BRIEF CONSPECTUS OF GERMAN LITERATURE.

DEPARTMENT OF LITERATURE.

CHIEF REPRESENTATIVE OR WORK.

DATES.

SOME REMARKS.

Poetry (other than drama):

(_a_) Satirical (didactic) Tales

_Reineke Fuchs_

_circa_ 1150

Formulation of Germanic Tales already taken up in France (_Roman

de Renart_).

Sebastian Brandt (_Narrenschiff_)

1494

Translated by Barclay (_Ship of Fools_). Other “Ships” followed.

(_b_) Romantic (chivalric) poems

_e.g._, _Rolandslied_

Later twelfth century

The influence was inward from France.

(_c_) Epic

_Nibelungenlied_

Shaped about 1200

Klopstock (_Messias_)

1773

Influence from Milton.

Wieland (_Oberon_)

1780

(_d_) Lyric

The Minnesänger

1150-1300

Influence inward from France.

The Meistersänger (Hans Sachs flor. 1550.)

1300-1550

_Volkslieder_

Fourteenth to sixteenth century

Luther (_Hymns_)

1524

A chief influence on the _Goostly Songs_ of Coverdale.

Göttingen Dichterbund (1772). Bürger (_Lenore_, etc.).

Goethe

1749-1832

Schiller

1759-1805

Heine

1799-1856

Uhland

1787-1862

The influence of German ballads and lyrics becomes clear in Scott

and Coleridge, and has affected all English work in this kind

during the nineteenth century. Translations have been numerous.

Drama

Lessing (_Minna von Barnhelm_, _Nathan der Weise_)

1729-1781

Schiller (_Wallenstein_, _Wilhelm Tell_)

Goethe (_Faust_, _Egmont_)

The influence of Goethe is not calculable. The effect of his

_Faust_ begins most clearly in Byron (_Manfred_).

Legends, Novels, and Tales

_Eulenspiegel_

Printed 1515

Translated by Copland (_Owlglasse_), 1550. References were

frequent in sixteenth century. Cf. the French derivative

_espiègle_.

Stories of _Bishop Hatto_, _Fortunatas_, etc.

Sixteenth century

Familiarized in England in the same century.

Stories of _Doctor Faustus_

1587

Source of Greene’s _Friar Bacon_, and Marlowe’s _Dr. Faustus_.

_Baron Münchhausen_ (partly by Bürger)

Goethe, _Sorrows of Werther_ (1774)

Influenced by Rousseau, but itself the source of “Wertherism.”

” _Wilhelm Meister_

Translated by Carlyle.

Philosophy, Theology, etc.

Luther (Pamphlets, Transl. of Bible, 1534)

1483-1546

Wide reaching effect on Protestant thought in England.

Leibnitz (_Théodicée_, etc.)

1646-1716

Pope’s _Essay on Man_ is derived, through Bolingbroke, from

thoughts of Leibnitz.

Kant (_Critique of Pure Reason_, 1781)

Fichte, Schelling, Hegel, Schopenhauer

Nineteenth century

German philosophy has dominated England since the age of Coleridge

(who borrowed from Schelling), De Quincey, etc.

Criticism

Lessing (_Laocoon_, 1776)

Winckelmann (_Hist. of Ancient Art_, 1764)

A. W. Schlegel (_Lectures on Dramatic Art_)

1767-1845

(_c_) CELTIC LITERATURE AND ENGLISH

We are apt to forget how considerable a substratum of the “English”

people is Celtic. The first historical inhabitants of Britain were

mainly Celts. They filled England and Scotland as they now fill Wales;

they still occupy most of Ireland and of the Caledonian Highlands. The

conquering Romans with their settlers and legionaries affected the

population very little. When the Anglo-Saxons and Danes came in their

successive waves, and occupied the southern, eastern, and northern

portions of Great Britain, they did not arrive in numbers so great as

absolutely to sweep away the existing people, that blend of little Roman

with much Celt. They simply laid thicker strata on the ethnological

concretion. The Celtic strain was much thinned, particularly in England,

but it was by no means eliminated. The subsequent Norman invaders count

numerically for little in the mass. If, therefore, we take the whole body

of English literature, and think of the men who have produced it in Great

Britain and Ireland, we cannot but recognize that in those writers there

were probably certain Celtic elements, which must have had some potency

in determining their capacity for thought and feeling. Englishmen may

call themselves Anglo-Saxons, and we may be mostly made of Anglo-Saxon

clay, but we do not know how much of us is, after all, the contribution

of a Celtic strain, with its characteristic tendencies, the melancholy

sentiment and the chivalrous but inconstant ardour which mark the Celtic

race. Nevertheless it is one matter to speak of the Celtic spirit in our

literature, and another to display the influence of Celtic literature

upon our own. Celtic literature properly means the literature of peoples

speaking Celtic, and to that literature some debts are due, at least to

the Cymry of Wales and Brittany.

* * * * *

Already before the Anglo-Saxon invasion there were doubtless floating

among the British Celts legends of mystery and marvel congenial to the

racial taste. After the conflicts with the Saxons a great chieftain,

Arthur, grew into prominence, and around him were destined to gather both

these older legends, and also new stories of adventures with human foes,

with dragons, or with mysterious powers and spells. Christianity, working

upon the natural temperament of the Celt, encouraged that idealizing

self-dedication to the cause of love or piety, which belongs to knights

with a mission to “right the wrong.” It is this spirit which is the most

important Celtic contribution to the literature of the middle ages.

In the sixth century Gildas, called by Gibbon the “British Jeremiah,” who

had at least been educated in Wales, writes in Latin his _Destruction and

Conquest of Britain_, a dirge in the true tone of Celtic remonstrance

against the hardship of ruthless circumstance. In the ninth century

Nennius composes a summary of Welsh traditions, in which we meet with the

story of Brutus as the legendary colonizer of primitive Britain. In 1132

appeared the Latin _History of the Britons_ by Geoffrey of Monmouth,

who pretends to base his interesting but unhistoric compilation upon

materials gathered in Brittany by Walter of Oxford, but who probably

collected at least as many from the neighbouring Celts of Wales. In this

work are to be found not only the legendary Brutus, but also the stories

of Gorboduc and Lear, afterwards to figure in Elizabethan drama. The

cycle of Arthur is as yet incomplete; the Holy Grail is not mentioned nor

the Round Table.

In 1155 the Jersey Norman, Robert Wace, converts and amplifies Geoffrey’s

work into the French romance _Brut d’Engleterre_ or _Geste des Bretons_,

introducing for the first time the Table Round. This again is developed

in English verse by Layamon in his _Brut_ of 1205. From various sources,

and by various hands, the Arthurian legends are increased, first in the

romances in verse, next in the romances in prose. Though the infusion of

Celtic chivalrous sentiment appears in all, there are naturally various

degrees in the mysticism and asceticism which they display. The vogue

of these romances was not confined to France and England. As with other

portions of the epic verse of France, it passed into Italy, and inspired

both the predecessors of Ariosto and also that great poet himself.

Thence, as well as from the sources nearer home, it awoke the interest

of Spenser. To the same subjects Milton also was for awhile strongly

attracted. In his _Epitaphium Damonis_ he shows the hold which the

Arthurian legends had taken upon him, and he explicitly proposes to make

Arthur and the British knights the subject of an epic. In the Sabrina of

the _Comus_, and in various references, the same poet reveals how well

read he was in the matter of Geoffrey.

In Spain “matter of Britain” took a new lease of life. In that country

was produced the series of chivalric romances in prose, which began

soon after the year 1300 with the _Amadis of Gaul_ (_i.e._, _Wales_),

and continued for nearly three centuries, until, from their increasing

extravagance, they fell into disrepute, and were finally slain by

the satire of Cervantes. How these operated together with pastoral,

to produce the sentimental _longueurs_ of La Calprenède and Scudéry

in France of the seventeenth century, and thence affected the novel

and drama of post-Restoration England, is told in the sketch of the

literature of Spain. The affiliation to Celtic origins is in this

case clear enough, but with the circuitous route there goes a gradual

defection in that real Celtic spirit which was possessed by the original

_Amadis_.

* * * * *

When we are asked at what date English literature is most distinctly

affected by the creations of Celtic countries, we may reply that it is

chiefly before the age of Chaucer, when the romantic legends of Arthur

and his Table came through two channels; on the one hand through Breton

sources, on the other through Wales. This is, in point of subject

matter, the largest Celtic contribution on which we can lay our hand. To

it we owe not only the Arthurian cycle of romances as we find them in

Geoffrey, the _trouvères_, Layamon, and later in the compilation of Sir

Thomas Malory (called _Morte D’Arthur_), which was one of the earliest

books that Caxton chose to print; but also much reference in Spenser and

Milton, as well as the whole substance of Tennyson’s _Idylls of the

King_. To a once independent group of legends, afterwards brought into

relation with the Arthurian, we owe the exquisite _Tristram and Iseult_

of Matthew Arnold.

It was in “matter of Britain” that appeared the special vein of tender

chivalry which passed into the romances, first of France, then of Italy

and Spain. Not in Germany, not in Italy, not in Provence, not in Spain,

did these stories of knightly loyalty and uttermost honour and devotion

take their rise. It was in Northern France, where Franks and Normans were

in contact with the large Celtic remnants of the Bretons. In all these

legends there speaks the Celtic voice, rememberable and distinguishable

everywhere by its prevailing melancholy, its devotion to a cause, be that

cause right or wrong, be it strong or weak.

For the rest, we are in no position to fix the first invention of the

Quest of the Holy Grail, or any other legend of the cycle, upon any

definite author. What we allow to Tennyson in his liberties with the

details of the stories and the form they take, we must perforce allow to

the many who had told and retold the same stories scores of times since

the Celt of Britain first passed them on to Brittany.

A very dubious, if not wholly mythical, figure in Celtic literature,

is the once hugely admired Ossian. Macpherson, a contemporary of Dr.

Johnson, came into prominence at the time when the eighteenth century was

growing weary of the “classicism” of the school of Pope, and was ready

to be interested in the simple, frank, romantic world. Macpherson was

a Scotsman, who pretended to have collected from manuscripts, and from

the memory of Highlanders, sundry poems of a certain Ossian, a Gaelic

poet of the third century. These he translated into pompous declamatory

prose, attempting something like the style and imagery of the Hebraic

scriptures, but overstraining both. They were received with immense

enthusiasm in England, France, and Germany, and were Napoleon’s favourite

odes. Unhappily the alleged originals will, for the most part, not bear

the light of criticism. Johnson did not scruple to call Macpherson an

impostor. That there was an Ossian is probable, but the few poems which

can with tolerable safety be assigned to him belong to a much later date

than Macpherson claimed. Nevertheless, though Macpherson’s Ossian may

be as great an imposture as Chatterton’s _Rowley Poems_, he, no doubt,

did gather from the Celtic fragments and the Celtic folklore a mass of

imagery and fire of words, which came in most fitting time to lend some

help in ridding the weary world of the stereotyped coldnesses of the

followers of Pope.

(_d_) HEBREW INFLUENCE

For those who are not Hebrews, Hebrew literature means the Bible, and

especially the old Testament of that Bible. It would be a vain pretence

to attempt to show precisely how far the Bible has influenced the thought

of English writers. It is not our province here to deal with morals and

moral influence, however much we may recognize that, since out of the

fullness of the heart the mouth speaketh, our English literature could

not have been the literature it is, if the moral disposition and attitude

at the back of it had been other than they are. And these have been in

the largest measure determined by the Old Testament of the Hebrews.

Imagine for a moment that the Bible did not exist, that no Englishman had

ever read one line of it, that the religious notions which it inculcates

were without expression in any such established standard. Our way of

looking at life and at things suprasensual, our maxims of conduct, our

ideals of feeling, would obviously be something widely unlike those

which we now entertain. A nation’s literature is the expression of a

nation’s soul. Give us a different soul, and the expression will convey

that difference. We cannot separate literature from moral conceptions

and moral tone, and therefore, in a sense, the Hebrews have determined

our literature more than all other influences combined. And there is

this manifest and vastly important difference between the influence of

the Bible and the influence of any other work. The Biblical thoughts

have become part of our earliest, youngest, and most plastic selves.

We are born into them, and brought up in them, as something natural to

ourselves. The English heart and mind are now partly made of Hebrew

thoughts and ideals. This fact is so obvious that we need not pursue

it further. To other literatures we have looked for models to imitate

and notions to borrow; to the Biblical literature we have looked for a

transfusion of all our thinking.

But there is also a purely literary effect of the Bible, concerning which

a few words must be said. Who can estimate the immense extent to which

Biblical imagery and Biblical phrase—what one may call Biblical style

and Hebrew style—have determined the style of English writers? Remember

that the average English child is brought up on the Bible, that he reads,

marks, learns, and inwardly digests it; that its diction and its figures

of speech persist, however loosely, in his memory. What is the result?

Is it not that, though in a less degree than with the Puritans, there

remains, consciously or unconsciously, a habit of imitating those figures

and further developing them; of imitating that diction, and carrying

it into his higher forms of speech and his writings? Take the great

preachers and religious prose writers from Jeremy Taylor to Cardinal

Newman, and observe how their language unconsciously follows the rhythm,

clothes itself in the dignity, and repeats the very phraseology, of the

authorized version of the scriptures. Take poets like Milton, or mere

verse-writers like Akenside, and see how their language seems to echo the

language of the Testaments, Old and New.

It is true that the language of the “Authorized Version” is English and

not Hebrew. None the less the imagery, the similes and metaphors, the

fiery turns of exhortation and denunciation, the fervent question and

the apostrophe, all these and other elements which make up style, are,

apart from the rhythm, Hebrew and not English. And it is to these things

we refer when we speak of the purely “literary” effect of the Bible on

our writers. Quite apart from the spiritual effect which is sought for

without reference to the qualities of the style, there are, all the time,

powerful qualities in the Hebraic style itself, qualities often reaching

to the poetical sublime. Take, for instance, the passage, “Whither shall

I go then from Thy Spirit, or whither shall I go then from Thy Presence?

If I climb up into heaven, Thou art there: if I go down to hell, Thou

art there also. If I take the wings of the morning and remain in the

uttermost parts of the sea, even there also shall Thy hand lead me, and

Thy right hand shall hold me. If I say ‘Peradventure the darkness shall

cover me,’ then shall my night be turned to day. Yea, the darkness is

no darkness with Thee: but the night is clear as the day: the darkness

and the light to Thee are both alike.” And once again: “Ye mountains

of Gilboa, let there be no dew, neither rain upon you, nor fields of

offerings: for there the shield of the mighty is vilely cast away, the

shield of Saul, as though not anointed with oil. From the blood of

the slain, from the fat of the mighty, the bow of Jonathan turned not

back, and the sword of Saul returned not empty. Saul and Jonathan were

lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in their deaths they were not

divided. They were swifter than eagles, they were stronger than lions.

Ye daughters of Israel, weep over Saul, who clothed you in scarlet, with

other delights; who put on ornaments of gold on your apparel. How are the

mighty fallen in the midst of the battle!”

What we are here concerned with is the way in which the diction of every

English writer has been dominated from his youth up by echoes of words

like these, which he received into his plastic mind in childhood, and

which mix themselves with his thoughts as he shapes the words and the

images of his English prose or verse.

If, indeed, we were to take our greater authors and read them through,

pencil in hand; if we were to mark those words and images and turns of

expression which we feel to be derived consciously or unconsciously from

the English version of the Hebrew Bible, we should be amazed to find how

much of purely literary strength and dignity that one book has added to

our tongue.

And this Hebrew influence has existed ever since we were a nation, nay,

even before. There was, indeed, no translated English Bible till the

days of Wyclif, the contemporary of Chaucer; nevertheless the images and

thoughts of the Latin Vulgate had become part of every good ecclesiastic,

and in all preaching and exhortation the Biblical phrases were heard

in English, perhaps rougher and less rhythmical than those of our own

version, but still with their essential quality retained. Remember again

that, still in these days, in all Christian churches, the language

employed is deliberately Biblical, that the prayers are Biblical in

expression, and that the language is considered the more apt and more

effective in proportion as it more distinctly bears the Hebraic impress.

Put all these considerations together, and it will be recognized without

need of further words than on literary style, as well as on moral

sentiment, the influence of the one Hebrew book has been unparalleled.

Meanwhile the writings in English verse and prose which have taken their

titles, their subject matter, their suggestions, or their inspiration,

from the Bible, would form an interminable list.

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