GENERAL JOHN A. LOGAN
General John A. Logan was a man much more capable of accomplishing
results than either General Palmer or General Oglesby.
I first met him when he was a member of the Legislature, in 1856.
He was a Democrat then, and a very active and aggressive one. It
was in that year that we first elected a Republican Administration
in Illinois, the Republican party having been organized only two
years previously. Bissell was elected Governor; Hatch, Secretary
of State; and Dubois, Auditor.
Governor Bissell was ill, having suffered a stroke of paralysis,
and it became necessary for the Legislature, after organizing, to
go to the Executive Mansion to witness the administration of the
oath of office to him. After the Legislature reconvened in their
respective Houses, General Logan immediately obtained recognition
and made a bitter attack on Governor Bissell on the ground that
the latter had sworn to a falsehood, he having challenged, or been
challenged by Jefferson Davis to fight a duel. The duel was never
actually fought; but Governor Bissell took the ground that whatever
did occur was outside the jurisdiction of the State of Illinois,
and he therefore could truthfully take the oath of office. Logan
was then about as strong a Democrat as he afterwards was a Republican.
His attack on Bissell was resented by Republicans and under the
circumstances was regarded as cruel. I became very much prejudiced
against him.
After this episode Logan was elected to Congress as a Democrat,
and was a follower of Douglas. Douglas was true to the Union, and
after he made his famous speech before the Legislature at Springfield,
General Logan entered the war and finally became a Republican.
It was alleged that there was an understanding between Douglas and
the Democratic delegation in Congress from Illinois that they should
all act together in whatever course they pursued. The delegation
from Illinois contained some very able men, among them being General
Logan. Douglas came out for the Union without consulting his
colleagues in the delegation, and it was said that General Logan
and the other Democratic members of the delegation were quite angry.
However, they all followed Douglas and became loyal Union men.
Like Governor Oglesby, General Logan had a brief military service
in the Mexican War, and also like Governor Oglesby, and General
McClernand, he was among the first to raise a regiment for service
in the Civil War. He resigned his seat in Congress in 1861, and
immediately went into active service. Senator Douglas and General
Logan did much to save Southern Illinois to the Union, and that
portion of the State contributed its full quota to the Union Army.
To describe the part General Logan took in the Civil War, after he
raised the Thirty-first Illinois Regiment and took the field, would
be to recite the history of the war itself. The records of his
bravery at Belmont; of his gallant charge at Fort Donelson, where,
as a Colonel, he was dangerously wounded; of his service as Major-
General commanding the Army of the Tennessee; of the memorable
siege of Vicksburg, when with the great leader of the Union armies
he stood knocking at the door of that invincible stronghold; of
his service with Sherman on his famous march to the sea, all are
written on the pages of history and lend undying lustre to the name
of Logan.
He was a natural soldier. His shoulders were broad, his presence
was commanding; with his swarthy face and coal black hair, "and
eye like Mars, to threaten and command," he was every inch a warrior.
There is no question that General Logan was the greatest volunteer
officer of the Civil War.
After the war Logan returned to Illinois, intending to re-enter
the practice of the law; but he loved public life and politics,
was the idol of the people of his section of the State, and was
soon elected Congressman-at-large on the Republican ticket. When
I entered the House in 1865, I found General Logan there, ranking
as one of the leaders of the more radical Republicans. He was a
forceful speaker, and did his full share as one of the mangers on
the part of the House in the impeachment of Andrew Johnson.
He was devoted to General Grant and General Grant was very fond of
him. General Grant, in talking of General Logan and Senator Morton
of Indiana, used to say that they were the two most persistent men
in the Senate in securing offices for their friends; but there was
this difference between them: if Morton came to him and wanted
ten offices and he gave him one, he would go away feeling perfectly
satisfied, and make the impression on the people that he was running
the Administration; while if Logan came to the White House to secure
ten offices, and did not get more than nine of them, he would raise
a great row, and claim that he could not get anything out of the
Administration.
But Logan stood strongly for General Grant, no only during his two
terms, where he had little or no opposition, but he was one of the
leaders in the unsuccessful attempt to nominate him for a third
term. Logan, Conkling, Cameron and others failed, and I believe
that General Logan felt the failure more than even General Grant
himself.
General Logan was a tremendously industrious man. He was always
doing favors for his people, and seemed to delight in being of
service to any one. That was the difference between him and Governor
Oglesby. Logan was always willing and anxious to do favors for
people, while Oglesby was not.
I remember an incident that illustrates this very well. Jacob
Bunn, of Springfield, as honest a man as ever lived and a man of
high standing, was compelled to take a distillery in part payment
of a very large debt which was owing to him, and to make it of any
account he had to operate it until such a time as he could dispose
of it. He had some explanation he desired to make to the Commissioner
of Internal Revenue, and he came to Washington and asked Governor
Oglesby, who was then in the Senate, to introduce him to the
Commissioner of Internal Revenue. Oglesby knew Bunn very well,
and yet he cross-examined him at great length and detail. Bunn
left Oglesby and next morning sought Logan, who at once agreed to
perform the favor, with the result that Mr. Bunn very readily
adjusted the matter with the Commissioner of Internal Revenue.
Bunn afterwards said to me: "I had a good deal more trouble
convincing Governor Oglesby that I was an honest man than I had
convincing the Commissioner of Internal Revenue."
I give this incident as illustrating the difference between the
characters of Oglesby and Logan.
The latter's honesty and integrity were never doubted. I believe
he would not have hesitated for a moment to kill any one who would
have questioned his honesty. He was a poor man, and when I came
to the Senate as his colleague we often sat together condoling with
each other on our poverty, and "abusing" the men in the Senate who
were wealthy. This was one of the common bonds between us. When
I became well acquainted with General Logan, I believed in him and
admired him as one of the ablest men of Illinois. He was a man of
intense feeling, intense friendships, and I might also add that he
was a man of the most intense hatreds.
General Logan, while never doubting his friends, yet expected his
friends to swear devotion to him every time they saw him. He was
"touchy" in this respect, and would not readily overlook any fancied
slights. On one occasion, my old friend, the Hon. David T. Littler,
now deceased, of Springfield, Illinois, who was also a warm friend
of Logan, went to Washington, and neglected to call on Logan until
he had been there several days. Logan knew that he was in town,
and when he finally did call, Logan abused him roundly for not
coming to see him the first thing. It made Littler angry for the
time being, and he showed his resentment as only Littler could.
He made Logan apologize and agree never to find fault with him
again. They were on good terms as long as they lived.
General Logan was my friend, and was always for me when I was
running for office. It was sometimes tolerably hard to him to be
for me as against a soldier, because there was never a man who was
more thoroughly devoted to the soldiers. As colleagues in the
Senate, we got along very agreeably and never had any cross-purposes
or differences of opinion.
The only time I remember of ever having any feeling at all was on
one occasion when Senator Logan, Senator Evarts, and Senator Teller
were strongly advocating the seating of Henry B. Payne, of Ohio,
as a matter of right and without investigation. I was disposed to
vote for the taking of evidence and an investigation. When the
discussion was going on, I stated to Logan that I felt like voting
in favor of the investigation. He was very much out of humor about
it. I consulted with some friends in the Senate as to what I ought
to do under the circumstances, and they advised me, in view of
General Logan's personal feeling on the subject--and he felt that
he was personally involved--that I ought to vote with him.
After the vote was announced, I went around to General Logan's
seat, and he expressed intense gratification that I had voted with
him, remarking that if I had been involved in a struggle as he was,
he would take the roof off the house before he would let me be
beaten; and I believe he would have gone to almost any extent.
I then said to him: "General Logan, I want to assure you that
hereafter you must not feel concerned about my vote being the same
as yours. In other words, when I want to vote one way and you want
to vote another, I shall be perfectly satisfied, and shall have no
feeling against you on account of it; I want you to feel the same
way when conditions are reversed." He acquiesced in this proposal;
but we never afterwards had occasion to differ on any important
question before the Senate.
General Logan had an ambition to become President, and I believe
he would have realized his ambition had he lived.
I placed him in nomination for President at the National Convention
which met at Chicago in 1884. In _The Washington National Tribune_
appears the following report:
"The next State that responded was Illinois, and as Senator Cullom
mounted the platform to present the name of General John A. Logan,
cheer after cheer followed him. When he was at last allowed to
proceed, he began by referring to the nominations of Lincoln and
Grant, both from Illinois, and both nominated at Chicago:
'In 1880, the party, assembled again at Chicago, achieved success
by nominating Garfield; and now in 1884, in the same State, Illinois,
which has never wavered in its adherence to the Republican party,
presents, as the standard-bearer of that party, another son, one
whose name would be recognized from one end of the land to the
other as an able statesman, a brilliant soldier, and an honest man
--John A. Logan.'
"The announcement of General Logan's name was received with a wild
burst of applause, a great many persons rising to their feet, waving
their hats and handkerchiefs, and the thousands of people in the
gallery joining in the roars of applause. The cheers were renewed
again and again. The speaker resumed:
'A native of the State which he represents in the Council of the
Nation, reared among the youth of a section where every element of
manhood is early brought into play, he is eminently a man of the
people. The safety, the permanency, and the prosperity of the
Nation depend upon the courage, the integrity, and the loyalty of
its citizens. . . . Like Douglas, he believed that in time of war
men must be either patriots or traitors, and he threw his mighty
influence on the side of the Union; and Illinois made a record
second to none in the history of States in the struggle to preserve
the Union. . . .
'During the long struggle of four years he commanded, under the
authority of the Government, first a regiment, then a brigade, then
a division, then an army corps, and finally an army. He remained
in the service until the war closed, when at the head of his army,
with the scars of battle upon him, he marched into the capital of
the Nation, and with the brave men whom he had led on a hundred
hard-fought fields was mustered out of the service under the very
shadow of the Capitol building which he had left four years before
as a member of Congress to go and fight the battles of his country.
'When the war was over and peace victoriously restored, he was
again invited by his fellow-citizens to take his place in the
Councils of the Nation. In a service of twenty years in both Houses
of Congress he has shown himself to be no less able and distinguished
as a citizen than he was renowned as a soldier. Conservative in
the advocacy of measures involving the public welfare, ready and
eloquent in debate, fearless--yes, I repeat again, fearless--in
defence of the rights of the weak against the oppression of the
strong, he stands to-day closer to the great mass of the people of
this country than almost any other man now engaging public
attention.'"
At the conclusion of my speech there was a tremendous demonstration,
and General Prentiss seconded the nomination. General Logan received
sixty-three and one-half votes on the first ballot, and sixty-one
votes on the second and third ballots.
Immediately after the third ballot, I received this telegram from
General Logan, who was in Washington:
"Washington, D. C., _June 6, 1884_.
"To Senator Cullom, Convention Hall, Chicago, Ill.:"
"The Republicans of the States that must be relied upon to elect
the President having shown a preference for Mr. Blaine, I deem it
my duty not to stand in the way of the people's choice, and recommend
my friends to assist in his nomination.
"John A. Logan."
When Illinois was called on the fourth ballot, I attempted to read
the telegram to the convention, but a point of order was raised by
Senator Burrows, which the Chair sustained. It was thoroughly well
understood in the convention that I had such a telegram, and after
the chair sustained the point of order I made the following statement:
"The Illinois delegation withdraws the name of General John A.
Logan, and gives for Blaine thirty-four votes, for Logan seven,
and for Arthur three."
This announcement was punctuated with another deafening outburst,
and Blaine was nominated amidst great enthusiasm. After I withdrew
General Logan's name and cast the vote for Blaine the result was
a foregone conclusion.
There was immediately a strong disposition to place Logan on the
ticket as our candidate for Vice-President. There was considerable
doubt as to whether he would accept. Finally he sent a telegram
in which he said: "The Convention must do what they think best
under the circumstances."
He was then nominated for Vice-President without much opposition.
It was a superb ticket, and every one thought it would sweep the
country. Blaine, in the opinion of many people, was the most
popular statesman since the days of Henry Clay; Logan, the greatest
volunteer officer of the Civil War.
I do not, however, believe that Blaine and Logan got along very
well together in the campaign. In my opinion Logan felt that he
would have been a stronger candidate for the Presidency than Blaine,
as after events proved that he would. Had Logan headed the ticket,
there would have been none of the scandal nor charges of corruption
that were made in the campaign with Blaine at the head. There
would have been no "Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion," which in the
opinion of many people resulted in the defeat of Blaine and Logan.
Whatever the causes, the ticket was defeated; and then came Logan's
famous fight for re-election to the Senate, continuing three and
a half months, the Legislature being tied; but the fight ended by
a rather clever trick on the part of Dan Shepard and S. H. Jones
of Springfield, in electing by a "still hunt" a Republican in the
thirty-fourth District to succeed a Democrat who died during the
session, and finally on May 19, 1885, I received a telegram from
Logan while in New York saying, "I have been elected."
Three or four days before General Logan's death he and Mrs. Logan
were at my house to dinner, to meet some friends--General and Mrs.
Henderson and Senator Allison. After dinner, we were in the smoking-
room. General Logan was talking about the book he had recently
written, showing a conspiracy on the part of the South, entitled
"The Great Conspiracy." He had sent each of us a copy of the book,
and he remarked that he ventured to say that neither of us had read
a word of it; the truth was that we had not, and we admitted it.
General and Mrs. Logan went home a little early, because he was
then suffering with rheumatism. They invited Mrs. Cullom and me
to dinner the following Sunday evening. General Logan had grown
worse, and he could not attend at the table, but rested on a couch
in an adjoining room. He never recovered, and passed away some
two or three days afterward. I was present at his death-bed. The
last words he uttered were, "Cullom, I am terribly sick."
The death of no other General, with the possible exception of
General Grant, was so sorrowfully and universally mourned by the
volunteer soldiery of the Union as was the death of General Logan.