FRANCE--THE WAR.
When hostilities were declared between France and Germany in 1870,
Mr Bradlaugh did not take sides with either nation; he entirely and
unreservedly condemned the war. He and his friends kept clear of the
war fever which seemed coursing through the blood of most people. "All
the evil passions of Europe are aroused," wrote Austin Holyoake, "and
even children gloat over the narratives of slaughter where thousands
perish. The soldier, instead of the schoolmaster, has become the
foremost man, and Rage, Revenge, and Murder are the gods of public
idolatry." Not a word would Mr Bradlaugh or his colleagues say to
commiserate the "insulted honour of France," not a word to glorify the
triumphant arms of Germany.
But my father was not neutral because he was unmoved. His sympathies
were always strongly with the French people, but these very sympathies
made him bitterly antagonistic to the French Emperor. In the middle
of August he replied to a correspondent: "You do not understand my
position. I regard Napoleon as one of the greatest amongst modern
scoundrels, and Bismarck as a crafty diplomatist striving to make a
great German Empire under Prussia. I love Bismarck so little that when
the Reform League wrote him an address, I refused to sign it. I hope
to see a German republic, and I believe I shall, but this war will
postpone it. I deeply regret the evoking the 'nationality' madness in
France, for I fear that many of our brave Republican friends will be
killed in striving to save, as they think, the flag of France from
disgrace."
On the 4th of September was declared the third French Republic. The
_National Reformer_ was quick to give it welcome, but my father himself
was away in the provinces just then, lecturing and debating with scarce
a day's respite, and so overwrought with much speaking in heated rooms
and much travelling in wet and changeable weather, that his health
seemed on the point of breaking down. At Leigh he had lectured on
two successive nights in a wooden theatre, admirably adapted to give
free admittance to every gust of the damp night wind. On the morning
(Sunday) following these lectures he had left at six o'clock to go to
Darwen. By that time his voice was reduced to a hoarse whisper, and the
Darwen friend who met him looked grave when he saw how ill he seemed,
especially when my father announced his intention of going to bed until
the lecture hour. Three lectures he gave that day--morning, afternoon,
and evening--with an hour's discussion after the morning lecture, but
his appearance made such an impression upon his Lancashire friends that
they wrote him an address of sympathy.
Ill-health, overwork, financial worries, and domestic sorrows made a
heavy burden to carry; still, notwithstanding all this, he made the
opportunity to write his sympathy with Republican France.
"First," he said, "that there may be no mistake, I throw in my lot
with France--Republican France. While Louis Napoleon reigned at the
Tuileries the memories of December were too bloody, nineteen-year-old
hatreds too bitter, to let me even be just to any cause he led.
A perjured liar, a cold-blooded murderer, a heartless coward, a
paltry trickster, a dishonourable cheat, all this was Louis Napoleon
Bonaparte. I was, therefore, well inclined to Germany from my utter
hatred of the imperial demoralisation of France. But now, when
events are moving so rapidly that perhaps ere this sees the light
all may be changed, it is worth while to ask, Was Prussia guiltless
in the war? and I answer, No! Bismarck and Prussian armies are
evidence on this side. Bismarck using craft of a higher order than
Napoleonic scoundrelism, and moved by a broader ambition than the
mere embezzlement of national funds or personal aggrandisement, has
outwitted Napoleon; but the English people, while repudiating with
fullest indignation the wicked and most monstrous declaration of war,
cannot forget that by-divine-right-ruling and for-victory-God-thanking
William is as much a detester of popular rights as was Napoleon
himself.... At this moment the world's most fearful curse is in its
armies, and our cry is Peace."
It was only just, he said, that the French Republic should pay some
penalty for the previous folly of the nation, and if Prussia exacted
ever so heavy a war indemnity in money, it should be cheerfully paid.
But he spoke most strenuously against the surrender of Alsace and
Lorraine. To Germany he appealed for peace "while yet the glory is
yours--if indeed it be glory to kill and maim, scorch and scathe, and
this at the cost of as many killed and wounded, scorched and scathed,
on your own side." Last of all he appealed to the peoples of England,
France, and Germany to unite for peace; if they were earnest, he wrote,
they must be obeyed, and their "glorious desire must be conceded."
This article was in print on the 14th September; and as he was at
breakfast at his Turner Street lodgings one morning, three days later,
my father received a somewhat startling visit from a French lady, at
that time well known in French and English political circles. Madame
la Vicomtesse de Brimont Brassac was a lady of great beauty and great
persuasive powers, although in her errand that September morning she
had no occasion for the use of either one or the other. She came to
my father with the idea of persuading him to undertake the attempt
to create a feeling in favour of France amongst the English masses;
this was a work after his own heart, and one indeed to which he had
already set his hand in the article to which I have just referred. This
interview had for its immediate result a succession of public meetings,
held both in London and the provinces, in favour of France and Peace.
The first, held at the Hall of Science on Monday the 19th, was, despite
the short notice, attended by upwards of 1400 persons. Through Madame
de Brimont my father learned that Lord Granville was moving against the
French Republic, and was in favour of replacing the Emperor in Paris.
Friends everywhere were urged to counteract Lord Granville's efforts
by striving to make a living public opinion in favour of France and
Peace. At this first demonstration two addresses were agreed to: one to
Mr Gladstone, praying him to use his high office "actively in favour
of peace," for, it was urged, "it will be to England's lasting shame
if every possible effort be not made to prevent further carnage;" the
second was sent to the French Government of National Defence and to the
French people, offering congratulations on the position taken by Jules
Favre, and tendering deep and heartfelt sympathy to the nation in its
sorrow.
In co-operation with Dr Congreve, Prof. Beesly, and other prominent
Positivists, Mr Bradlaugh organised a series of meetings in London
and the provinces. One at St James's Hall on the 24th was a great
success. The hall was densely crowded by an enthusiastic meeting,
which was addressed by Dr Congreve, Prof. Beesly, Sir Henry Hoare,
M.P., Mr George Odger, Colonel Dickson, and others. The addresses to
Mr Gladstone and to the French Nation were voted unanimously, and a
resolution moved by Prof. Beesly, calling upon the English Government
to give an immediate and frank recognition of the French Republic, met
with the utmost enthusiasm. The two addresses were sent for signature
to thirty of the largest towns in England and Scotland, and in two days
forty thousand signatures were obtained.
Just before the commencement of the proceedings at St James's Hall an
incident occurred that admitted of an extremely simple explanation,
but which the Tory press endeavoured to turn to the discredit of the
"France and Peace" Committee. A little while before the speakers were
expected on the platform, the gas, which had been wavering somewhat
uncertainly for a few minutes, suddenly went out, leaving the hall in
complete darkness. As may be imagined, there was great dismay, and with
it all the dangers of a panic. A gentleman who acted as steward at the
meeting tells me that the light was hardly out before Mr Bradlaugh's
voice was heard crying, "Lead me to the front; lead me to the front!"
This he and another friend succeeded in doing. Once at the front of
the platform, he says that my father began to speak, and the audience,
recognising his voice, gave a ringing cheer. He told the people
that the gas would be relighted as soon as possible, and entreated
the people to keep their seats. "He kept speaking for about fifteen
minutes, when the gas was re-lit, and all danger past. The thought of
what would have happened had not Mr Bradlaugh been there gives one an
uncomfortable sensation. A panic under such circumstances would have
been terrible, but the way the people responded to the desire of Mr
Bradlaugh to keep their seats, and to keep quiet until all was put
right, was extraordinary." Not less extraordinary was the explanation
suggested by the _Observer_. Said the veracious chronicler of this
high-class Sunday paper: "This _contretemps_ created a good deal of
speculation, and the general opinion was that the Committee and the
proprietors had been unable to come to terms, and that the latter, in
order to secure their money, turned out the gas." From this it would
seem that to jeopardise the lives of thousands of people[141] (without
counting certain damage to the building) would have been a mere trifle
to the proprietors compared with the possible loss of a few pounds. It
must have been quite a shock to the originators of so diabolical an
idea to learn that the accident was an accident pure and simple, and
due to a matter so ordinary and commonplace as a defect in the water
meter which supplied the gas to the hall.
[Footnote 141: The _Observer's_ own report stated: "At first there
seemed to be an inclination to rush to the doors, which might have led
to great sacrifice of life."]
The St James's Hall meeting was immediately followed by forty-eight
others, and in every case the size of the meeting was restricted
only by the capacity of the building in which it was held. It may be
asked, but what was the outcome of all these meetings, what was their
practical value? In 1873 Mr Bradlaugh gave the answer to this in the
pages of his _Autobiography_. "They exercised," he said, "some little
effect on the public opinion of this country, but unfortunately the
collapse on the part of France was so complete, and the resources
commanded by Bismarck and Moltke so vast, that, except as expressing
sympathy, the results were barren."
Sympathy, however, is often very welcome; his efforts to help the cause
of Peace were warmly received in France, and without any previous
communication having passed between them, the Republican Government at
Tours sent him the following letter:--
"RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE.--LIBERTÉ, EGALITÉ, FRATERNITÉ.
"Gouvernement de la Défense Nationale.
"TOURS, _le 21 Octobre 1870_.
"MONSIEUR,--Les Membres du Gouvernement de la Défense
Nationale, réunis en délégation à Tours, après avoir pris connaissance
du magnifique discours que vous avez prononcé au meeting d'Edimbourg,
tiennent à honneur de vous remercier chalereusement du noble concours
que vous apportez à la cause de la France et de l'Europe dans votre
pays.
"Vous ne ménagez, Monsieur, ni vos efforts, ni votre temps, pour
éclairer l'opinion publique depuis longtemps si puissante dans le
Royaume-Uni. Nous nous plaisons à croire que tant de dêvouement
finira par convaincre l'Europe, sur laquelle l'opinion Brittanique
exerce une si legitime influence, que la France lutte aujourd'hui
pour la plus juste des causes, la defense de son honneur et de son
territoire.
"Nous ne saurions trop le redire: la guerre actuelle a été entreprise
contre la volonté de la nation française: la Prusse en la continuant
combat sans droit et pour la seule satisfaction d'une ambition dont
l'Europe ne tardera pas à sentir les ruineux effets.
"Remerciez en notre nom, ceux de vos généreux compatriotes qui vous
écoutent et vous acclament dans ces magnifiques réunions publiques que
nous leur envions, où se débattent les plus grands intérêts du monde.
"L'accueil qui vous est fait partout, nous est un sûr garant des
sympathies du peuple Anglais pour la France et ses institutions
nouvelles.
"Nous ne faisons aucun doute que de cette incessante propagande à
laquelle vous vous êtes devoué, ne sortent bientôt la lumière qui doit
dessiller tous les yeux et le triomphe prochain de la justice et de la
civilisation.
"Veuillez agréer, Monsieur, l'expression de notre très haute
considération.
"Les Membres de la délégation du Gouvernement de la Défense Nationale,
réunis a Tours:
LEON GAMBETTA.
L. FOURNICHON.
AD. CRÉMIEUX.
AL. GLAIS BIZOIN."[142]
[Footnote 142:
"THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.--LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY.
"Government of National Defence.
"TOURS, _21st October 1870_.
"SIR,--The Members of the Government of National Defence,
assembled in delegation at Tours, after having become acquainted
with the magnificent speech which you delivered at the meeting at
Edinburgh, have the honour to thank you most warmly for the noble help
which you bring to the cause of France and of Europe in your country.
"You do not spare, Sir, either your efforts or your time in the
attempt to enlighten public opinion--for so long all-powerful in the
United Kingdom. We take pleasure in believing that so much devotion
will end by convincing Europe, upon which British opinion exercises so
legitimate an influence, that France fights to-day for the most just
of all causes--the defence of her honour and of her territory.
"We cannot too often repeat it: the war itself was undertaken against
the will of the French nation; Prussia, in continuing it, fights
without justice, and solely for the satisfaction of an ambition of
which Europe will not be slow to feel the ruinous effects.
"Thank, in our names, those of your generous compatriots who listen to
you, and who applaud you in these magnificent public assemblies--which
we envy them--where the greatest interests of the world are debated.
"The welcome which meets you everywhere is to us a sure guarantee
of the sympathies of the English people for France and her new
institutions.
"We have no doubt that from this incessant propaganda, to which you
have devoted yourself, will soon come the light which should undeceive
all eyes, as well as the triumph of justice and civilisation.
"Kindly receive, Sir, the expression of our highest consideration.
"Members of the delegation of the Government of National Defence,
assembled at Tours:
"LEON GAMBETTA.
L. FOURNICHON.
AD. CRÉMIEUX.
AL. GLAIS BIZOIN."]
To this letter are appended the following lines written in September
1871 by Monsieur Emanuel Arago, Member of the Provisional Government of
September 4:--
"En lisant cette lettre, j'éprouve très vivement la regret de
n'avoir pu, enfermé dans Paris, joindre ma signature a celles de
mes collègues de la délégation de Tours. M. Bradlaugh est, et sera
toujours dans la République, notre concitoyen.
"EMANUEL ARAGO."[143]
[Footnote 143:
Paris, I was unable to add my signature to those of my colleagues in
the Tours delegation. In the Republic Mr Bradlaugh is, and always will
be, our fellow-citizen.
"EMANUEL ARAGO."]
About the same time (October 1870) M. Tissot, the Chargé d' Affaires of
France in England, wrote him:--
"Je viens de lire, avec un extrème intérêt le compte rendu du
meeting de Newcastle. La cause de la France et de la paix ne pouvait
être remise entre de meilleures mains et plaidée par une voix plus
éloquente. Laissez moi vous exprimer une fois de plus, Monsieur, tous
mes sentiments de reconnaissance pour votre généreuse initiative, et y
joindre l'assurance de ma haute considération et de ma profonde estime.
CH. TISSOT."[144]
[Footnote 144:
"I have just read with extreme interest the report of the meeting
at Newcastle. The cause of France and of Peace could not be in
better hands, or pleaded by a more eloquent voice. Let me once more
express to you, sir, all my feelings of gratitude for your generous
initiative, and join to it the assurance of my high consideration and
profound esteem.
"CH. TISSOT."]
At a crowded meeting held at the Hall Of Science early in the
following year Mr Bradlaugh was still denouncing the war in unmeasured
terms. "There never was a war," said he, "more unjustifiable, more
wicked, more insane, than this which France, as misrepresented by her
Emperor, had declared against Germany." This the _Echo_ condemned as
"Whitechapel style," and loftily asserted that the English people
would decline to accept "Iconoclast" as the representative of France
and her sufferings. But after other immense gatherings at the Beaumont
Institute, the Eastern Hall, Poplar, and the St James's Hall, there was
a notable alteration in its tone. An extract from its report of the
St James's Hall meeting held five days later makes a rather amusing
contrast to its former unqualified condemnation. Said the _Echo_ on
this occasion of my father:--
"While Professor Beesly was opening the meeting, a tall man with a
remarkably pleasant face, a little spoilt by a self-sufficient look,
or, if we are really to describe it, a certain consciousness of power,
had entered the room and received a perfect ovation of applause. This
was Mr Bradlaugh, _alias_ 'Iconoclast,' for whom the audience kept
calling whenever the speaker for the time being grew tedious.... We
know more of Mr Bradlaugh than we wish. Last night, however, he hid
the cloven hoof. His speech might have been that, of Bishop Atterbury.
Not an irreverent expression, not an ill-judged word escaped him. Mr
Frederic Harrison speaks almost as badly as Mr Bradlaugh writes. Mr
Bradlaugh speaks almost as well as even Mr Harrison writes. There was
a sense of power about the man. His audience hung upon his lips; his
speech was a success and well delivered. He is a master of oratory,
and a master of action; his voice is powerful, rich, and almost
musical. And after he had swayed the meeting as he chose for nearly
half an hour, the huge crowd broke up, after several vain attempts to
start the Marseillaise."
Amongst those who stood on the St James's Hall platform that night
were George Odger, Lloyd Jones, George Howell, and Captain Maxse,
who, together with Professor Beesly and Frederic Harrison, joined
their voices to my father's to plead for the recognition of the French
Republican Government and against the dismemberment of France. This
series, of meetings was held in consequence of the announcement that
the European powers were to assemble in conference in London, and it
was anxiously desired to impress upon the English Government the duty
of making the question of peace between France and Prussia a matter
for the consideration of the Plenipotentiaries. It had been hoped and
expected that Jules Favre would come to London to take part in the
conference, and Mr Bradlaugh was invited to meet him at the Embassy. A
demonstration had been agreed upon to honour his arrival, and it was
characteristic of my father that he urged those of his friends who
prepared to take part in it not to make it a mere party demonstration;
he begged them to avoid, and to try to persuade others to avoid, the
use of flags calculated to insult Prussia or to cause bitterness of
feeling in the minds of Germans. A great assembly of earnest, orderly
men and women to greet the representative of Republican France would
have weight; "bands and banners," he said, "are needless." Jules
Favre, however, was unable to get to London; and in the absence of
any appointed French representative to the Conference, Lord Granville
conferred with Monsieur Charles Tissot both before and after the
meeting of the Plenipotentiaries. A letter which my father received
from Monsieur Tissot just at this time will once more show with what
warmth his efforts to serve Republican France were received by foremost
Frenchmen:--
"LONDRES, _4 Février 1871_.
"MON CHER MONSIEUR BRADLAUGH,--Aucune sottise, aucune
maladresse ne peuvent m'étonner de la part de Mr R.[145] Mais j'avoue
que j'ai senti vivement et que je ne lui pardonnerai jamais cette
à-laquelle vous faites allusion. Je me demande comme vous s'il n'est
pas devenu fou.
"Quant à moi, mon cher ami, je ne puis que constater ici, comme je
l'ai déjà fait, comme je le ferai en toute occasion, la dette que
nous avons contracté, envers vous. Vous nous avez donné votre temps,
votre activité, votre éloquence, votre âme, la meilleure partie de
vous-même en un mot. La France, que vous avez été seule à défendre, ne
l'oubliera jamais.
"Je n'ai aucune nouvelle de Bordeaux, ni de Paris outre celles que
vous avez pu lire dans les journaux. Nous allons voir ce quefera
l'Assemblée, ce qu'elle decidera--et nous agirons, s'il y a lieu en
conséquence.--Au revoir, cher et excellent ami. Je vous envoie toute
mon affection.
CH. TISSOT."[146]
[Footnote 145: M. Reitlinger, "le Secretaire particulier," of M. Jules
Favre, is, I believe, the person here referred to.]
[Footnote 146:
"London, 4th February 1871.
"MY DEAR MR BRADLAUGH,--No folly, no stupidity, on the part
of M. R. can astonish me. But I avow that I have felt keenly, and that
I will never forgive him this to which you make allusion. Like you, I
ask myself whether he has not gone mad.
"As to myself, my dear friend, I can but acknowledge here, as I have
done already, and as I shall do on every occasion, the debt that we
have contracted towards you. You have given your time, your energy,
your eloquence, your mind--in a word, the best part of yourself.
France, whom you alone have defended, will never forget it.
"I have no news from Bordeaux or from Paris, other than that which you
have been able to read in the papers. We shall see what the Assembly
will do, what it will decide, and if opportunity arises we shall act
accordingly.--_Au revoir_, dear and excellent friend. I send all my
affection.
"CH. TISSOT."]
When the French elections took place in February 1871, Mr Bradlaugh
was one of the candidates nominated by the city of Paris. I am under
the impression that this was done without his wishes being in any way
consulted, but the very proposal of his name--testifying, as it to some
extent did, the honour in which he was held in Paris--roused scorn and
anger at home. The editor of a Scotch paper,[147] in writing a leader
on the elections, relieved his feelings by saying: "'Bradlaugh, English
Republican,' figures in the list among the motley crew; but what number
of votes were polled for this cosmopolitan patriot, who would have been
a dumb dog in a French Parliament, has not transpired." As the "motley
crew" included such honoured names as those of Garibaldi, Louis Blanc,
Ledru Rollin, and Victor Sch[oe]lcher, it was a distinction to be
placed beside them; but why, asked my father, should it be assumed that
he would be dumb? "Thomas Paine," he added, "who did not speak French,
was not a 'dumb dog' when he pleaded for the life of Louis XVI."
[Footnote 147: _North British Daily Mail._]