter; and, the more readily to obtain their
submission, showed them a German declaration, signed by von Bissing, of
which this is the translation:--
BRUSSELS, _7th January, 1915_.
TO THE CLERGY OF THE DIOCESE OF MALINES.
As a result of my remarks, Cardinal Mercier of Malines has declared
to me verbally and in writing that he had no intention of exciting
or alarming the population by his pastoral letter, and he had not
expected any such effect. That he had particularly insisted on the
necessity of obedience on the part of the population towards the
occupier, even if a patriot should inwardly feel in a state of
opposition.
In case I should nevertheless fear an exciting effect, the Cardinal
did not insist on requiring of his clergy the repeated reading of
the pastoral letter on the succeeding Sundays, provided for in the
conclusion of the letter, nor the distribution of the letter.
My hypothesis has proved correct.
I therefore repeat my prohibition of the 2nd January of this year,
concerning the reading and the diffusion of the pastoral letter.
I draw the attention of the clergy to this point--that they will
be acting in contradiction to the written declaration of their
Cardinal in disobeying his prohibition.
BARON VON BISSING,
_Colonel-General_.
_Governor-General in Belgium._
_A lie._--This declaration is false. Mgr. Evrard, Dean of St. Gudule
in Brussels, went to see Mgr. Mercier at Malines, and obtained proof
of the falsehood. He at once warned all the curés of Brussels and the
district of the manoeuvre, and on Sunday, the 10th January, the reading
of the letter was resumed.
BRUSSELS, _9th January, 1915_.
MONSIEUR LE CURÉ,--
I have returned from Malines.
Despite the written prohibition received yesterday, His Eminence
the Cardinal wishes his letter to be read. This written prohibition
is cunning and spurious.
"Neither verbally, nor in writing, have I withdrawn anything,
nor do I now withdraw anything of my previous instructions, and
I protest against the violence done against the liberty of my
pastoral ministry."
That is what the Cardinal dictated to me.
He added: "They have done everything to make me sign mitigations
of my letter; I have not signed them. Now they seek to separate my
clergy from me, by forbidding them to read it.
"I have done my duty; my clergy know if they will do theirs."
Accept, M. le Curé, the homage of all my respect.
(_Signed_) E. EVRARD, _Dean_.
5. Baron von Bissing published in the newspapers a _communiqué_ stating
"that no hindrance of any kind had been put in the way of the exercise
of the pastoral duties of the Cardinal-Archbishop."
_A lie._--The Cardinal contradicted this assertion in a Latin letter
addressed to his clergy.
MECHLINIAE,
_Dominica infra Octavam Epiphaniae_.
REVERENDI ADMODUM DOMINI ET COOPERATORES DILECTISSIMI,--
Habuistis, ut puto, prae oculis nuntium a Gubernio Generali
Bruxellensi publicis ephemeridibus propalatum, quo declarabatur
"Cardinalem Archiepiscopum Mechliniensem a munere suo ecclesiastico
libere adimplendo nullatenus fuisse impeditum." Quod quam a
veritate alienum sit, e factis elucet.
Milites enim, vespere diei primae Januarii
necnon per totam noctem insequentem, domus presbyterales
invaserunt, Litteras Pastorales e manibus parochorum vel
arripuerunt vel arripere conati sunt frustra, easque ne populo
fideli praelegeratis, etiam sub poenis gravissimis, vobis metipsis
aut parochiae vestrae infligendis, auctoritate episcopali despecta,
prohibuerunt.
Nec dignitati nostrae pepercere, Die namque secunda Januarii
orto nondum sole, hora scilicet sexta, jusserunt me, die eadem
matutina, coram Gubernatore Generali, epistolae meae ad clerum et
populum rationem reddere; die autem postero, Laudibus Vespertinis
in Ecclesia cathedrali Antverpiensi praeesse me vetuerunt; tandem,
ne alios Belgii episcopos libere adeam, prohibent.
Jura vestra, Cooperatores dilectissimi, et mea, violata fuisse,
civis, animarum pastor et Sacri Cardinalium Collegii sodalis,
protestor.
Quidquid praedixerint alii, experientia nunc compertum est nullum
ex epistola illa pastorali enatum esse seditionis periculum, sed
eam potius animarum paci et publicae tranquillitati haud parum
adjumento fuisse.
Vobis de officio fortiter et suaviter impleto gratulor, cui animo
virili et pacifico, fideles estote memores verborum illorum quibus
mentem meam plane et integre jam expressi: "Soyes à la fois et
les meilleurs gardiens du patriotisme, et les soutiens de l'ordre
public."
Caeterum, "Spiritu sitis ferventes, Domino servientes, spe
gaudentes, in tribulatione patientes, orationi instantes,
necessitatibus sanctorum communicantes."[38]
Ne mei, quaeso, obliviscamini in observationibus vestris, nec
vestrum obliviscar; arcto fraternitatis vinculo conjuncti,
unanimes Antistitem, clerum et populum fidelem commendemus Domino,
"ut et quae agenda sunt, videant, et ad implenda quae viderint,
convalescant."[39]
Vobis in Christo addictissimus,
D. J. CARD. MERCIER,
_Archiepisc. Mechl._
Expostulatur à R^{do} admodum D^o Decano relatio de iis quae in
parochiis decanatus evenerunt.
N.B.--Non desunt in dioecesi clerici qui vestibus laïcis ad tempus
usi sunt. Jam nunc habitum clericalem resumant omnes.
(_S._) D. J.
[_Translation._]
MALINES,
_The Sunday of the Octave of the Epiphany_.
VERY REVEREND GENTLEMEN AND WELL-BELOVED COLLEAGUES,--
You have, I think, had sight of the message from the General
Government of Brussels, published in the newspapers, in which it
is declared that "the Cardinal Archbishop of Malines has in no
manner been prevented in the free performance of his ecclesiastical
office."
The facts will show that this assertion is contrary to the truth.
As a matter of fact, on the evening of the 1st January, and during
the whole of the night, soldiers entered the presbyteries and took
from the priests, or vainly endeavoured to take, the pastoral
letter, and, in contempt of episcopal authority, forbade you to
read it to the assembled faithful, under the threat of extremely
severe punishment which would be inflicted on yourselves or on your
parish.
Even our dignity was not respected. For on the 2nd of January,
before sunrise even, that is, at six o'clock, I was ordered
to present myself on the morning of that same day before the
Governor-General, to justify my letter to the clergy and the
people; on the following day I was forbidden to preside at
Benediction in the Cathedral of Antwerp; lastly, I was forbidden to
visit the other Belgian bishops.
As a citizen, a pastor of souls, and a member of the Sacred College
of Cardinals I protest that your rights, well-beloved brothers, and
my own, have been infringed.
Whatever has been pretended, experience has proved that no danger
of sedition has resulted from this pastoral letter, but rather that
it contributed greatly to the peace and tranquillity of the public.
I congratulate you with having accomplished your duty firmly and
harmoniously. Remain devoted to it with a manly and peaceable
heart, recalling those words in which I have already fully and
entirely expressed my thought: "Be at once the best guardians of
patriotism and the supporters of public order."
Moreover: "Be fervent in spirit; serving the Lord; rejoicing
in hope; patient in tribulation; continuing instant in prayer;
distributing to the necessities of the saints."[40]
Do not forget me, I beg you, in your supplications; neither
will I forget you. All together, closely united by the bond of
brotherhood, let us recommend the bishop, the clergy, and the
faithful "that they may behold their duty and be strong to fulfil
it."[41]
Yours very faithfully in Christ,
D. J. CARDINAL MERCIER,
_Archbishop of Malines_.
The Very Rev. the Deans are begged to report what has happened in
the parishes of their Deanery.
N.B.--Members of the clergy have for a time worn civil clothing.
Let all now resume their ecclesiastical clothing.
6. On Sunday, the 3rd January, 1915, the Cardinal did not go
to Antwerp, as he had intended. The Germans announced in the
newspapers--in _L'Avenir_ (Antwerp), for example--that the Cardinal's
absence was voluntary.
_A lie._--They had forbidden Mgr. Mercier to leave Malines.
* * * * *
We have mentioned that while these things were happening the clergy
continued to make the pastoral letter known in all the churches,
except in those cases where the Germans had succeeded in subtracting
the copies of the letter. But even there the reading of the letter was
resumed after a brief interval, when fresh impressions of the letter
had been printed and distributed all over the country. This propaganda
was, of course, secret; an official _communiqué_ published at Namur, on
the 12th January, 1915, leaves no doubt as to that. It threatens the
infliction of severe punishment on those who should distribute this
document. To give some idea of the activity with which the pastoral
letter was distributed throughout Belgium, we may mention that we know
of twelve different editions in French and two in Flemish; there are,
moreover, at least two typewritten editions. Each impression numbered
thousands of copies; of one single edition the Germans seized 35,000
copies! We may add that a German translation also has appeared, but
this is _ad usum Germanorum_. The interesting passages are suppressed.
The pastoral letter was not without results in Rome. The Belgian colony
there organized a mass for the priests put to death in Belgium, a list
of whom was given by the Cardinal. The organ of the Vatican, the
_Osservatore Romano_, translated "put to death" by _caduti_, "fallen."
This vague term might allow it to be supposed that the priests had
fallen on the field of battle, not that they were assassinated by the
German troops. The German newspapers were jubilant. The _Kölnische
Volkszeitung_, one of the leading Catholic organs in Germany, edited
by Herr Julius Bachem, published an article to show that the Holy See
had not been duped by the tricks of the Belgians, and refused to credit
the tale of priests put to death by the Germans (see _Het Vaderland_,
31st March, 1915, 2nd sheet, evening). The _Düsseldorfer Anzeiger_
also contained a long and far-fetched article in its issue of the 29th
January.
3. THE ORGANIZATION OF PROPAGANDA.
With the methodical spirit which they boast of possessing, the Germans
have from the outset of the war created bureaux for the propagation of
the "German idea" throughout the world. Some of these organizations of
propaganda have for their province the neutral countries, among which,
in the first rank, are the United States, the Scandinavian countries,
Italy, Holland, and Switzerland. Others deal with the occupied
countries, or enemy countries, through the intermediary of prisoners
of war and civil prisoners. Finally, there are those that deal with
Germany and her allies. If we add to the bureaux of propaganda situated
in Germany, and operating thence, those established and operating
in foreign countries, we shall begin to understand the power of
expansion and penetration possessed by such instruments in the hands of
unscrupulous people.
Again, we must reckon not only with the official or semi-official
propaganda, devoid of the mercenary spirit, whose only object is the
triumph of Germany. There are a number of publishing concerns which
pursue the same objects.
Besides her printed propaganda, Germany makes use of other means,
apparently accessory and occasional, but whose effects may become
very appreciable; visits of German scholars and German politicians,
especially socialist politicians; letters written by Germans to friends
or relations abroad; inquiries addressed to the scholars of neutral
countries; promises made to notable persons, in the hope of obtaining
their co-operation.
One word before examining the working of these organizations. Should we
really classify them under the heading of "falsehoods"? After what we
have said of the methods of the German Press, and the mentality of the
German rulers, no one will hesitate, we fancy, as to the place which
falsehood must be accorded in this propaganda. But so that no doubt
shall remain in the reader's mind, we will give a few quotations from
the propagandist literature relating to Belgium.
(_a_) _Propagandist Bureaux operating in Germany._
The most important of the propagandist pamphlets appearing in Germany
is a monthly publication. It is known, in French, as the _Journal de
la Guerre_. We know it also in German and in Dutch; probably it is
translated into yet other languages. Each number consists of 40 to
72 pages, and contains general information, a chronicle of the war,
photographs and drawings, tales of the battles, etc. ... in short,
everything that can influence the public opinion of neutral countries.
In almost every number is an article tending to prove that Germany was
forced, for reasons of self-defence, to invade Belgium; that Belgium,
moreover, had violated her own neutrality in advance; that the Belgians
amply deserve their fate, on account of their wicked treatment of
wounded men (gouging out their eyes, etc.). We have already mentioned
the _Journal de la Guerre_ with reference to a "faked" map of Louvain.
* * * * *
The _Journal de la Guerre_ published an article by Herr Helfferich on
a journey through Belgium, undertaken in September 1914. It is teeming
with inaccuracies, but it would be waste of time to refute them all.
We will confine ourselves to the first sentence, which states that
the burgomaster of Battice has been shot. Now, this is untrue: the
burgomaster of Battice, M. Rosette, who has filled his office for many
years, is in excellent health, and is still living in Battice.
Another publication--_La Guerre--Journal périodique paraissant durant
la guerre de 1914-15_--is intended for prisoners of war.
The best method of impressing the prisoners is assuredly to show them
that in their own country people are already beginning to realize
the indisputable superiority of Germany. So _La Guerre_ frequently
publishes articles reprinted from _La Gazette des Ardennes_; only
it forgets to mention that _La Gazette des Ardennes_ is a newspaper
established, edited, and printed exclusively by Germans, since
the occupation. Shall we take another example of duplicity? For
the Belgians, naturally, what their priests tell them has great
weight with them. No. 14 of _La Guerre_ reproduces a passage from an
article (which is mentioned on p. 129) originally published by "the
priest Domela Nieuwenhuis, of Gand." Here is a falsehood: M. Domela
Nieuwenhuis is not a priest; he is a Protestant pastor in Gand. In
the quotation M. Nieuwenhuis says: "If we Flemings had been properly
informed...." (_La Guerre_, No. 14, p. 217).
"We Flemings," M. Nieuwenhuis is supposed to have said ... and he is a
Dutchman. This is curious. Let us compare this with the original text
in _De Tijdspiegel_, p. 316, 1st April, 1915. There we find: "_Indien
wij hier in Vlaanderen ... zouden zign voorgelicht...._" ("If we, here
in Flanders, had been informed....") The German forgers have been at
work, and by a little tinkering at the text, they have made a Dutch
pastor pass for a Flemish priest! To what are they not reduced!
* * * * *
The pamphlet _Die Wahrheit über den Krieg_ speaks on p. 93 of an
international propagandist organisation established in Berlin: the
_Commission for the publication of impartial news abroad_ (we translate
from the Dutch version). This Commission publishes _Correspondence for
Neutrals_, which aims solely at "distributing positive news concerning
the working of social, juridicial, economic, and moral institutions
and general culture in Germany." Its articles are especially intended
for use by the Press. It appears two or three times a week, in ten
different languages, and will continue to do so during the war. It
asserts that its expenses are covered entirely by private subscriptions.