check Pike by other data. From Pine r. to town of Aitkin, Aitkin Co.,
is 32½ m. by river; this is very tortuous; air-line distance between
these points, 16¼ m., or just one-half of the river-miles. At 12 of
these direct miles' distance above Pine r. and 4¼ below Aitkin is our
most important datum-point, viz., mouth of Lower Red Cedar r. This is
the discharge of Lower Red Cedar l., a comparatively large body of
water 6 m. to the right (nearly S. from the mouth of L. R. C. r.). On
the shore of L. R. C. l., half a mile E. S. E. of the place where the
river issues from it, was the post of the N. W. Co., whence the party
that met Pike on the 2d came to see what was up, and to which Pike
repairs as Mr. Grant's guest on the 3d. While it is true that these
facts do not fix the three camps with all desirable precision, they
enable us to carry Pike on by "rule of thumb" in an intelligible
manner. I propose, therefore, to set him one-third of the way from
Pine r. to Lower Red Cedar r. on the 31st of Dec.--say opp. Rabbit l.;
two-thirds of this way on the 1st of Jan.--some point between Dean cr.
and Hay cr., both of which fall in on the left (probably a mile above
Dean cr.--see Feb. 24th, beyond); at mouth of Lower Red Cedar r., Jan.
2d; at Aitkin Jan. 3d--to reach which Little Willow r., flowing S.
from Waukenabo and Esquagamau lakes, is passed. These stages cannot in
any event be far out of the way; and to so make them brings up all the
points worth noting between Pine r. and Aitkin in orderly sequence.
The principal ones are the lake and the town. The lake has been well
known since the days of the old French régime; its relations with
Mille Lacs are intimate, and it was thus of consequence in connection
with old canoe-routes; it was for many years also the situation of
important trading-posts. It was le _Bas_ Lac aux Cèdres Rouges of the
French, _Lower_ Red Cedar l., in distinction from another one of
similar name, now Cass l. The distinction is to be sedulously borne in
mind, especially as Pike most often ignores it formally, and
repeatedly speaks of "Red Cedar" or "Cedar" l. indifferently, meaning
the present one when he is hereabouts, and meaning Cass l. when he is
thereabouts; the name is also now commonly clipped down to Cedar l.
and Cedar r. or cr., meaning this one, in modern geographies and
guide-books. Lower Red Cedar l. is large, with perhaps 50 m. of
shore-line altogether; it bears from Aitkin in the direction of
Brainerd; some of its relations are with smaller bodies of water known
as Crystal l., Mud l., Spirit l., Hanging Kettle l., Pine l., Farm
Island l., and Sesabagomag l. Cedar Lake station is about 5 m. W. of
Aitkin, N. P. R. R. Aitkin is per schedule by rail 27 m. from
Brainerd, 87 m. from Duluth; population 1,000; for persons named
Aitkin (not Aiken or Aitken), see that word in the Index. The present
town is on the right hand going up, left or S. side of the
Mississippi, at the mouth of Mud or Muddy r. (Ripple cr.), a
considerable stream, connected with a system of small lakes. It falls
into the Mississippi in Sect. 1, T. 47, R. 27, 4th M.; and in this
same section is the mouth of a stream which Owen called Sesabagomag
r., but which I find given as Missagony r. on late maps. Nicollet
charted it, with no name. Below the mouth of Lower Red Cedar r. Pike
goes from Crow Wing into Aitkin Co. He had passed the county line Jan.
3d.
[II-48] "Point" as a measure of distance is not a well-known term, and I
am not sure of what it means. There is some internal evidence in Pike
that one of his "points" was from ⅛ to ¼ to ½ m., according to the
nature of the ground and the degree of "that tired feeling" which is
liable to overcome the most pushing wayfarer. I imagine "point" to
correspond to the _pause_ or _pose_ of the voyageurs. In their
language a _piece_ was a package of any goods, made up to weigh from
50 to 100 lbs., supposed to weigh about 90 on an average, for
convenience of transportation over portages. Such a pack would be
slung on the shoulders by the _fillet_ or forehead strap; and the
voyageur would start off at a dog-trot and drop it when he got tired.
This stop or rest was the _pose_; the Chip. name was _opuggiddiwanan_,
lit. the place of putting down the pack. Pike had to the last degree
the first qualification of a traveler--"go"; people who lack plenty of
that should stay at home. That he was a prudent or judicious traveler
can hardly be said; he must have been a terrible fellow to push,
merciless on his men, and especially on himself. He took all the
chances _per aspera_, when some of the roughest things might have been
smoothed or avoided had his foresight been as good as his hindsight.
He blew up things with gunpowder once, and it is a wonder he was not
blown up on the 4th, instead of being only burnt out. He missed very
few of the accidents that the spirits of fire, air, earth, and water
could conspire to throw in his way; and his faithless sergeant made
away with all the spirits he had in the keg at Swan r. However, he got
through all right, and got his men all through too--_sic iter ad
astra_.
[II-49] The direct distance from Aitkin to the site of the N. W. Co.
house, at least 1 m. S. of the outlet of Sandy l., is about 24 m.; the
river is also pretty direct as a whole, between these two places; but
it is extremely tortuous in its many minor bends of a mile or two
apiece, so that the distance the sledges traveled on the ice may have
been twice as far as that by the way Pike and Bradley forged ahead.
These two reached Mr. Grant's house on the night of the 8th; the men
with the sledges, not till evening of the 13th. The two sets of camps
might be arbitrarily set along this lap, by ignoring such wild figures
as "27 miles" for the 5th, and assuming other data. But this would
probably not help us to a better understanding of this section of the
route than the following notes: 1. Less than a mile above the mouth of
Mud r. (Aitkin) a stream falls in on the right; this is Missagony r.,
marked Sesabagomag r. on Owen's map. 2. Rice r. (Manomin r. of
Nicollet's map) falls in on the right, 4½ m. in an air-line above the
mouth of Mud r., in Sect. 4, T. 47, R. 26, 4th M. 3. Willow r. falls
in on the left, 6 m. in an air-line above the mouth of Rice r., in
Sect. 2, T. 48, R. 26, 4th M. This is to be particularly noted in
connection with Pike's journey, as he proceeds approximately by way of
this river from Sandy l. to Grand Rapids in the vicinity of Pokegama
falls. It is the largest tributary of the Mississippi on that side
between Pine r. and the Leech Lake branch of the Mississippi. Pike
charts it by the name of Pike r.--not his own name, as Beltrami
implies, II. p. 446, but that of the pike, a fish, translating F.
Rivière du Brochet; it is also Pike r. of Long's map; it was called
Alder r. by Cass and Meaogeo r. by Beltrami; but it is now always
known as Willow r. Its system of lakes is also in close relation with
those E. and S. E. of Leech l., and the river was thus one of the
recognized routes between this lake and the Mississippi. Its mouth is
about one-third of the direct distance between Aitkin and Sandy lake.
4. There are some rapids above Willow r., two of them called Moose and
Sandy Lake rapids; the latter are only about 2½ m. direct W. from the
lake, but fully 6 m. by the bends of the river; the town of Portage is
near them. Pike and Bradley left the river at some point below these
rapids, to make straight for the lake. 5. Sandy l., Lac au Sable or de
Sable of the French, is close to the river, on the right hand going
up, and discharges into the Mississippi by a short crooked stream
called Sandy Lake r., 2 m. or less in length. Its greatest diameter in
any direction is probably under 5 m., but the figure is so irregular,
with such extensive projections into the main body of waters, that the
actual shore-line is more than 30 m. It receives the discharges of a
number of smaller lakes in the vicinity, among them one called Aitkin
by Nicollet. Its principal feeders are two in number. One of these
comes in at the southernmost end of the lake, and takes the name of
Sandy, Sandy Lake, or Rice Lake r. The N. P. R. R. crosses this stream
near McGregor, which is 12 m. by the wagon-road southward from the
discharge of the lake. This river has a main branch from Manomin or
Rice l.; and either this branch or the whole river is the
Menomeny-sibi or Wild Oats r. of Beltrami. The other main affluent of
Sandy l. comes in from the E., at a point on the E. shore in the N. E.
¼ of Sect. 9, T. 49, R. 23, 4th M., and is generally known as Prairie
r. Nicollet called it Little Prairie r.; Long, Savanna r. Its main
branch from the N. E. is now known as Savanna r.; Nicollet called this
West Savannah r. to distinguish it from that branch of the St. Louis
r. which he designated East Savannah r., and accentuate the relations
of the two. For it must be known that these rivers of the
Mississippian basin connect so closely with certain branches of the
St. Louis, in the Lake Superior basin, that they were formerly of the
utmost importance as waterways between the two great systems, and as
such were greatly used by the early voyageurs. The N. W. Co. house
where Pike was entertained stood on the W. shore of Sandy l., next to
the Mississippi. Pike marks the site on his map, and gives it as 1¼ m.
S. of the discharge of the lake into the short thoroughfare by which
this reaches the Mississippi. There are existing remains of old
settlements in various positions further south. A trail from the
Indian village struck the Mississippi r. in the S. E. ¼ of Sect. 4, T.
49, R. 24. When David Thompson was here in 1798, he made the fort to
be lat. 46° 46' 39" N., long. 93° 20' W. It was a point of commercial
and even political importance long before Pike's day--it was such at
the pivotal date, 1763, in the history of French-English occupancy of
the Upper Mississippi. At the discharge of the lake into the
Mississippi on the N. side, in the center of Sect. 25, T. 50, R. 24,
is a small sharp point; this was the site of a post of the Amer. Fur
Co. of which Schoolcraft speaks in 1832; Palmburg was and Libby is
there now. It would be a pity if the government dam now constructing
on the outlet should convert this beautiful sheet of water into such a
dismal cesspool as Lake Winnibigoshish has become since that was
dammed; but lumberjacks prevail in northern Minnesota by a large
majority, and logging-booms have nothing in common with scenic
effects.
[II-50] In the summer of 1802, the Morrison party, consisting of William
Morrison, the brothers Michael and Antoine Cheniers, John McBean, one
Bouvin, and one Grignon, came into the country in the service of the
X. Y. Co. (Richardson & Co.), in opposition to the N. W. Co. The
genuine Morrison letter elsewhere cited, in connection with the
discovery of the Mississippian source, says: "I found ... Sayers at
Leech Lake, Cotton at Fond du Lac, _and Bousquai at Sandy Lake_." The
latter is no doubt Pike's "Charles Brusky." The name stands Bousky in
Pike's text of 1807, p. 34. The Rev. Mr. Neill, Minn. Hist. Coll., V.
1885, p. 451, speaks of the visit of David Thompson, May 6th, 1798, to
Sandy Lake, adding, "where the post was in charge of Mr. Bruské"
(Bruske in the index).
[II-51] See note 49, p. 137, for Willow r. Pike calls it "Leech Lake
river" in this place, not because that was then or ever has been its
name, but because it was on the route he was going to take from Sandy
l. to Leech l. He flatters our intelligence further by giving us a
perfectly blind snow-shoe trail, for the most part 'cross lots,
without a single compass-point, with wild mileage or none, and not
even a geographical hint, from the 20th to the 26th. He takes it for
granted that we know all about the swamps of N. Minnesota in
midwinter. Luckily, we are not without the means of bringing him to
book. He continues on the Willow River route toward Leech l. with his
whole party till the morning of the 26th, when he leaves the party to
follow up that route, and goes himself with Boley and the Indian to
Mr. Grant's house "on the Mississippi." The Mississippi is a pretty
long river, but it happens that we can discover where Mr. Grant's was
in 1805: see Pike's map, place marked "N. W. C^o.", on the right bank
(W. side) of the river, a little below the place marked "Ripple." This
was directly opposite the present town of Grand Rapids, Itasca Co., 3
m. below Pokegama Falls. The air-line distance from the outlet of
Sandy l. to Grand Rapids is supposed to be 32⅕ m.; by the way Pike
went perhaps 40-45 m. The course is about N. N. W. This cuts off a
considerable segment from the winding course of the Mississippi, which
makes a large elbow eastward. Pike subtends this bend; having crossed
the Mississippi near Sandy l., and thus continued across what he calls
the "portage" to Willow r., he goes up this, not far from parallel
with the Mississippi, till Willow r. bears more to the left; when he
leaves it to continue his course to Mr. Grant's house, having the
Mississippi on his right, but at several (say 5 to 10) miles'
distance, representing the amount of cut-off he makes. On the 26th,
with Boley and an Indian, he forges ahead of his party, who do not get
up to Grant's house till the evening of the 28th, though he is there
on the night of the 26th with the Indian, and Boley comes up on the
morning of the 27th. That section of the Mississippi which Pike thus
avoids may be passed over briefly, as it offers little of interest.
There are some rapids above Sandy l. Three of these are duly charted
by Nicollet, being his lower, middle, and upper "Small" rapids,
respectively now known as Ox-portage, Crooked, and Pine rapids. The
first of these are in Sect. 2, T. 50, R. 24, 4th M.: the others in the
next township above, of the same range. By far the most important
tributary of the Mississippi in this portion of its course is Swan r.,
which falls in from the E. in Sect. 9, T. 52, R. 24, 4th M., 1¼ m.
(direct) south of the boundary line between Aitkin and Itasca cos.,
which here runs on the line between T. 52 and T. 53. The Duluth and
Winnipeg R. R. from Duluth meanders the St. Louis r. as far as
Floodwood, continues N. W. to Wawana, along some tributaries of
Floodwood r., to the divide between Laurentian and Mississippian
waters in the vicinity of Swan r. The latter is marked "Wild Swan R."
on the U. S. Engineers' chart--which is well enough, as all the swans
in that country are wild, though this name apparently arose from
misunderstanding the legend "W. Swan R." on Nicollet's map. This
stands for _West_--not Wild--Swan r., and Nicollet meant by it to
contrast this stream with that tributary of the St. Louis which he
called East Swan r. At a distance of 6½ air-line miles, but fully 14
m. by the meanders of the Mississippi, above the mouth of Swan r., a
small stream comes in from the W., nearly if not exactly on the common
corner of Sects. 21, 22, 27 and 28 of T. 53, R. 24, 4th M. This is
Split Hand r.--the Cut Hand cr. of Nicollet and of Owen, draining from
a lake of the same incisive name, from Willibob l., and some others,
all of which lie southeastward of the large Lake Pokegama. This is the
stream called by Beltrami Singonki-sibi or Marten r. Above Split Hand
r. are several streams on either hand. The one which I take to be
Nicollet's Blueberry cr. falls in from the E. in the S. W. ¼ of Sect.
21, T. 54, R. 24, 4th M., ¾ of a mile due S. of a considerable hill in
the next section above, and 3 m. due E. of Hale l.--that little lake
which is at the tip of the longest eastward finger of Lake Pokegama.
Ascending the Mississippi still, we next come to Trout r. or cr., from
the E., whose mouth falls in the S. W. ¼ of Sect. 5 of the township
just said. This has held its present name since the days of
Schoolcraft and Allen, though Beltrami called it Namago-sibi. Here we
are already approaching Grand Rapids, where we shall find Pike: for
the many important features of that vicinity see next note.
[II-52] I do not know that the exact site of Grant's N. W. Co. House has
been recovered of late years; but there is no question of its location
nearly or directly opposite the town of Grand Rapids, somewhere in the
S. ½ of Sect. 21, T. 55, R. 25, 4th M. It doubtless stood on the first
rising ground from the river--most probably, as I think, on the knoll
that overlooks that curious expansion of the Mississippi into a pair
of ponds or one small lake of hour-glass shape, across the constricted
part of which the river flows. Grand Rapids is the seat of Itasca Co.,
and has become quite a town of late years, at least in comparison with
any others for many miles thereabouts. It stands across the mouth of a
small creek, whose name, if it have one, I could not learn, even when
I was on the spot. It discharges from several small lakes. The rapids
from which the town takes its name are not particularly "grand." Pike
calls them a "ripple." "_Kakabikons_ (or simply _Kabikons_) rapids, as
I have laid them down on the map, have a fall of 9 feet in a distance
of 80 yards," Nicollet, Rep. 1843, p. 63. The volatile Beltrami calls
them "Sassicy-Woenne, or Thundering Rapids," II. p. 455. The Engineer
chart marks the rapids 1247 below and 1252 above--a difference of only
5 feet. At the direct distance of 2½ m. below (E. S. E. of) the town
is a village called La Prairie, of no consequence in itself, but
occupying a notable place. This is the mouth of a comparatively large
river, charted by Pike as "Meadow R. navigable for Bark Canoes 100 M."
Long also maps it as Meadow r.; by Beltrami it is called
Mushkotensoi-sibi or Prairie r., and this last is its present
designation (duplicating the name of one of the tributaries of Sandy
l.: see note 49, p. 138). It is the translation of the Indian word
which Nicollet in this connection renders Mashkudens, and which occurs
in many forms, as Mascouten, Muscatine, etc. About 2 m. S. W. of Grand
Rapids is Horseshoe l., one of the many small bodies of water which
hover like satellites about Lake Pokegama: see next note. The D. and
W. R. R. keeps on the N. side of the Mississippi, from La Prairie
through Grand Rapids to Cohasset and Deer River, its present terminus.
[II-53] Jan. 29th and 30th are not entered in the diary, and there is
intrinsic evidence of confusion in Pike's notes. Observe the statement
made under "Feb. 1st" that Pike reached Leech l. at 2.30 p. m.,
crossed it to the house and arrived there about 3 p. m.--12 m. in
about half an hour, an obvious impossibility. Observe also that Boley
was his only soldier according to Jan. 26th and 27th; but that Miller
was the man with him on the 28th and later days. What became of Boley
and where did Miller come from? We have not a word about the main
party; in fact we are never told by what route they reached Leech
l.--simply that they got there five days after Pike, at 4 p. m., Feb.
6th: see that date. Fortunately the early text of 1807, pp. 37-40,
clears the whole matter up, as follows: "After the whole party had
arrived at this lodge [Grant's house, evening of _Jan. 28th_], Mr.
Pike determined to proceed on to the head of the river [Leech l.],
accompanied by one of his young men, named Miller. He left the camp on
the morning of the _29th_, when it was snowing very fast," etc.,
reached Pokegama falls at 1 p. m.; soon after found three deserted
Chippewa lodges, and "a fine parcel of split wood"; cut down three
balsam-firs to make a shelter, and camped. _Jan. 30th_, passed through
the "dismal cypress swamp," found Mr. Grant's cut-off and reached the
inhospitable Chippewas, who were living at or near White Oak pt. (All
this is given on the 28th in the above text; this is where the break
was made, though there is no break in the week-days, for the entry
"Tuesday, Jan. 28th," covers that day, Wednesday 29th, and Thursday
30th, as shown by what I have bracketed in the text.) _Jan. 31st_,
Pike and Miller continued on from White Oak pt. and went past the
mouth of the Leech Lake fork to some point on that fork, described
above as "one mile below [_i. e._ beyond] the traverse of the meadow,"
in the 1807 text as "a mile above the meadow"; camped there. _Feb.
1st_, reached Leech l. "a little after midday," p. 39 of the 1807
text, agreeing with 2.30 p. m. of above text well enough; across the
lake it was "12 miles" to the establishment of the North West Company,
at _which they arrived about ten o'clock in the evening_. "The gates
were locked," etc., p. 40.
[II-54] Pike has now (Jan. 29th and 30th) gone up the Mississippi from
Grand Rapids to White Oak pt.--not following the river exactly, but
taking the cut-off Mr. Grant marked for him. The air-line distance is
about 13 m. Supposing him to have taken something like the usual
trail, he went as follows: At 3 m. direct above Grand Rapids, 4 m. by
the river, he passed Pokegama falls at 1 p. m., Jan. 29th. This is a
place where the Mississippi drops about 15 feet over a granular quartz
ridge: Pike maps it "Falls of Pakagama 20 F^t. Portage 200 yards."
It is naturally one of the best known points on the river in this
vicinity. It is visible in part from the car window as you go by on
the railroad, but the dam which has been built just above is a more
conspicuous object from that point of view. Nicollet calls the
cataract Kabikons or Little falls, and more fully Kakabikons or
Little-severed Rock falls. At 3¼ m. by the river, above these falls,
is the discharge of Lake Pokegama itself. This is by far the largest
body of water in the vicinity, having an extreme length of 13 m.; but
its form is so irregular, something like a hand with spread-out
fingers, that its actual shore-line is very much greater; and a number
of smaller sheets of water are dotted about it on all sides. Two of
the largest of these are Sisibakwet and Rice lakes. Nicollet renders
Pakegomag, "a name applied by the Chippeways to all sheets of water in
the vicinity of a river," Rep. 1843, p. 63. Schoolcraft says
Peckagama, Allen Pecagama, Owen Pokegoma; Packegamau, and I suppose a
dozen more forms of the word, are found; Beltrami has Pakegamanaguen
or Hook l.; the form I use seems to be most frequent now. The accent
is on the antepenult--Pokeg´-ama. A mile or so below the mouth of this
lake Bass brook falls in from the north, discharging from Bass and
other lakes; the town of Cohasset is at its mouth. The trail now
crosses, or lately did cross, the Mississippi from S. E. to N. W. in
this vicinity. It continues westward, past two overflows of the river
known as Backwater and Cut-off lakes, respectively, on one side and
the other of the Mississippi, continues to a small lake which I
suppose to be one of those so said by Pike above, and then strikes for
the larger lake he speaks of. This traverse leaves the Mississippi
several miles to the left as you go west; for the river makes an
extensive sharp bend S., and there receives Vermilion r. (Wanomon r.
on Nicollet's map) from the S., at the bight of this bend. Exactly 2¼
m. below the mouth of Vermilion r. is the discharge of Lake
Kabukasagetewa (as the name is rendered on the Warner and Foote map).
The "large lake" of the above text is evidently that known to the
voyageurs as Lac aux Chênes, whence our Oak l., also White Oak l.;
from the head of which to Pointe aux Chênes, now Oak pt. or White Oak
pt. (Red-oak Point, Nic., p. 63), is exactly 2½ m. This is clearly the
place where the good Samaritan Chippewa and his amiable family
resided, close by the mouth of Deer r., which Pike charts by this
name, and which is still so called. This falls in from the N. through
another White Oak l., also called Deer, also Stephen's. Notice that
_this last_ (Deer r.) is the stream Beltrami erroneously calls
Onomonikana-sibi or Vermilion r., as he fetches it in on the N., both
in text and on his map.
_Addendum to the above._ I found when at Deer River that the
nomenclature of the natives does not agree with that on our best maps
regarding the lake to be called "White Oak." The first White Oak l. of
the above note, and of all our modern maps--the one which Pike comes
to before he reaches White Oak pt.--is a small one 1½ × ¾ m., lying
chiefly in Sects. 3 and 10 of T. 55, R. 27, 4th M., and through it
goes one but not the other of the two courses into which the
Mississippi is here widely divided. The people never call this White
Oak l., but apply that name to the much larger one through which Deer
r. discharges above White Oak pt.--the Deer l. of Nicollet, Stephen's
lake of our maps. This is a pear-shaped body of water 2¾ m. in extreme
length, with a greatest breadth of over a mile at its lower end. It
lies mainly in Sects. 1, 2, and 12 of T. 144, R. 25, 5th M., but with
the butt end overrunning into T. 56, R. 27, 4th M., and both the inlet
and the outlet of Deer r. being in the latter township. It is thus
entirely off Pike's trail, N. and W. of White Oak pt. This lake
discharges into a loop of the Mississippi by a short thoroughfare of ½
a mile, ending close above White Oak pt., in the N. E. ¼ of Sect. 13,
T. 144, R. 25, 5th M. The miserable hamlet of Deer River--as vile a
place as it was ever my bad luck to discover--lies W. of Deer r., and
a mile or more N. of White Oak l. Here is the terminus of the D. and
W. R. R., a siding of which runs down to the lake at a point ½ a mile
W. of the inlet of Deer r., where a pier is built. On crossing the
lake to get into and go up the Mississippi the usual route is through
the outlet and thence _down_ the Mississippi for nearly a mile, to get
into a long, straight cut-off which avoids some great bends. But there
is a shorter way still, if one can find it, as I did on coming
down--an obscure point directly opposite the pier, in the reeds, where
a canoe can be pushed through into the nearest bend, and so save more
than a mile. A fact which may have originated or perpetuated the above
noted confusion of names is that, above this _large_ White Oak or
Stephen's l. there is a point of hard-wood called Little White Oak
pt., occupying a position with reference to the larger lake like that
which the original Pointe aux Chênes or Oak pt. bears to the lesser
lake. A glance at the Engineer chart, or at such a good map as
Jewett's, on the scale of 2 m. to the inch, will give a clearer idea
of these points than the most elaborate description is likely to
convey.
[II-55] "Chewockomen," as well as the "Chewockmen" of the 1807 ed., is
far from any recognized or acceptable spelling of the Chippewa word,
one fairly good form of which is _Kitchimokomen_. Schoolcraft has
Chimoquemon. It means Big Knives or Long Knives, and is commonly so
translated, the reference being either to the swords of the officers
or the bayonets of the soldiers, which have often struck Indians
forcibly, both in a literal and in a figurative sense. Kitchimokomen
corresponds to the Sioux name _Isantanka_, of the same meaning and
application.
[II-56] On leaving White Oak pt. on the morning of Jan. 31st, Pike and
Miller proceeded approximately up the course of the Mississippi to the
"fork" above said, _i. e._, the confluence of Leech Lake fork with the
main stream. This stretch, which Pike calls "nearly 15 miles long," is
just 6 m. in an air-line, and not much more by the trail. The
Mississippi here flows through "meadows," as Pike correctly says;
these meadows are in part what Nicollet named Eagle Nest savannah. It
is absolutely flat and low marshy ground, alternating with haying
fields, extending widely on both sides of the river, S. and W. of
White Oak l. Little White Oak pt. reaches the river in a narrow tongue
of higher ground, from the N., while higher up several bends of the
river abut against woodland on the S. Throughout this reach the river
is exceeding tortuous; its bends are, moreover, so connected with
collateral channels, in part natural and in part artificial, that the
stream is virtually double and incloses a series of large islands in
its sinuous folds. Some of these thoroughfares float the steamboats
that ply on the river to transport the hay; others are mere ditches,
through which only canoes can be shoved. Two m. below (N. N. E. of)
the Leech Lake fork, the Mississippi receives an important affluent,
namely, the discharge of Ball Club l., which enters at about the
middle of the S. border of Sect. 31, T. 145, R. 25, 5th M., and thus
only about 4 m. due W. of Deer River (town). The difference in level
between this lake and the river is so slight that sometimes, when the
latter is full, it backs up into the former. Ball Club is a pretty
large lake--6 m. long, usually called 7, and 1 to 2 m. broad in
different places, with its long axis about N. W. and S. E.; its shape
is not very well delineated on the Engineer chart, being not elbowed
enough. The outlet is from the lower broad end, in the same Sect. in
which it joins the Mississippi, and is thus less than 1 m. long
(little over ½ m.). This lake is notable because it is the usual and
direct route up to Little Lake Winnibigoshish and so on, to avoid the
more circuitous course of the Mississippi itself. You traverse the
main axis of the lake from its outlet N. W. to its head, and there
make a portage of a mile or so over into Little Lake Winnibigoshish.
"Ball Club," the now universal name of this body of water, is a term
which translates the F. La Crosse; Schoolcraft renders once Lac a la
Crose; Pike has Lac Le Crosse and Le Cross. Schoolcraft has in another
place Bogottowa l., which aboriginal name is rendered Bagatwa by
Beltrami, Pagadowan by Nicollet, by others Pagadawin, etc. All these
names refer to the celebrated game of ball, which the learned
Anglojibway Warren calls _baugahudoway_. Several streams feed this
lake; one of them comes in at the head, from a small lake which
Schoolcraft named Helix l., from the abundance of its snails of that
genus. To return from this excursus to Pike at the mouth of the Leech
Lake fork, up which he goes: This is of course a definite and
well-known point, exactly on the dividing line between the S. W. ¼ of
Sect. 7, T. 144, R. 25, and the S. E. ¼ of Sect. 12, T. 144, R. 26,
5th M. I had a good view of the confluence from a bit of high bank on
the left or N. side of the Mississippi, looking across the mazes of
marsh and meadow land through which both streams meander to their
junction. Leech Lake r. is a very large branch of the Mississippi,
deserving the name of "fork" which Pike applies; he also calls it the
South, and the Sang Sue branch or fork. Beltrami essays the Chippewa
name, as Cazaguaguagine-sibi. Inasmuch as Pike considered this river
to be the main stream, I propose to designate Leech Lake and its
feeders and discharge as the =Pikean Source=, in distinction from the
Julian, Plantagenian, and Itascan sources we shall discuss beyond.
Passing the Forks, Pike and Miller go up Leech Lake r., Jan. 31st, to
some undetermined point in the vicinity of the largest lake into which
this stream expands, and which Pike calls Muddy l. This is of an oval
figure, about 4 m. long by half as broad; its outlet is 3¼ m. up Leech
Lake r. from the forks. Nicollet named it Lake Bessel, after the
famous scientist--his map fairly glitters with the galaxy of
illustrious names he reflects from the bosoms of lakes in Northern
Minnesota, though I cannot recall an instance in which such academic
nomenclature has been "understanded of the people" and retained in
their speech. The lake in present mention is always called Mud or
Muddy, and is much frequented by the Indians for the eminently
utilitarian purpose of gathering wild rice. I saw a string of their
canoes heading that way Aug. 15th, 1894.
CHAPTER III.
ITINERARY, CONCLUDED: LEECH LAKE TO ST. LOUIS, FEBRUARY 1ST-APRIL
30TH, 1806.
Saturday, Feb. 1st. Left our camp pretty early. Passed a continued
train of prairie, and arrived at Lake La Sang Sue [Leech lake] at
half-past two o'clock. I will not attempt to describe my feelings on
the accomplishment of my voyage, for this is [what was then mistaken
to be] the main source of the Mississippi.[III-1] The Lake Winipie
branch is navigable thence to [Upper] Red Cedar [now Cass] lake, for
the distance of five leagues, which is [very far from being] the
extremity of the navigation. Crossed the lake 12 miles to the
establishment of the N. W. Company, where we arrived about three
o'clock [10 o'clock, p. m.]; found all the gates locked, but upon
knocking were admitted, and received with marked attention and
hospitality by Mr. Hugh M'Gillis. Had a good dish of coffee, biscuit,
butter, and cheese for supper.
_Sunday, Feb. 2d._ Remained all day within doors. In the evening sent
an invitation to Mr. [George] Anderson, who was an agent of Dickson,
and also for some young Indians at his house, to come over and
breakfast in the morning.
_Feb. 3d._ Spent the day in reading Volney's Egypt,[III-2] proposing
some queries to Mr. Anderson, and preparing my young man [Miller] to
return with a supply of provisions to my party.
_Feb. 4th._ Miller departed this morning. Mr. Anderson returned to his
quarters. My legs and ankles were so much swelled that I was not able
to wear my own clothes and was obliged to borrow some from Mr.
M'Gillis.
_Feb. 5th._ One of Mr. M'Gillis' clerks [Roussand or Boussant[III-3]]
had been sent to some Indian lodges and expected to return in four
days, but had now been absent nine. Mr. Grant was dispatched in order
to find out what had become of him.
_Feb. 6th._ My men arrived at the fort about four o'clock.[III-4] Mr.
M'Gillis asked if I had any objections to his hoisting their [British]
flag in compliment to ours. I made none, as I had not yet explained to
him my ideas. In making a traverse of the lake, some of my men had
their ears, some their noses, and others their chins frozen.
_Feb. 7th._ Remained within doors, my limbs being still very much
swelled. Addressed a letter to Mr. M'Gillis on the subject of the N.
W. Company trade in this quarter.[III-5]
_Feb. 8th._ Took the latitude and found it to be 47° 16' 13". Shot
with our rifles.
_Sunday, Feb. 9th._ Mr. M'Gillis and myself paid a visit to Mr.
Anderson, an agent of Mr. Dickson of the Lower Mississippi, who
resided at the west end of the lake.[III-6] Found him eligibly situated
as to trade, but his houses bad. I rode in a cariole for one person,
constructed in the following manner: Boards planed smooth, turned up
in front about two feet, coming to a point, and about 2½ feet wide
behind; on which is fixed a box covered with dressed skins painted;
this box is open at the top, but covered in front about two-thirds of
the length. The horse is fastened between the shafts. The rider wraps
himself up in a buffalo-robe and sits flat down, having a cushion to
lean his back against. Thus accoutered, with a fur cap, etc., he may
bid defiance to the wind and weather. Upon our return we found that
some of the Indians had already returned from the hunting-camps; also,
Monsieur Roussand [Mr. M'Gillis' clerk of Feb. 5th], the gentleman
supposed to have been killed by the Indians. His arrival with Mr.
Grant diffused a general satisfaction through the fort.
_Feb. 10th._ Hoisted the American flag in the fort. The English yacht
[Jack] still flying at the top of the flagstaff, I directed the
Indians and my riflemen to shoot at it. They soon broke the iron pin
to which it was fastened, and brought it to the ground. Reading
Shenstone, etc.
_Feb. 11th._ The Sweet, Buck, Burnt, etc., arrived, all chiefs of
note, but the former in particular, a venerable old man.[III-7] From him
I learned that the Sioux occupied this ground when, to use his own
phrase, "he was a made man and began to hunt; that they occupied it
the year that the French missionaries were killed at the river
Pacagama." The Indians flocked in.
_Feb. 12th._ Bradley and myself, with Mr. M'Gillis and two of his men,
left Leech Lake at ten o'clock, and arrived at the house at [Upper]
Red Cedar [now Cass[III-8]] Lake, at sunset, a distance of 30 miles. My
ankles were very much swelled and I was very lame. From the entrance
of the Mississippi to the streight is called six miles, S. W.
course. Thence to the south end, S. 30 E. four miles. The bay at the
entrance extends nearly E. and W. six miles; it is about 2½ from the
north side to a large point. This may be called the upper source of
the Mississippi, being 15 miles above Little Lake Winipie [_i. e._,
Lake Winnibigoshish]; and the extent of canoe navigation only two
leagues to some of the Hudson's Bay waters.
_Feb. 13th._ Were favored with a beautiful day. Took the latitude, and
found it to be 47° 42' 40" N. At this place it was that Mr.
Thompson[III-9] made his observations in 1798, from which he determined
that the source of the Mississippi was in 47° 38'. I walked about
three miles back in the country, at two-thirds water. One of our men
marched to Lake Winepie [_i. e._, Lake Winnibigoshish] and returned by
one o'clock, for the stem of the Sweet's pipe, a matter of more
consequence in his affairs with the Sioux than the diploma of many an
ambassador. We feasted on whitefish [_Coregonus_ sp.], roasted on two
iron grates fixed horizontally in the back of the chimney; the
entrails left in the fish.
_Feb. 14th._ Left the house at nine o'clock. It becomes me here to do
justice to the hospitality of our hosts: one Roy, a Canadian, and his
wife, a Chipeway squaw. They relinquished for our use the only thing
in the house that could be called a bed, attended us like servants,
nor could either of them be persuaded to touch a mouthful until we had
finished our repasts. We made the [Leech Lake] garrison about sundown,
having been drawn at least 10 miles in a sleigh by two small dogs.
They were loaded with 200 pounds, and went so fast as to render it
difficult for the men with snowshoes to keep up with them. The chiefs
asked my permission to dance the calumet-dance, which I granted.
_Feb. 15th._ The Flat Mouth,[III-10] chief of the Leech Lake village,
and many other Indians arrived. Received a letter from Mr.
M'Gillis.[III-11] Noted down the heads of my speech, and had it
translated into French, in order that the interpreter should be
perfectly master of his subject.
_Sunday, Feb. 16th._ Held a council with the chiefs and warriors of
this place and of Red Lake; but it required much patience, coolness,
and management to obtain the objects I desired, viz.: That they should
make peace with the Sioux; deliver up their [British] medals and
flags; and that some of their chiefs should follow me to St.
Louis.[III-12] As a proof of their agreeing to the peace, I directed that
they should smoke out of the [Sioux chief] Wabasha's pipe, which lay
on the table; they all smoked, from the head chief to the youngest
soldier. They generally delivered up their flags with a good grace,
except Flat Mouth, who said he had left both at his camp, three days'
march, and promised to deliver them up to Mr. M'Gillis to be
forwarded. With respect to their returning with me, old Sweet thought
it most proper to return to the Indians of Red lake, Red river, and
Rainy Lake river. Flat Mouth said it was necessary for him to restrain
his young warriors, etc. The other chiefs did not think themselves of
sufficient consequence to offer any reason for not following me to St.
Louis, a journey of between 2,000 and 3,000 miles through hostile
tribes of Indians. I then told them, "that I was sorry to find that
the hearts of the Sauteurs of this quarter were so weak; that the
other nations would say, 'What! were there no soldiers at Leech, Red,
and Rainy Lakes who had the hearts to carry the calumet of their chief
to their father?'" This had the desired effect. The Bucks and Beaux
[_sic_--both pl.], two of the most celebrated young warriors, rose and
offered themselves to me for the embassy; they were accepted, adopted
as my children, and I was installed their father. Their example
animated the others, and it would have been no difficult matter to
have taken a company; two, however, were sufficient. I determined that
it should be my care never to make them regret the noble confidence
placed in me; for I would have protected their lives with my own.
Beaux is brother to Flat Mouth. Gave my new soldiers a dance and a
small dram. They attempted to get more liquor, but a firm and
peremptory denial convinced them I was not to be trifled with.
_Feb. 17th._ The chief of the land[III-13] brought in his flag and
delivered it up. Made arrangements to march my party the next day.
Instructed Sweet how to send the parole to the Indians of Red river,
etc. Put my men through the manual, and fired three blank rounds, all
of which not a little astonished the Indians. I was obliged to give my
two new soldiers each a blanket, pair of leggins, scissors, and
looking-glass.
_Feb. 18th._ We[III-14] marched for [Lower] Red Cedar Lake about eleven
o'clock, with a guide provided for me by Mr. M'Gillis; were all
provided with snowshoes. Marched off amid the acclamations and shouts
of the Indians, who generally had remained to see us take our
departure. Mr. Anderson promised to come on with letters; he arrived
about twelve o'clock and remained all night. He concluded to go down
with me to see Mr. Dickson.
_Feb. 19th._ Bradley, Mr. L'Rone [?], the two young Indians [Buck and
Beau], and myself, left Mr. M'Gillis' at ten o'clock; crossed Leech
Lake in a S. E. direction 24 miles. Mr. M'Gillis' hospitality deserves
to be particularly noticed; he presented me with his dogs and cariole,
valued in this country at $200. One of the dogs broke out of his
harness, and we were not able during that day to catch him again; the
other poor fellow was obliged to pull the whole load--at least 150
pounds. This day's march was from lake to lake.[III-15]
_Feb. 20th._ I allowed my men to march at least three hours before me;
notwithstanding which, as it was cold and the road good, my sleigh
dogs brought me ahead of all by one o'clock. Halted for an encampment
at half past two o'clock. Our courses this day were S. E. six miles,
then S. 18 miles, almost all the way over lakes, some of which were
six miles across. Encamped on the bank of a lake called Sandy
Lake.[III-16] Indians were out hunting.
_Feb. 21st._ Traveled this day generally S. Passed but two lakes;
Sandy Lake, which is of an oblong form, N. and S. four miles, and one
other small one. The Indians, at the instigation of Mr. L'Rone,
applied for him to accompany us. I consented that he should go as far
as [Lower] Red Cedar Lake. I then wrote a note to M'Gillis upon the
occasion. After Reale had departed with it, L'Rone disclosed to me
that it was his wish to desert the N. W. Company entirely, and
accompany me. To have countenanced for a moment anything of this kind,
I conceived would have been inconsistent with every principle of
honor; I therefore obliged him to return immediately. We then had no
guide, our Indians not knowing the road. Our course was through woods
and bad brush, 15 miles.
_Feb. 22d._ Our course a little to the S. of E., through woods not
very thick. Arrived at White Fish Lake[III-17] at eleven o'clock, and
took an observation. My party crossed this lake and encamped between
two lakes. This may be called the source of Pine river. At this place
has been one of the N. W. Company's establishments at the N. E. and S.
side. It was a square stockade of about 50 feet, but at this time
nearly all consumed by fire. Also one standing over the point on the
E. side.
_Sunday, Feb. 23d._ My two Indians, Boley, and myself, with my sleigh
and dogs, left the party under an idea that we should make [Lower] Red
Cedar lake. We marched hard all day, without arriving at the
Mississippi. Our course was nearly due east until near night, when we
changed more south. Took no provision or bedding. My Indians killed 15
partridges, some nearly black, with a red mark over their eyes, called
the savanna partridge [Canada grouse or spruce partridge, _Dendragapus
canadensis_]. Overtaken about noon by two of Mr. Anderson's men, named
Brurie and [Blank], Mr. Anderson himself not being able to come.
Distance 30 miles.
_Feb. 24th._ We started early, and after passing over one of the worst
roads in the world, found ourselves on a lake about three o'clock;
took its outlet [Dean creek] and struck the Mississippi about one mile
below the [Chippewa] canoes mentioned on Jan. 1st, by which I knew
where we were. Ascended the Mississippi about four miles, and encamped
on the west side [about the mouth of Hay creek[III-18]]. Our general
course this day was nearly S., when it should have been S. E. My
young warriors were still in good heart, singing and showing every
wish to keep me so. The pressure of my racket-strings brought the
blood through my socks and mockinsons, from which the pain I marched
in may be imagined.
_Feb. 25th._ We marched and arrived at [Lower Red] Cedar lake before
noon; found Mr. Grant and De Breche, chief of Sandy lake
[Chippewas[III-19]] at the house. This gave me much pleasure, for I
conceive Mr. Grant to be a gentleman of as much candor as any with
whom I made an acquaintance in this quarter, and the chief, De Breche,
is reputed to be a man of better information than any [other] of the
Sauteurs.
_Feb. 26th._ Sent one of Mr. Grant's men down with a bag of rice to
meet my people; he found them encamped on the Mississippi. Wrote a
letter[III-20] to Mr. Dickson on the subject of the Fols Avoins [Folle
Avoine or Menomonee Indians]; also, some orders to my sergeant
[Kennerman, at the stockade on Swan river]. This evening I had a long
conversation with De Breche; he informed me that a string of wampum
had been sent among the Chipeways, he thought by the British
commanding officer at St. Joseph. He appeared to be a very intelligent
man.
_Feb. 27th._ The chief called the White Fisher and seven Indians
arrived at the house. My men also arrived about twelve o'clock.
_Feb. 28th._ We left [Lower] Red Cedar lake about eleven o'clock, and
went to where the canoes were [near Dean creek], mentioned in my
journal of Jan. 1st. My young Indians [Buck and Beau] remained behind
under the pretense of waiting for the chief De Breche, who returned to
Sandy Lake for his [British] flag and medals, and was to render
himself at my post with Mr. Grant about the 15th of the following
month.
_Mar. 1st._ Departed early. Passed our encampment of Dec. 31st at nine
o'clock. Passed Pine river at twelve o'clock. Passed our encampment of
Dec. 30th at three o'clock. Passed our encampment of Dec. 29th just
before we came to our present, which we made on the point of the Pine
Ridge below. Distance 43 miles.[III-21]
_Sunday, Mar. 2d._ Passed our encampment of Dec. 28th at ten o'clock,
that of Dec. 27th at one o'clock, and encamped at that of Dec. 26th
[Brainerd]. Found wood nearly sufficient for our use. This morning
dispatched Bradley to the last place we had buried a barrel of flour
[Dec. 20th, a short distance below Crow Wing river], to thaw the
ground and hunt. This day a party of Indians struck the river behind
Bradley and before us, but left it 10 miles above Raven [Crow Wing]
river.
_Mar. 3d._ Marched early; passed our Christmas encampment at sunrise.
I was ahead of my party in my cariole. Soon afterward I observed a
smoke on the W. shore. I hallooed, and some Indians appeared on the
bank. I waited until my interpreter came up; we then went to the camp.
They proved to be a party of Chipeways, who had left the encampment
the same day we left it. They presented me with some roast meat, which
I gave my sleigh dogs. They then left their camp and accompanied us
down the river. We passed our encampment of Dec. 24th at nine
o'clock, of the 23d at ten o'clock, and of the 22d at eleven o'clock;
here the Indians crossed over to the W. shore; arrived at the
encampment of Dec. 21st at twelve o'clock, where we had a barrel of
flour [cached Dec. 20th, short of Crow Wing river].
I here found Corporal Meek and another man from the post [on Swan
river], from whom I heard that the men were all well; they confirmed
the account of a Sioux having fired on a sentinel; and added that the
sentinel had first made him drunk and then turned him out of the tent;
upon which he fired on the sentinel and ran off, but promised to
deliver himself up in the spring. The corporal informed me that the
sergeant [Kennerman] had used all the elegant hams and saddles of
venison which I had preserved to present to the commander-in-chief and
other friends; that he had made away with all the whisky, including a
keg I had for my own use, having publicly sold it to the men, and a
barrel of pork; that he had broken open my trunk and sold some things
out of it, traded with the Indians, gave them liquor, etc.; and this,
too, contrary to my most pointed and particular directions. Thus,
after I had used in going up the river with my party the strictest
economy, living upon two pounds of frozen venison a day, in order that
we might have provision to carry us down in the spring, this fellow
was squandering the flour, pork, and liquor during the winter, while
we were starving with hunger and cold. I had saved all our corn,
bacon, and the meat of six deer, and left it at Sandy Lake, with some
tents, my mess-boxes, salt, tobacco, etc., all of which we were
obliged to sacrifice by not returning the same route we went; we had
consoled ourselves at this loss by the flattering idea that we should
find at our little post a handsome stock preserved--how mortifying the
disappointment!
We raised our barrel of flour and came down to the mouth of the little
[Nokasippi] river, on the E., which we had passed on Dec. 21st. The
ice covered with water.
_Mar. 4th._ Proceeded early. Passed our encampment of Dec. 20th at
sunrise. Arrived at that of the 19th [read 17th] at nine o'clock; here
we had buried two barrels.[III-22] Made a large fire to thaw the ground.
Went on the prairie and found Sparks, one of my hunters, and brought
him to the river at the Pine Camp [of Dec. 14th, 15th, 16th, vicinity
of Olmsted's bar]. Passed on opposite our encampment of Dec. 13th [at
or near Topeka], and encamped where Sparks and some men had an old
hunting-camp, and where Fresaie, a Chipeway chief, surrounded them.
_Mar. 5th._ Passed all the encampments [Dec. 12th, 11th, 10th, 9th]
between Pine creek and the post, at which we arrived about ten
o'clock.[III-23] I sent a man on ahead to prevent the salute I had
before ordered by letter [of Feb. 28th]; this I had done from the idea
that the Sioux chiefs would accompany me. Found all well. Confined my
sergeant. About one o'clock Mr. Dickson arrived, with Killeur Rouge,
his son, and two other Sioux men, with two women who had come up to be
introduced to the Sauteurs they expected to find with me. Received a
letter from [Joseph] Reinville.
_Mar. 6th._ Thomas [Carron[III-24]], the Fols Avoin's first chief,
arrived with ten others of his nation. I made a serious and
authoritative expostulative representation to him of my opinion of the
conduct of Shawonoe, another chief of his nation, who had behaved ill.
Had also a conference with Killeur Rouge and his people. At night
wrote to Messrs. Grant, M'Gillis, and Anderson.
_Mar. 7th._ Held conversations with the Indians. Thomas [Carron], the
Fols Avoin chief, assured me that he would interest himself in
obliging the Puants to deliver up the men who had recently committed
murders on the Ouiscousing and Rock rivers; and if necessary he would
make it a national quarrel, on the side of the Americans. This Thomas
is a fine fellow, of a very masculine figure, noble and animated
delivery, and appears to be very much attached to the Americans. The
Sioux informed me that they would wait until I had determined my
affairs in this country, and then bear my words to the St. Peters.
_Mar. 8th._ The Fols Avoin chief presented me with his pipe to give to
the Sauteurs on their arrival, with assurances of their safety on
their voyage, and his wish for them to descend the river. The Fils de
Killeur Rouge also presented me with his pipe to present to the
Sauteur Indians on their arrival, to make them smoke, and assure them
of his friendly disposition, and that he would wait to see them at Mr.
Dickson's. Thomas made a formal complaint against a Frenchman, by name
Greignor,[III-25] who resided in Green bay, and who he said abused the
Indians, beat them, etc., without provocation. I promised to write to
the commanding officer or Indian agent at Michilimackinac upon the
occasion. The Indians with Mr. Dickson all took their departure.
Hitched my dogs in the sleigh, which drew one of the Indian women down
the ice, to the no little amusement of the others. Went some distance
down the river in order to cut a mast. Cut a pine mast 35 feet long
for my big boat at the prairie [Prairie du Chien]. This day my little
boy broke the cock of my gun; few trifling misfortunes could have
happened which I should have regretted more, as the wild fowl just
began to return on the approach of spring.
_Sunday, Mar. 9th._ I examined into the conduct of my sergeant, and
found that he was guilty; punished him by reduction, etc. Visited the
Fols Avoin lodges and received a present of some tallow. One of my men
arrived from the hunting-camp with two deer.
_Mar. 10th._ Was visited by the Fols Avoin chief and several others of
his nation. This chief was an extraordinary hunter; to instance his
power, he killed 40 elk and a bear in one day, chasing the former from
dawn to eve. We were all busied in preparing oars, guns, mast, etc.,
by the time the ice broke up, which was opening fast.
_Mar. 11th._ In a long conversation with a Reynard, he professed not
to believe in an hereafter; but he believed that the world would all
be drowned by water at some future period; he asked how it was to be
repeopled. In justice to his nation, however, I must observe that his
opinion was singular.[III-26]
_Mar. 12th._ Made preparations; had a fine chase with deer on the ice;
killed one. Since our return I have received eight deer from our camp.
_Mar. 13th._ Received two deer from my hunting-camp. Went out with my
gun on the opposite side of the river. Ascended the mountain which
borders the prairie. On the point of it I found a stone on which the
Indians had sharpened their knives, and a war-club half finished. From
this spot you may extend the eye over vast prairies with scarcely any
interruption but clumps of trees, which at a distance appeared like
mountains, from two or three of which the smoke rising in the air
denoted the habitation of the wandering savage, and too often marked
them out as victims to their enemies; from whose cruelty I have had
the pleasure in the course of the winter and through a wilderness of
immense extent to relieve them, as peace has reigned through my
mediation from the prairie Des Cheins to the lower Red river. If a
subaltern with but 20 men, at so great a distance from the seat of his
government, could effect so important a change in the minds of those
savages, what might not a great and independent power effect, if,
instead of blowing up the flames of discord, they exerted their
influence in the sacred cause of peace?
When I returned to the fort, I found the Fols Avoin chief, who
intended to remain all night. He told me that near the conclusion of
the Revolutionary War his nation began to look upon him as a warrior;
that they received a parole from Michilimackinac, on which he was
dispatched with 40 warriors; and that on his arrival he was requested
to lead them against the Americans. To which he replied: "We have
considered you and the Americans as one people. You are now at war;
how are we to decide who has justice on their side? Besides, you white
people are like the leaves on the trees for numbers. Should I march
with my 40 warriors to the field of battle, they with their chief
would be unnoticed in the multitude, and would be swallowed up as the
big water embosoms the small rivulets which discharge themselves into
it. No, I will return to my nation, where my countrymen may be of
service against our red enemies, and their actions renowned in the
dance of our nation."
_Mar. 14th._ Took the latitude by an artificial horizon, and measured
the river. Received one deer and a half from my hunting-camp. Ice
thinner.
_Mar. 15th._ This was the day fixed upon by Mr. Grant and the Chipeway
warriors for their arrival at my fort. I was all day anxiously
expecting them, for I knew that should they not accompany me down, the
peace partially effected between them and the Sioux would not be on a
permanent footing. Upon this I take them to be neither so brave or
generous as the Sioux, who in all their transactions appear to be
candid and brave, whereas the Chipeways are suspicious, consequently
treacherous and of course cowards.
_Sunday, Mar. 16th._ Received three deer from our hunting-camp.
Examined trees for canoes.
_Mar. 17th._ Left the fort with my interpreter [Rousseau] and [Private
Alexander] Roy, in order to visit Thomas, the Fols Avoin chief, who
was encamped, with six lodges of his nation, about 20 miles below us,
on a little [Wolf creek of Pike, now Spunk] river which empties into
the Mississippi on the W. side, a little above Clear river [of Pike,
now the Platte]. On our way down killed one goose, wounded another,
and a deer that the dogs had driven into an air-hole; hung our game on
the trees. Arrived at the creek; took out on it; ascended three or
four miles on one bank, and descended on the other [missing Carron's
camp both ways]. Killed another goose. Struck the Mississippi below
[Spunk river]. Encamped at our encampment of the [13th] of October,
when we ascended the river. Ate our goose for supper. It snowed all
day, and at night a very severe storm arose. It may be imagined that
we spent a very disagreeable night without shelter, and but one
blanket each.
_Mar. 18th._ We marched [up Spunk river], determined to find the
[Menomonee] lodges. Met an Indian whose track we pursued through
almost impenetrable woods for about 2½ miles to the camp. Here there
was one of the finest sugar-camps I almost ever saw, the whole of the
timber being sugar-tree. We were conducted to the chief's lodge, who
received us in patriarchal style. He pulled off my leggings and
mockinsons, put me in the best place in his lodge, and offered me dry
clothes. He then presented us with syrup of the maple to drink, and
asked whether I preferred eating beaver, swan, elk, or deer; upon my
giving the preference to the first, a large kettle was filled by his
wife, in which soup was made; this being thickened with flour, we had
what I then thought a delicious repast. After we had refreshed
ourselves, he asked whether we would visit his people at the other
lodges, which we did, and in each were presented with something to
eat; by some, with a bowl of sugar; by others, a beaver's tail, etc.
After making this tour we returned to the chief's lodge, and found a
berth provided for each of us, of good soft bearskins nicely spread,
and on mine there was a large feather pillow.
I must not here omit to mention an anecdote which serves to
characterize more particularly their manners. This in the eyes of the
contracted moralist would deform my hospitable host into a monster of
libertinism; but by a liberal mind would be considered as arising from
the hearty generosity of the wild savage. In the course of the day,
observing a ring on one of my fingers, he inquired if it was gold; he
was told it was the gift of one with whom I should be happy to be at
that time; he seemed to think seriously, and at night told my
interpreter, "That perhaps his father" (as they all called me) "felt
much grieved for the want of a woman; if so, he could furnish him with
one." He was answered that with us each man had but one wife, and that
I considered it strictly my duty to remain faithful to her. This he
thought strange, he himself having three, and replied that "He knew
some Americans at his nation who had half a dozen wives during the
winter." The interpreter observed that they were men without
character; but that all our great men had each but one wife. The chief
acquiesced, but said he liked better to have as many as he pleased.
This conversation passing without any appeal to me, as the interpreter
knew my mind on those occasions and answered immediately, it did not
appear as an immediate refusal of the woman. Continued snowing very
hard all day. Slept very warm.
_Mar. 19th._ This morning purchased two baskets of sugar, for the
amount of which I gave orders on Mr. Dickson. After feasting upon a
swan, took our leave for [the Swan river] camp; still snowing. Finding
my two companions [the interpreter and Private Roy] unable to keep up,
I pushed on and arrived at the [Mississippi] river. When I arrived at
the place where I had hung up my first goose [Mar. 17th], I found that
the ravens and eagles had not left a feather; and feasting upon the
deer was a band sufficient to have carried it away, which had picked
its bones nearly clean; what remained I gave my dogs. Stopped at the
place where I expected to find the last goose, but could see nothing
of it; at length I found it hid under the grass and snow, where some
animal had concealed it, after eating off its head and neck. I carried
it to the fort, where I arrived about an hour before sundown.
Dispatched immediately two men with rackets to meet the interpreter
and Le Roy [Private A. Roy]. They arrived about two hours after dark.
Some men also arrived at [from?] the hunting-camp with three deer.
The snow ceased falling about one hour after dark; it was nearly two
feet deep on a level, the deepest that had fallen so low down this
winter.
_Mar. 20th._ Dispatched nine men to my hunting-camp, whence received
two deer. Cloudy almost all day; but the water rose fast over the ice.
_Mar. 21st._ Received a visit from the Fols Avoin chief called the
Shawonoe, and six young men. I informed him without reserve of the
news I had heard of him at [Lower] Red Cedar Lake, and the letter I
wrote to Mr. Dickson. He denied it in toto, and on the contrary said
that he presented his flag and two medals to the Chipeways, as an
inducement for them to descend in the spring; and gave them all the
encouragement in his power. His party was much astonished at the
language I held with him. But from his firm protestations we finally
parted friends. He informed me that a camp of Sauteurs were on the
river, waiting for the chiefs to come down; from which it appeared
they were still expected. At night, after the others had gone, Thomas
arrived and stayed all night. We agreed upon a hunting-party; also
promised to pay old Shawonoe a visit. He informed me that he set out
the other day to follow me, but finding the storm so very bad returned
to his wigwam. The thermometer lower than it has been at any time
since I commenced my voyage.
_Mar. 22d._ Ten of my men arrived from the hunting-camp with 4½ deer.
Thomas departed; I sent a man with him to his camps, from which he
sent me two beavers.
_Sunday, Mar. 23d._ Agreeably to promise, after breakfast I departed
with Miller and my interpreter to pay a visit to the old chief
Shawonoe. We arrived at his camp in about two hours. On our way we met
the Fols Avoin called Chein Blanche [Chien Blanc], who had visited my
post [Dec. 7th] previously to my starting up the river, and at whose
house we stopped when passing. We were received by old Shawonoe at his
lodge with the usual Indian hospitality, but very different from the
polite reception given us by Thomas.
Charlevoix and others have all borne testimony to the beauty of this
nation. From my own observation, I had sufficient reason to confirm
their information as respected the males; for they were all straight
and well-made, about the middle size; their complexions generally fair
for savages, their teeth good, their eyes large and rather
languishing; they have a mild but independent expression of
countenance, that charms at first sight; in short, they would be
considered anywhere as handsome men. But their account of the women I
never before believed to be correct. In this lodge there were five
very handsome women when we arrived; and about sundown a married pair
arrived, whom my interpreter observed were the handsomest couple he
knew; and in truth they were, the man being about 5 feet 11 inches,
and possessing in an eminent manner all the beauties of countenance
which distinguish his nation. His companion was 22 years old, having
dark brown eyes, jet hair, an elegantly proportioned neck, and her
figure by no means inclined to corpulency, as they generally are after
marriage. He appeared to attach himself particularly to me, and
informed that his wife was the daughter of an American who, passing
through the nation about 23 years before, remained a week or two
possessed of her mother, and that she was the fruit of this amour; but
his name they were unacquainted with. I had brought six biscuits with
me, which I presented her on the score of her being my countrywoman;
this raised a loud laugh, and she was called "the Bostonian"[III-27]
during the rest of my stay.
I found them generally extremely hard to deal with. My provision being
only a little venison, I wished to procure some bear's oil, for a few
gallons of which I was obliged to pay $1 per gallon, and then they
wanted to mix tallow with the oil. They also demanded $10 for a
bearskin, the most beautiful I ever saw, which I wanted to mount a
saddle. Indeed I was informed that traders in this country sometimes
give as much as $16 [apiece] for bearskins, for they are eminently
superior to anything of the kind on the lower Mississippi, and sell in
Europe for double the price. In the evening we were entertained with
the calumet and dog dance; also the dance of the ----. Some of the men
struck the post and told some of their war exploits; but as they spoke
in Menomene, my interpreter could not explain it. After the dance, we
had the feast of the dead, as it is called, at which each two or
three were served with a pan or vessel full of meat, and when all were
ready there was a prayer, after which the eating commenced. Then it
was expected we should eat up our portion entirely, being careful not
to drop a bone, but to gather all up and put them in the dish. We were
then treated with soup. After the eating was finished the chief again
gave an exhortation, which finished the ceremony. I am told they then
gather up all the fragments, and throw them in the water, lest the
dogs should get them. Burning them is considered as sacrilegious. In
this lodge were collected at one time 41 persons, great and small, 17
of whom were capable of bearing arms, besides dogs without number.
_Mar. 24th._ Rose early and with my dog-sled arrived at the fort
before ten o'clock. In the afternoon Mr. Grant arrived with De Breche
[Brèche-dent] and some of his young men. Saluted him with 14 rounds.
Found my two young warriors [Buck and Beau] of Leech Lake were brave
enough to return to their homes. Mr. Grant and myself sat up late
talking.
_Mar. 25th._ Sent an Indian to Thomas' lodge, and a letter to Mr.
Dickson. It snowed and stormed all day. Gave the chief the news.
_Mar. 26th._ Thomas, the Fols Avoin chief, arrived with seven of his
men, and old Shawonoe and six of his party. I had them all to feed as
well as my own men. At night I gave them leave to dance in the
garrison, which they did until ten o'clock; but once or twice told me
that if I was tired of them the dance should cease. Old Shawonoe and
White Dog [Chien Blanc] of the Fols Avoins told their exploits, which
we could not understand; but De Breche arose and said, "I once killed
a Sioux and cut off his head with such a spear as I now present to
this Winebago"--at the same time presenting one to a Winebago present,
with whom the Chipeways were at war; this was considered by the former
as a great honor. My hunters went out but killed nothing.
_Mar. 27th._ In the morning the Chipeway chief made a speech and
presented his peace pipe to me to bear to the Sioux, on which were
seven strings of wampum, as authority from seven bands of the
Chipeways either to conclude peace or to make war. As he had chosen
the former, he sent his pipe to the Sioux and requested me to inform
them that he and his people would encamp at the mouth of the Riviere
De Corbeau the ensuing summer, where he would see the United States
flag flying. As a proof of his pacific disposition, the Fols Avoin
chief then spoke and said: "His nation was rendered small by its
enemies; only a remnant was left, but they could boast of not being
slaves; for that always in preference to their women and children
being taken, they themselves killed them. But that their father (as
they called me) had traveled far, and had taken much pains to prevent
the Sioux and Chipeways from killing one another; that he thought none
could be so ungenerous as to neglect listening to the words of their
father; that he would report to the Sioux the pacific disposition of
the Sauteurs, and hoped the peace would be firm and lasting." I then
in a few words informed De Breche "that I would report to the Sioux
all he had said, and that I should ever feel pleased and grateful that
the two nations had laid aside the tomahawk at my request. That I
thanked the Fols Avoin chief for his good wishes and parole which he
had given the Sauteurs." After all this, each chief was furnished with
a kettle of liquor, to drink each other's health; and De Breche's flag
which I had presented him was displayed in the fort. The Fols Avoins
then departed, at which I was by no means displeased; for they had
already consumed all the dry meat I had laid aside for my voyage, and
I was apprehensive that my hunters would not be able to lay up another
supply.
_Mar. 28th._ Late in the afternoon Mr. Grant and the Sauteurs took
their departure, calculating that the Sioux had left the country. Took
with me one of my soldiers and accompanied them to the Fols Avoins
lodge, called the Shawonese, where we ten stayed all night. The Fols
Avoins and Sauteurs had a dance, at which I left them and went to
sleep. Feasted on elk, sugar, and syrup. Previously to the Indians'
departing from my post, I demanded the chief's medal and flags; the
former he delivered, but with a bad grace; the latter he said were in
the lands when I left Lake De Sable (as instructed by the traders I
suppose), and that he could not obtain them. It thundered and
lightened.
_Mar. 29th._ We all marched in the morning, Mr. Grant and party for
Sandy Lake, and I for my hunting-camp. I gave him my spaniel dog. He
joined me again after we had separated about five miles. Arrived at my
hunting-camp about eight o'clock in the morning, and was informed that
my hunters had gone to bring in a deer; they arrived with it, and
about eleven o'clock we all went out hunting. Saw but few deer, out of
which I had the good fortune to kill two. On our arrival at camp found
one of my men at the garrison with a letter from Mr. Dickson. The
soldier informed me that one Sioux had arrived with Mr. Dickson's men.
Although much fatigued, as soon as I had eaten something I took one of
my men and departed for the garrison one hour before sundown. The
distance was 21 miles, and the ice very dangerous, being rotten, with
water over it nearly a foot deep; we had sticks in our hands, and in
many places ran them through the ice. It thundered and lightened, with
rain. The Sioux, not finding the Sauteurs, had returned immediately.
_Sunday, Mar. 30th._ Wrote to Mr. Dickson, and dispatched his man.
Considerably stiff from my yesterday's march. Calked our boats, as the
ice had every appearance of breaking up in a few days. Thus while on
the wing of eager expectation, every day seemed an age. Received 2½
deer from our hunting-camp.
_Mar. 31st._ Finished calking my boats; the difficulty then was with
me, what I should get to pitch the seams. We were all this day and
next as anxiously watching the ice as a lover would the arrival of the
priest who was to unite him to his beloved. Sometimes it moved a
little, but soon closed. An Indian and his woman crossed it when the
poles which they held in their hands were forced through in many
places. The provision to which I was obliged to restrict myself and
men, viz., two pounds of fresh venison per day, was scarcely
sufficient to keep us alive. Though I had not an extraordinary
appetite, yet I was continually hungry.
[_Apr. 1st._ No entry.]
_Apr. 2d._ Went out and killed one deer and two partridges. The ice
began to move opposite the fort at the foot of the rapids, but dammed
up below. Received half a dozen bears from my hunting-camp. Launched
our canoe and brought her down.
_Apr. 3d._ Sent one man down to see the river, another to the camp,
and took two men myself over the hills on the other side of the
Mississippi to hunt. In the course of the day I killed a swan and a
goose, and we certainly would have killed one or two elk had it not
been for the sleigh-dogs; for we lay concealed on the banks of Clear
river when four came and threw themselves into it opposite, and were
swimming directly to us when our dogs bounced into the water, and they
turned. We then fired on them, but they carried off all the lead we
gave them, and we could not cross the river unless we rafted (it being
bank-full), which would have detained us too long a time. In the
evening it became very cold, and we passed rather an uncomfortable
night.
_Apr. 4th._ Took our course home. I killed one large buck and wounded
another. We made a fire and ate breakfast. Arrived at the fort at two
o'clock. Was informed that the river was still shut below, at the
cluster of [Beltrami's Archipelago, Pike's Beaver, and now the
Thousand] islands. Received some bear-meat and one deer from the camp.
_Apr. 5th._ In the morning dispatched two men down the river in order
to see if it was open. My hunters arrived from the camps. Tallowed my
boats with our candles and launched them; they made considerable
water. The young [son of] Shawonoe arrived in my canoe from above,
with about 1,000 lbs. of fur, which he deposited in the fort. The men
returned and informed me that the river was still shut about 10 miles
below.
_Sunday, Apr. 6th._ Sailed my peroque with Sergeant Bradley [promoted,
_vice_ Kennerman reduced] and two men, to descend the river and see if
it was yet open below. They returned in the afternoon and reported all
clear. I had previously determined to load and embark the next day,
and hoped to find it free by the time I arrived. The Fols Avoin called
the Shawonoe arrived and encamped near the stockade. He informed me
that his nation had determined to send his son down in his place, as
he declined the voyage to St. Louis. All hearts and hands were
employed in preparing for our departure. In the evening the men
cleared out their room, danced to the violin, and sang songs until
eleven o'clock, so rejoiced was every heart at leaving this savage
wilderness.
_Apr. 7th._ Loaded our boats and departed at 40 minutes past ten
o'clock. At one o'clock arrived at Clear river, where we found my
canoe and men. Although I had partly promised the Fols Avoin chief to
remain one night, yet time was too precious, and we put off; passed
the Grand [Sauk] Rapids, and arrived at Mr. Dickson's[III-28] just before
sun-down. We were saluted with three rounds. At night he treated all
my men with a supper and a dram. Mr. Dickson, Mr. Paulier, and myself
sat up until four o'clock in the morning.
_Apr. 8th._ Were obliged to remain this day on account of some
information to be obtained here. I spent the day in making a rough
chart of St. Peters, notes on the Sioux, etc., and settling the
affairs of the Indian department with Mr. Dickson, for whose
communications and those of Mr. Paulier I am infinitely indebted. Made
every necessary preparation for an early embarkation.
_Apr. 9th._ Rose early in the morning and commenced my arrangements.
Having observed two Indians drunk during the night, and finding upon
inquiry that the liquor had been furnished by a Mr. Greignor or
Jennesse [La Jeunesse], I sent my interpreter to them to request they
would not sell any strong drink to the Indians; upon which Mr.
Jennesse demanded the restrictions in writing, which were given to
him.[III-29] On demanding his license it amounted to no more than merely
a certificate that he had paid the tax required by a law of the
Indiana territory on all retailers of merchandise, and was by no
means an Indian license; however, I did not think proper to go into a
more close investigation. Last night was so cold that the water was
covered with floating cakes of ice, of a strong consistence. After
receiving every mark of attention from Messrs. Dickson and Paulier, I
took my departure at eight o'clock. At 4 p. m. arrived at the house of
Mr. Paulier, 25 leagues, to whose brother I had a letter. Was received
with politeness by him and a Mr. Veau [Vean of 1807 text, p. 56] who
had wintered alongside of him, on the very island at which we had
encamped on the night of the [4th?] of October in ascending.
After having left this place some time, we discovered a bark canoe
ahead; we gained on it for some time, when it turned a point about 300
yards before, and on our turning it also, it had entirely disappeared.
This excited my curiosity; I stood up in the barge, and at last
discovered it turned up in the grass of the prairie; but after we had
passed a good gunshot, three savages made their appearance from under
it, launched it in the river, and followed, not knowing of my other
boats, which had just turned the point immediately upon them. They
then came on; and on my stopping for the night at a vacant
trading-house, they also stopped, and addressed me, "_Saggo,
Commandant_," or "Your servant, Captain." I directed my interpreter to
inquire their motives for concealing themselves. They replied that
their canoe leaked, and that they had turned her up to discharge the
water. This I did not believe; and as their conduct was equivocal I
received them rather sternly; I gave them, however, a small dram and
piece of bread. They then re-embarked and continued down the river.
Their conduct brought to mind the visit of Fils de Pinchow to Mr.
Dickson, during the winter; one principal cause of which was that he
wished to inform me that the seven men, whom I mentioned to have met
[Sept. 28th] when crossing the portage of St. Anthony, had since
declared that they would kill him for agreeing to the peace between
the Sioux and the Sauteurs; me for being instrumental in preventing
them from taking their revenge for relations killed by Sauteurs in
August, 1805; and Thomas, the Fols Avoin chief, for the support he
seemed disposed to give me. This information had not made the
impression it ought to have made, coming from so respectable a source
as the first chief of the village; but the conduct of those fellows
put me to the consideration of it. And I appeal to God and my country,
if self-preservation would not have justified me in cutting those
scoundrels to pieces wherever I found them? This my men would have
done, if ordered, amid a thousand of them, and I should have been
supported by the chiefs of the St. Peters, at the mouth of which were
300 warriors, attending my arrival; also [I should have been justified
in cutting to pieces], the rascal who fired on my sentinel last winter
[see Mar. 3d, p. 178]. I dreaded the consequences of the meeting, not
for the present, but for fear the impetuosity of my conduct might not
be approved of by my government, which did not so intimately know the
nature of those savages.
This day, for the first time, we saw the commencement of vegetation;
yet the snow was a foot deep in some places.
_Apr. 10th._ Sailed at half past five o'clock; about seven passed Rum
river, and at eight were saluted by six or seven lodges of Fols
Avoins, among whom was a Mr. [Blank], a clerk of Mr. Dickson's. Those
people had wintered on Rum river, and were waiting for their chiefs
and traders to descend in order to accompany them to the Prairie Des
Chiens. Arrived at the Falls of St. Anthony at ten o'clock. Carried
over all our lading and the canoe to the lower end of the portage, and
hauled our boats up on the bank. I pitched my tents at the lower end
of the encampment, where all the men encamped except the guard, whose
quarters were above.
The appearance of the Falls was much more tremendous than when we
ascended; the increase of water occasioned the spray to rise much
higher, and the mist appeared like clouds. How different my sensations
now, from what they were when at this place before! At that time, not
having accomplished more than half my route, winter fast approaching,
war existing between the most savage nations in the course of my
route, my provisions greatly diminished and but a poor prospect of an
additional supply, many of my men sick and the others not a little
disheartened, our success in this arduous undertaking very doubtful,
just upon the borders of the haunts of civilized men, about to launch
into an unknown wilderness--for ours was the first canoe that had ever
crossed this portage--were reasons sufficient to dispossess my breast
of contentment and ease. But now we have accomplished every wish,
peace reigns throughout the vast extent, we have returned thus far on
our voyage without the loss of a single man, and hope soon to be
blessed with the society of our relations and friends.
The river this morning was covered with ice, which continued floating
all day; the shores were still barricaded with it.
_Apr. 11th._ Although it snowed very hard, we brought over both boats
and descended the river to the [Pike's] island at the entrance of the
St. Peters. I sent to the chiefs and informed them I had something to
communicate to them. Fils de Pinchow immediately waited on me, and
informed me that he would provide a place for the purpose. About
sundown I was sent for and introduced into the council-house, where I
found a great many chiefs of the Sussitongs, Gens des Feuilles, and
Gens du Lac. The Yanctongs had not yet come down. They were all
waiting for my arrival. There were about 100 lodges, or 600 people; we
were saluted on our crossing the river with ball, as usual. The
council-house was two large lodges, capable of containing 300 men. In
the upper were 40 chiefs, and as many pipes set against the poles,
alongside of which I had the Sauteur's pipes arranged. I then informed
them in short detail of my transactions with the Sauteurs; but my
interpreters were not capable of making themselves understood. I was
therefore obliged to omit mentioning every particular relative to the
rascal who fired on my sentinel, and to the scoundrel who broke the
Fols Avoins' canoes and threatened my life. The interpreters, however,
informed them that I wanted some of their principal chiefs to go to
St. Louis; and that those who thought proper might descend to the
prairie [Prairie du Chien], where we would give them more explicit
information. They all smoked out of the Sauteurs' pipes, excepting
three, who were painted black and who were some of those who lost
their relations last winter. I invited Fils de Pinchow and the son of
Killeur Rouge to come over and sup with me; when Mr. Dickson and
myself endeavored to explain what I intended to have said to them,
could I have made myself understood; that at the Prairie we would have
all things explained; that I was desirous of making a better report of
them than Capt. [Meriwether] Lewis could do from their treatment of
him. The former of those savages was the person who remained around my
post all last winter, and treated my men so well; they endeavored to
excuse their people, etc.
_Apr. 12th._ Embarked early. Although my interpreter had been
frequently up the river, he could not tell me where the cave spoken of
by Carver could be found; we carefully sought for it, but in
vain.[III-30] At the Indian village a few miles above [read below: see
note 72, p. 74] St. Peters we were about to pass a few lodges, but
on receiving a very particular invitation to come on shore, we landed
and were received in a lodge kindly; they presented us sugar, etc. I
gave the proprietor a dram, and was about to depart, when he demanded
a kettle of liquor; on being refused, and after I had left the shore,
he told me that he did not like the arrangements and that he would go
to war this summer. I directed the interpreter to tell him that if I
returned to the St. Peters with the troops I would settle that affair
with him. On our arrival at the St. Croix, I found Petit Corbeau
[Little Raven: see note 2, p. 85] with his people, and Messrs.
Frazer and Wood. We had a conference, when Petit Corbeau made many
apologies for the misconduct of his people; he represented to us the
different manners in which his young warriors had been inducing him
to go to war; that he had been much blamed for dismissing his party
last fall, but that he was determined to adhere as far as lay in his
power to our instructions; that he thought it most prudent to remain
here and restrain the warriors. He then presented me with a beaver
robe and pipe, and his message to the general, that he was determined
to preserve peace, and make the road clear; also, a remembrance of his
promised medal. I made him a reply calculated to confirm him in his
good intentions, and assured him that he should not be the less
remembered by his father, although not present.
I was informed that notwithstanding the instruction of his license and
my particular request, Murdoch Cameron [see note 64, p. 66] had
taken liquor and sold it to the Indians on the river St. Peters, and
that his partner below had been equally imprudent. I pledged myself to
prosecute them according to law; for they have been the occasion of
great confusion and of much injury to the other traders.
This day we met a canoe of Mr. Dickson's loaded with provision, under
the charge of Mr. Anderson, brother of Mr. [George] Anderson at Leech
Lake. He politely offered me any provision he had on board, for which
Mr. Dickson had given me an order; but not now being in want I did not
accept of any. This day, for the first time, I observed the trees
beginning to bud, and indeed the climate seemed to have changed very
materially since we passed the Falls of St. Anthony.
_Sunday, Apr. 13th._ We embarked after breakfast. Messrs. Frazer and
Wood accompanied me. Wind strong ahead. They outrowed us--the first
boat or canoe we met with on the voyage able to do it; but then they
were double-manned and light. Arrived at the band of Aile Rouge [Red
Wing: see note 67, p. 69] at two o'clock, where we were saluted as
usual.
We had a council, when he spoke with more detestation of the conduct
of the rascals at the mouth of the St. Peters than any man I had yet
heard. He assured me, speaking of the fellow who had fired on my
sentinel and threatened to kill me, that if I thought it requisite, he
should be killed; but as there were many chiefs above with whom he
wished to speak, he hoped I would remain one day, when all the Sioux
would be down, and I might have the command of a thousand men of them;
that I would probably think it no honor, but that the British used to
flatter them they were proud of having them for soldiers. I replied in
general terms, and assured him it was not for the conduct of two or
three rascals that I meant to pass over all the good treatment I had
received from the Sioux nation; but that in general council I would
explain myself. That as to the scoundrel who fired at my sentinel, had
I been at home the Sioux nation would never have been troubled with
him, for I would have killed him on the spot; but that my young men
did not do it, apprehensive that I would be displeased. I then gave
him the news of the Sauteurs, etc.; that as to remaining one day, it
would be of no service; that I was much pressed to arrive below, as my
general expected me, my duty called me, and the state of my provision
demanded the utmost expedition; that I would be happy to oblige him,
but my men must eat. He replied that, Lake Pepin being yet shut with
ice, if I went on and encamped on the ice it would not get me
provision; that he would send out all his young men the next day; and
that if the other bands did not arrive he would depart the day after
with me. In short, after much talk, I agreed to remain one day,
knowing that the lake was closed and that we could proceed only nine
miles if we went.
This appeared to give general satisfaction. I was invited to different
feasts, and entertained at one by a person whose father had been
enacted a chief by the Spaniards. At this feast I saw a man called by
the French Roman Nose [Nez de Corbeau[III-31]], and by the Indians Wind
that Walks, who was formerly the second chief of the Sioux; but being
the cause of the death of one of the traders, seven years since, he
voluntarily relinquished that dignity, and has frequently requested to
be given up to the whites. But he was now determined to go to St.
Louis and deliver himself up, where he said they might put him to
death. His long repentance and the great confidence of the nation in
him would perhaps protect him from a punishment which the crime
merited. But as the crime was committed long before the United States
assumed its authority, and as no law of theirs could affect it, unless
it were ex post facto and had a retrospective effect, I conceived it
would certainly be dispunishable[III-32] now. I did not think proper,
however, to so inform him. I here received a letter from Mr.
Rollett,[III-33] partner of Mr. Cameron, with a present of some brandy,
coffee, and sugar. I hesitated about receiving those articles from the
partner of the man I intended to prosecute: their amount being
trifling, however, I accepted of them, offering him pay. I assured him
that the prosecution arose from a sense of duty, and not from any
personal prejudice. My canoe did not come up, in consequence of the
head wind. Sent out two men in a canoe to set fishing-lines; the canoe
overset, and had it not been for the timely assistance of the savages,
who carried them into their lodges, undressed them, and treated them
with the greatest humanity and kindness, they must inevitably have
perished. At this place I was informed that the rascal spoken of as
having threatened my life had actually cocked his gun to shoot me from
behind the hills, but was prevented by the others.
_Apr. 14th._ Was invited to a feast by Roman Nose. His conversation
was interesting, and shall be detailed hereafter. The other Indians
had not yet arrived. Messrs. Wood, Frazer, and myself ascended a high
hill called the Barn [or La Grange; see note 68, p. 70], from which
we had a view of Lake Pepin, of the valley through which the
Mississippi by numerous channels wound itself to the St. Croix, the
Cannon river, and the lofty hills on each side.
_Apr. 15th._ Arose very early and embarked about sunrise, much to the
astonishment of the Indians, who were entirely prepared for the
council when they heard I had put off. However, after some
conversation with Mr. Frazer, they acknowledged that it was agreeably
to what I had said, that I would sail early, and that they could not
blame me. I was very positive in my word, for I found it by far the
best way to treat the Indians. Aile Rouge had a beaver robe and pipe
prepared to present, but was obliged for the present to retain it.
Passed through Lake Pepin with my barges; the canoe being obliged to
lie by, did not come on. Stopped at a prairie on the right bank,
descending about nine miles below Lake Pepin. Went out to view some
hills which had the appearance of the old fortifications spoken of [by
Carver: see note of the Grand Encampment, p. 59]; but I will speak
more fully of them hereafter. In these hollows I discovered a flock of
elk; took out 15 men, but we were not able to kill any. Mr. Frazer
came up and passed on about two miles. We encamped together. Neither
Mr. Wood's nor my canoe arrived. Snowed considerably.
_Apr. 16th._ Mr. Frazer's canoes and my boats sailed about one hour by
the sun. We waited some time, expecting Mr. Wood's barges and my
canoe; but hearing a gun fired just above our encampment, we were
induced to make sail. Passed Aile Prairie [Winona: note 57, p. 54],
also La Montagne qui Trompe a [Trempe à] L'eau, the prairie De Cross
[La Crosse], and encamped on the W. shore [at Brownsville], a few
hundred yards below where I had encamped on the [11th] day of
September, in ascending. Killed a goose flying. Shot at some pigeons
at our camp, and was answered from behind an island with two guns; we
returned them, and were replied to by two more. This day the trees
appeared in bloom. Snow might still be seen on the sides of the hills.
Distance 75 miles.
_Apr. 17th._ Put off pretty early and arrived at Wabasha's band at
eleven o'clock, where I [was] detained all day for him [at Upper Iowa
river]; but he alone of all the hunters remained out all night. Left
some powder and tobacco for him. The Sioux presented me with a kettle
of boiled meat and a deer. I here received information that the Puants
had killed some white men below. Mr. Wood's and my canoe arrived.
_Apr. 18th._ Departed from our encampment very early. Stopped to
breakfast at the Painted Rock. Arrived at Prairie Des Cheins at two
o'clock, and were received by crowds on the bank. Took up my quarters
at Mr. Fisher's. My men received a present of one barrel of pork from
Mr. Campbell, a bag of biscuit, 20 loaves of bread, and some meat from
Mr. Fisher. A Mr. Jearreau, from Cahokia, is here, who embarks
to-morrow for St. Louis. I wrote to General Wilkinson by him.[III-34] I
was called on by a number of chiefs, Reynards, Sioux of the Des Moyan
[Des Moines river], etc. The Winebagos were here intending, as I was
informed, to deliver some of the murderers to me. Received a great
deal of news from the States and Europe, both civil and military.
_Apr. 19th._ Dined at Mr. Campbell's in company with Messrs. Wilmot,
Blakely, Wood, Rollet, Fisher, Frazer, and Jearreau. Six canoes
arrived from the upper part of St. Peters, with the Yanctong chiefs
from the head of that river. Their appearance was indeed savage, much
more so than any nation I have yet seen. Prepared my boat for sail.
Gave notice to the Puants that I had business to do with them the next
day. A band of the Gens Du Lac arrived. Took into my pay as
interpreter Mr. Y. [read J.] Reinville.
_Sunday, Apr. 20th._ Held a council with the Puant chiefs, and
demanded of them the murderers of their nation;[III-35] they required
till to-morrow to consider it. I made a written demand of the
magistrates to take depositions concerning the late murders.[III-36] Had
a private conversation with Wabasha.
This afternoon they had a great game of the cross on the prairie,
between the Sioux on the one side, and the Puants and Reynards on the
other. The ball is made of some hard substance and covered with
leather; the cross-sticks are round and net-work, with handles of
three feet long. The parties being ready, and bets agreed upon,
sometimes to the amount of some thousand dollars, the goals are set up
on the prairie at the distance of half a mile. The ball is thrown up
in the middle, and each party strives to drive it to the opposite
goal; when either party gains the first rubber, which is driving it
quick round the post, the ball is again taken to the center, the
ground changed, and the contest renewed; and this is continued until
one side gains four times, which decides the bet. It is an interesting
sight to see two or three hundred naked savages contending on the
plain who shall bear off the palm of victory; as he who drives the
ball round the goal is much shouted at by his companions. It sometimes
happens that one catches the ball in his racket, and depending on his
speed endeavors to carry it to the goal; when he finds himself too
closely pursued he hurls it with great force and dexterity to an
amazing distance, where there are always flankers of both parties
ready to receive it; it seldom touches the ground, but is sometimes
kept in the air for hours before either party can gain the victory. In
the game which I witnessed the Sioux were victorious--more, I believe,
from the superiority of their skill in throwing the ball than by their
swiftness, for I thought the Puants and Reynards the swiftest runners.
_Apr. 21st._ Was sent for by La Feuille, and had a long and
interesting conversation with him, in which he spoke of the general
jealousy of his nation toward their chiefs; and said that although he
knew it might occasion some of the Sioux displeasure, he did not
hesitate to declare that he looked on Nez Corbeau [otherwise Raven
Nose and Roman Nose] as the man of most sense in their nation, and he
believed it would be generally acceptable if he was reinstated in his
rank. Upon my return I was sent for by Red Thunder,[III-37] chief of the
Yanctongs, the most savage band of the Sioux. He was prepared with the
most elegant pipes and robes I ever saw, and shortly declared, "That
white blood had never been shed in the village of the Yanctongs, even
when rum was permitted; that Mr. Murdoch Cameron arrived at his
village last autumn; that he invited him to eat, gave him corn as a
bird; that Cameron informed him of the prohibition of rum, and was the
only person who afterward sold it in the village." After this I had a
council with the Puants. Spent the evening with Mr. Wilmot, one of
the best informed and most gentlemanly men in the place.
_Apr. 22d._ Held a council with the Sioux and Puants, the latter of
whom delivered up their [British] medals and flags. Prepared to depart
to-morrow.
_Apr. 23d._ After closing my accounts, etc., at half past twelve
o'clock we left the Prairie; at the lower end of it were saluted by 17
lodges of the Puants. Met a barge, by which I received a letter from
my lady. Further on met one batteau and one canoe of traders. Passed
one trader's camp. Arrived at Mr. Dubuque's at [mouth of Catfish
Creek, at] ten o'clock at night; found some traders encamped at the
entrance with 40 or 50 Indians; obtained some information from Mr. D.,
and requested him to write me on certain points. After we had boiled
our victuals, I divided my men into four watches and put off, wind
ahead. Observed for the first time the half-formed leaves on the
trees.
_Apr. 24th._ In the morning we used our oars until ten o'clock, and
then floated while breakfasting. At this time two barges, one bark,
and two wooden canoes passed us under full sail; by one of which I
sent back a letter to Mr. Dubuque that I had forgotten to deliver.
Stopped at dark to cook supper; after which, rowed under the windward
shore, expecting we could make headway with four oars; but were blown
on the lee shore in a few moments, when all hands were summoned, and
we again with difficulty made to windward, came-to, placed one sentry
on my bow, and all hands beside went to sleep. It rained, and before
morning the water overflowed my bed in the bottom of the boat, having
no cover or any extra accommodations, as it might have retarded my
voyage. The wind very hard ahead.
_Apr. 25th._ Obliged to unship our mast to prevent its rolling
overboard with the swell. Passed the first Reynard village [near head
of Rock River rapids on the Iowan side] at twelve o'clock; counted 18
lodges. Stopped at the prairie in descending on the left, about the
middle of the rapids, where there is a beautiful cove or harbor
[Watertown, Rock Island Co., Ill.]. There were three lodges of Indians
here, but none of them came near us. Shortly after we had left this,
observed a barge under sail, with the United States flag, which upon
our being seen put to shore on the Big [now Rock] Island, about three
miles above Stony [Rock] river, where I also landed. It proved to be
Capt. Many[III-38] of the Artillerists, who was in search of some Osage
prisoners among the Sacs and Reynards. He informed me that at the
[large Sac] village of Stony Point [near the mouth of Rock river] the
Indians evinced a strong disposition to commit hostilities; that he
was met at the mouth of the river by an old Indian, who said that all
the inhabitants of the village were in a state of intoxication, and
advised him to go up alone. This advice, however, he had rejected.
That when they arrived there they were saluted by the appellation of
the bloody Americans who had killed such a person's father, such a
person's mother, brother, etc. The women carried off the guns and
other arms, and concealed them. That he then crossed the river
opposite the village, and was followed by a number of Indians with
pistols under their blankets. That they would listen to no conference
whatever relating to the delivery of the prisoners, but demanded
insolently why he wore a plume in his hat, declared that they looked
on it as a mark of war, and immediately decorated themselves with
their raven's feathers, worn only in cases of hostility. We regretted
that our orders would not permit of our punishing the scoundrels, as
by a _coup de main_ we might easily have carried the village. Gave
Capt. Many a note of introduction to Messrs. Campbell, Fisher, Wilmot,
and Dubuque, and every information in my power. We sat up late
conversing.
_Apr. 26th._ Capt. Many and myself took breakfast and embarked; wind
directly ahead, and a most tremendous swell to combat, which has
existed ever since we left the prairie. Capt. Many under full sail.
Descended by all the sinuosity of the shore, to avoid the strength of
the wind and force of the waves. Indeed I was confident I could sail
much faster up than we could possibly make down. Encamped on Grant's
prairie, where we had encamped Aug. 25th when ascending. There was one
Indian and family present, to whom I gave some corn.
_Sunday, Apr. 27th._ It cleared off during the night. We embarked
early and came from eight or ten leagues above the river Iowa to the
[U. S. agricultural] establishment at the lower Sac village [at
Nauvoo, Ill., see Aug. 20th, 1805] by sundown, a distance of nearly 48
leagues. Here I met with Messrs. Maxwell and Blondeau; took the
deposition of the former on the subject of the Indians' intoxication
at this place, for they were all drunk. They had stolen a horse from
the establishment, and offered to bring him back for liquor, but
laughed at them when offered a blanket and powder. Passed two canoes
and two barges. At the establishment received two letters from Mrs.
Pike. Took with us Corporal Eddy and the other soldier whom Capt. Many
had left. Rowed with four oars all night. A citizen took passage with
me.
_Apr. 28th._ In the morning passed a wintering-ground where, from
appearance, there must have been at least seven or eight different
establishments. At twelve o'clock arrived at the French house
[Hurricane Settlement] mentioned in our voyage up, Aug. 16th [see note
13, that date]. Here we landed our citizen; his name was [Blank],
and he belonged to the settlement on Copper river. He informed me
there were about 25 families in the settlement.
Stopped at some islands [note 12, Aug. 15th] about ten miles above
Salt river, where there were pigeon-roosts, and in about 15 minutes my
men had knocked on the head and brought on board 298. I had frequently
heard of the fecundity of this bird [_Ectopistes migratorius_[III-39]],
and never gave credit to what I then thought inclined to the
marvelous; but really the most fervid imagination cannot conceive
their numbers. Their noise in the woods was like the continued roaring
of the wind, and the ground may be said to have been absolutely
covered with their excrement. The young ones which we killed were
nearly as large as the old; they could fly about ten steps, and were
one mass of fat; their craws were filled with acorns and the wild pea.
They were still reposing on their nests, which were merely small
bunches of sticks joined, with which all the small trees were covered.
Met four canoes of the Sacs, with wicker baskets filled with young
pigeons. They made motions to exchange them for liquor, to which I
returned the back of my hand. Indeed those scoundrels had become so
insolent, through the instigation of the traders, that nothing but the
lenity of our government and humanity for the poor devils could have
restrained me on my descent from carrying some of their towns by
surprise, which I was determined to have done had the information of
their firing on Capt. Many proved to have been correct.
Put into the mouth of Salt river to cook supper, after which, although
raining, we put off and set our watches; but so violent a gale and
thunderstorm came on about twelve o'clock that we put ashore.
Discovered that one of my sleigh-dogs was missing.
_Apr. 29th._ In the morning still raining, and wind up the river;
hoisted sail and returned to the mouth of the river, but neither here
nor on the shore could we find my dog. This was no little
mortification, as it broke the match, whose important services I had
already experienced, after having brought them so near home. We
continued on until twelve o'clock, when it ceased raining for a little
time, and we put ashore for breakfast. Rowed till sundown, when I set
the watch. Night fine and mild.
_Apr. 30th._ By daylight found ourselves at the Portage de Sioux. I
here landed Captain Many's two men, and ordered them across by land to
the cantonment [Belle Fontaine, on the Missouri]. As I had never seen
the village, I walked up and through it; there are not more than 21
houses at furthest, which are built of square logs. Met Lieut.
Hughes[III-40] about four miles above St. Louis,[III-41] with more than 20
Osage prisoners, conveying them to the cantonment on the Missouri; he
informed me my friends were all well. Arrived about twelve o'clock at
the town, after an absence of eight months and 22 days.
FOOTNOTES:
[III-1] It is simple justice to Pike to state here that, in making this
widely erroneous statement, he reflected common report of his day, and
that he elsewhere himself qualifies the assertion. Thus, in his
general review of the Mississippi (which in the orig. ed. formed Doc.
No. 18, p. 41 _seq._ of the App. to Part 1), he says of the Leech Lake
branch: "This is rather considered as the main source, although the
Winipeque [read Winnibigoshish] branch is navigable the greatest
distance." If the volume of waters collected by Leech l. and then
contributed to the Mississippi were made the criterion, the true
Itascan source might have to look to its laurels. Deferring other
considerations to a more convenient connection, we may here confine
attention to the Leech Lake system. The lake itself is much the
largest body of water in the Mississippi basin above Mille Lacs, much
exceeding in size Lake Winnibigoshish, which itself much exceeds Lake
Cass. These three are the largest reservoirs of the whole drainage
area whose waters unite at the junction of the Leech Lake branch with
the main stream. This area, taken down to Pokegama falls, is about 80
m. from E. to W. and 50 from N. to S.; its content is more than a
thousand lakes and rivers, few of which have been named. These are
quite clearly divided into two main sets, namely, those of the Leech
Lake system on the one hand, and all the rest on the other. Leech l.
is not much smaller than Red l. (of a different system); its greatest
diameter in one direction is over 20 m.; its figure is extremely
irregular, giving a shore-line said to be of about 160 m. length, with
9 principal salient re-entrances and 6 large bays; the feeders, large
and small, are 25-30 in number. The "fond du lac" is at that S. W.
place where the waters of Kabekona and other lakes discharge by the
Kabekona r., in Sect. 9, T. 142, R. 31, 5th M. This series affords,
with several portages, a tolerably direct approach to Lake Itasca,
which lies at an air-line distance of about 25 m. nearly due W. North
of the mouth of the Kabekona, in Sect. 9, T. 143, of the same R. and
M., the Kapukasagitowa, Pikesagidowag, or Bukesagidowag r. falls in
from the N. W. This point is only 7 m. directly S. of the southernmost
part of Cass l., and a chain of 10 small lakes here lies between Cass
and Leech, offering a waterway with some portages. Two of these small
lakes are Moss and Shiba of Schoolcraft; two others of them are his
Kapuka Sagitowa lakes. Further E. on the N. shore of Leech l. a river
falls in from the N. in Sect. 14, T. 144, R. 30. This is Carp r. of
Schoolcraft, draining from a chain of small lakes which approach the
Mississippi itself in that portion of its course which runs from Cass
to Winnibigoshish l. The N. E. extremity of Leech l., called Rush l.
by Schoolcraft and Pickering bay by Nicollet, reaches within 4 m.
(air-line) of Lake Winnibigoshish; there is a small lake between,
named Lake Duponceau by Nicollet, but now known as Portage l., from
the function indicated by this name. In fact it is easier to go from
Winnibigoshish over into Leech than from Cass over into the same.
Along the S. W., S., S. E., and E. shores of Leech l. is a succession
of affluents, some of the larger of which respectively establish
waterways of communication with Crow Wing r., with Pine r., and with
Willow r. The largest of these Leech l. tributaries is Kwiwisens or
Boy r., which offers by its system of lakes and portages the most
direct route by way of Willow r. to Sandy l. Some of the lakes along
this line are by Nicollet named Hassler, Gauss, Deluot, Eccleston,
Brûlé, and Rosati. One of the communications with Pine r. is made by
Sandy r., which falls into Leech l. from the S. (The Crow Wing
connections are noticed elsewhere in detail.) Leech l. discharges by
Leech Lake r. near its N. E. extremity, the outlet being in Sect. 29,
T. 144, R. 28, 5th M. The discharge is now controlled by a dam which,
like the similar structures at the outlet of Lake Winnibigoshish and
elsewhere, is designed to utilize the lakes as artificial reservoirs
to regulate the flow of the Mississippi according to the requirements
for navigation. Leech Lake r. is bowed into an arc whose chord is 16
m. long; Mud l. lies in its course, as already said. The principal
projection of land into Leech l. from the N. is the well-known
Otter-tail pt.; opposite this, from the south, is Big pt.; continuous
with which, by a narrow isthmus, is a very extensive peninsula of
remarkable form, something like a badly shaped anchor or a distorted
letter T. This Tau-formed peninsula is the best known and most
historic place about the lake, as the site of a Chippewa village and
various other establishments, of which more anon. There are several
islands in Leech l.; the largest is Bear or Mukwa isl. (Macuwa of
Beltrami); two others are Pelican and Goose. Leech l. derives its
English name from the F. Lac Sang Sue, or L. aux Sangsues, originally
bestowed in compliment to the sanguisugent annelids with which it was
supposed to be peculiarly favored, by the Chippewas, who conveyed
their meaning in the voluble vocable Kasagaskwadjimekang.
[III-2] Voy. en Égypte et en Syrie, etc., 2 vols., 8vo, Paris, 1787; tr.
Eng., London, 1787, etc. Constantin François Chassebœuf, Comte de
Volney, b. Craon, Anjou, Feb. 3d, 1757, d. Paris, Apr. 25th, 1820, is
best known in letters by his celebrated work, commonly called
"Volney's Ruins," _i. e._, Les Ruines ou Méditations sur les
Révolutions des Empires, etc., orig. ed. 1791, numberless trans. and
eds. down to the present time. The illustrious author was the peer of
Voltaire or Paine in philosophy and religion, and underwent the usual
vicissitudes of free-thinkers of his time, from the prison to the
peerage. His intellect was clear and profound, his erudition vast and
varied; so they called him an "infidel"--whatever they may have meant
by that--and having given him the name would have hanged him had he
been hangable. His researches were chiefly in the fields of history,
geography, archæology, linguistics, statecraft, and priestcraft, all
of which he illuminated to the great inconvenience of political and
ecclesiastical demagogues. _Nullum tetigit quod non ornavit_; the
clergy, however, he adorned with a touch that Voltaire himself might
have envied. Count Volney was in the U. S. in 1795-6-7; his
controversy with the meritorious but somewhat obtuse Priestley, on the
unquestionable unorthodoxy of his Ruins, brought his more formal
scientific works into prominence, and accentuated the fame of his most
imperishable treatise. Cheap editions of the Ruins abound, usually
including the tract originally entitled La Loi Naturelle; this is a
little catechism designed by a great philosopher to kindly help little
fools out of some of their folly; it is quite worthy to rank with
Paine's Age of Reason. Volney's complete works were edited by A.
Bossange, 8 vols., Paris, 1820-26. Pike was in good company on the 3d,
while he nursed his sore feet.
[III-3] This clerk is named Roussand beyond, Feb. 9th. He is "a Monsr.
Boussant" in the early text, 1807, p. 40.
[III-4] We have no hint of the route by which the main party reached
Leech l. after Pike first left them on the 26th of Jan., unless one is
conveyed in the statement that Miller _returned_ with a supply of
provisions for them. That would seem to imply that they followed
Pike's trail, and came to Leech l. by a route the same as his, or one
not materially different. This is in fact what they did: see note
51, p. 142. The shorter way would have been that Willow River
traverse indicated in note 1, p. 153. What seems to have been a usual
route in former days is clearly indicated on Nicollet's map. Starting
from Sandy l. it struck W. to Willow r. and went up this to Rosati and
Brulé lakes, whence by portage over to Eccleston or Deluot l., and so
to the Boy's River connection, continued through Gauss and Hassler
lakes. All these have different names now, and I cannot speak with
confidence in the new nomenclature. Among the lakes of Nicollet's
series appear to be those now called Big Rice, Thunder, and Boy.
[III-5] This letter formed Doc. No. 5, on p. 14 of the App. to Pt. 1 of
the orig. ed. It is given beyond, together with Mr. M'Gillis' reply;
which latter was Doc. No. 6, p. 17 of the same App. in the orig. ed.
[III-6] This is the first intimation we have that Pike is not already at
the west end, or at any rate on the west side of Leech l. He certainly
has told us that he "crossed the lake 12 miles" to reach Mr. M'Gillis'
house, where he is now quartered. The only place marked on Pike's map
is on the W. side, with the legend "N. W. C^o. Ho. Lat. 47° 16' 18"
N." The position of this seems to have been near Sugar pt., and to be
the same as that marked "Old N. W. House" on Lt. James Allen's map
facing p. 76 of Schoolcraft's Rep. pub. 1834. There have been various
trading-houses at the same and different points about Leech l.,
simultaneously and successively. In 1832, according to Schoolcraft's
large map in the work just said, there was a "Tr. Post" on the E. side
of the lake, between the outlet and Boy's r., but the principal one
was on the Tau-formed peninsula, and was a post of the Am. Fur Co.
Schoolcraft was camped there July 16th, 1832. This place was then also
the site of the Chippewa village of Gueule Platte or Flat Mouth, a
chieftain of whom Pike has something to say soon, and of whom
Nicollet, who met him there in 1836, has told us somewhat, Rep. 1843,
p. 61 _seq._
[III-7] The Sweet of the above paragraph is elsewhere named by Pike as
Wiscoup and Le Sucre, first chief of a Red Lake band of Chippewas; The
Burnt, as Oole and La Brule, for which latter phrase I suppose Le
Brûlé might be preferred by some fastidious persons. The Buck is Iaba
Waddik of Schoolcraft, Summary, etc., 1855, p. 144. The Sweet was
probably not so named from any such personal peculiarity as would have
singled him out among all Indians of whatever tribe, but with
reference in some way to the concrete juice of the sugar-maple, _Acer
saccharinum_, upon which he fed: _cf._ Sugar pt., a place-name in this
vicinity. This is evidently the poetical case of "sweets to The
Sweet"--not of _saccharum per se_. The scholarly Anglojibway, Hon. W.
W. Warren, who should know best how to spell Chippewa words of any
author I have read, gives the name as Weeshcoob. This chief had great
character, and a long career. For some of his exploits which became
historical, see Minn. Hist. Coll., V. 1885, pp. 231, 376, 452, 454,
458--latter with esp. ref. to Pike.