A THEORIST OF REVOLUTION

February 13th.

After yesterday's talk with a capitalist victim of the

revolution, I am glad for the sake of contrast to set beside it

a talk with one of the revolution's chief theorists. The

leather-worker illustrated the revolution as it affects an

individual. The revolutionary theorist was quite incapable of

even considering his own or any other individual interests

and thought only in terms of enormous movements in which

the experiences of an individual had only the significance of

the adventures of one ant among a myriad. Bucharin,

member of the old economic mission to Berlin, violent

opponent of the Brest peace, editor of Pravda, author of

many books on economics and revolution, indefatigable

theorist, found me drinking tea at a table in the Metropole.

I had just bought a copy of a magazine which contained

a map of the world, in which most of Europe was coloured

red or pink for actual or potential revolution. I showed it to

Bucharin and said, "You cannot be surprised that people

abroad talk of you as of the new Imperialists."

Bucharin took the map and looked at it.

"Idiotism, rank idiotism!" he said. "At the same time," he

added, "I do think we have entered upon a period of

revolution which may last fifty years before the revolution is

at last victorious in all Europe and finally in all the world."

Now, I have a stock theory which I am used to set before

revolutionaries of all kinds, nearly always with interesting

results. (See p.118.) I tried it on Bucharin. I said:-

"You people are always saying that there will be revolution

in England. Has it not occurred to you that England is a

factory and not a granary, so that in the event of revolution

we should be immediately cut off from all food supplies.

According to your own theories, English capital would unite

with American in ensuring that within six weeks the

revolution had nothing to eat. England is not a country like

Russia where you can feed yourselves somehow or other

by simply walking to where there is food. Six weeks would

see starvation and reaction in England. I am inclined to

think that a revolution in England would do Russia more

harm than good."

Bucharin laughed. "You old counter-revolutionary!"

he said. "That would be all true, but you must look

further. You are right in one thing. If the

revolution spreads in Europe, America will cut off food

supplies. But by that time we shall be getting food from

Siberia."

"And is the poor Siberian railway to feed Russia, Germany,

and England?"

"Before then Pichon and his friends will have gone. There

will be France to feed too. But you must not forget that

there are the cornfields of Hungary and Roumania. Once

civil war ends in Europe, Europe can feed herself. With

English and German engineering assistance we shall soon

turn Russia into an effective grain supply for all the working

men's republics of the Continent. But even then the task will

be only beginning. The moment there is revolution in

England, the English colonies will throw themselves

eagerly into the arms of America. Then will come

America's turn, and, finally, it is quite likely that we shall all

have to combine to overthrow the last stronghold of

capitalism in some South African bourgeois republic. I can

well imagine," he said, looking far away with his bright little

eyes through the walls of the dark dining room, "that the

working men's republics of Europe may have to have a

colonial policy of an inverse kind. Just as now you conquer

backward races in order to exploit them, so in the future you

may have to conquer the colonists to take from them the

means of exploitation. There is only one thing I am afraid

of."

"And what is that?"

"Sometimes I am afraid that the struggle will be so bitter and

so long drawn out that the whole of European culture may

be trampled under foot."

I thought of my leather-worker of yesterday, one of

thousands experiencing in their own persons the appalling

discomforts, the turn over and revaluation of all established

values that revolution, even without death and civil war,

means to the ordinary man; and, being perhaps a little

faint-hearted, I finished my tea in silence. Bucharin, after

carelessly opening these colossal perspectives, drank his tea

in one gulp, prodigiously sweetened with my saccharin,

reminded me of his illness in the summer, when Radek

scoured the town for sweets for him, curing him with no

other medicine, and then hurried off, fastening his coat as he

went, a queer little De Quincey of revolution, to disappear

into the dusk, before, half running, half walking, as his way

is, he reached the other end of the big dimly lit, smoke-filled dining room.

Russia in 1919 · 第 13 / 38 题