BOOK IV

TO CARDINAL LUDOVICO D'ARAGON, NEPHEW OF OUR KING

When Columbus returned from the land which he believed to be the

Indian continent, he learned that the Friar Boyl[1] and Pedro

Margarita,[2] the nobleman who formerly enjoyed the King's friendship,

as well as several others to whom he had confided the government of

Hispaniola, had departed for Spain animated by evil intentions. In

order that he might justify himself before the sovereigns, in case

they should have been prejudiced by the reports of his enemies, and

also for the purpose of recruiting colonists to replace those who had

left, and to replenish the failing foodstuffs, such as wheat, wine,

oil, and other provisions which form the ordinary food of Spaniards,

who do not easily accustom themselves to that of the natives, he

decided to betake himself to the Court, which at that time was

resident at Burgos, a celebrated town of Old Castile. But I must

relate briefly what he did before his departure.

[Note 1: The character of Padre Boyl has been somewhat

rehabilitated by Padre Fita, S.J. (_Memoires du Congr. Amer. de

Madrid_, 1881), but he can hardly be deemed comparable as a missionary

to the zealous, self-sacrificing friars who followed with such perfect

evangelic spirit a few years later. He was at perpetual enmity with

both the Admiral and his brother.]

[Note 2: Pedro de Margarita had been appointed by Columbus

military commander in the island; his conduct was marked by

ingratitude towards the Admiral.]

The caciques of the island had always been contented with little, for

they lived a peaceful and tranquil life. When they saw the Spaniards

establishing themselves upon their native soil, they were considerably

troubled, and desired above all things either to expel the newcomers

or to destroy them so completely that not even their memory should

remain. It is a fact that the people who accompanied the Admiral in

his second voyage were for the most part undisciplined, unscrupulous

vagabonds, who only employed their ingenuity in gratifying their

appetites. Incapable of moderation in their acts of injustice, they

carried off the women of the islanders under the very eyes of their

brothers and their husbands; given over to violence and thieving, they

had profoundly vexed the natives. It had happened in many places that

when our men were surprised by the natives, the latter strangled them,

and offered them as sacrifices to their gods. Convinced that he should

put down a general insurrection by punishing the murderers of the

Spaniards, Columbus summoned the cacique of this valley, lying at the

foot off the Ciguano Mountains, which are described in the preceding

book. This cacique was called Guarionex. He had been pleased to give

his sister to be the wife of that Diego Columbus who had been from his

infancy brought up by the Admiral, and had served him as interpreter

during his occupation of Cuba. Guarionex had hoped by these means to

establish a more intimate friendship with the Admiral. He afterwards

sent one of his officers to Caunaboa, cacique of the mountains of

Cibao, which is the gold region. The people of this Caunaboa had

besieged Hojeda and fifty soldiers in the blockhouse of San Tomas and,

had they not heard of the approaching arrival of Columbus in person at

the head of imposing reinforcements, they would never have raised the

siege.[3] The Admiral chose Hojeda as his envoy, and while the latter

was engaged in his mission, several caciques[4] sent from different

parts to urge Caunaboa not to allow the Christians to settle in the

island, unless he wished to exchange independence for slavery; for if

the Christians were not expelled to the last man from the island, all

the natives would sooner or later become their slaves. Hojeda, on the

other hand, negotiated with Caunaboa, urging him to come in person to

visit the Admiral, and contract a firm alliance with him. The envoys

of the caciques promised Caunaboa their unlimited support for the

expulsion of the Spaniards, but Hojeda threatened to massacre him if

he chose war rather than peace with the Christians. Caunaboa was very

undecided. Besides, the consciousness of his crimes disturbed him, for

he had cut off the heads of twenty of our men whom he had surprised.

If, therefore, he desired peace on the one hand, on the other he

feared the interview with the Admiral. Having carefully planned his

treachery, he decided that under cover of peace he would seize the

first occasion to destroy Columbus and his men. He set out, escorted

by all his household and a large number of soldiers, armed after the

fashion of the country, to meet the Admiral. When asked why he took

such a numerous troop of men, he answered that it was not becoming

for such a great king as he to quit his house and journey without an

escort. In this event, however, things turned out differently from

what he had expected and he fell into the net that he had himself

prepared. Hardly had he left his house before he regretted his

decision, but Hojeda succeeded by flatteries and promises in bringing

him to Columbus, where he was at once seized and put in irons.[5] The

souls of our dead might rest in peace.

[Note 3: A cacique of the Vega, who was a vassal of Guarionex,

Juatinango by name, had succeeded in killing ten Spaniards and in

setting fire to a house which served as a hospital for forty others

who were confined there ill. After these exploits, he besieged the

blockhouse of Magdalena, which Luis de Arriaga only succeeded in

defending by the greatest efforts. Herrera, _Hist. Ind_., tom, i.,

lib. ii., cap. xvi.]

[Note 4: The principal caciques of Hayti at that time numbered

five. They were: Caunaboa, who was the most powerful of all;

Guarionex, Gauccanagari, Behechio, and Cotubanama.]

[Note 5: Hojeda tricked this cacique into allowing him to fasten

handcuffs on him; after which the helpless chief was carried sixty

leagues through the forests. Pizarro, in his _Varones Illustres_,

relates the story, as does likewise Herrera.]

After the capture of Caunaboa and all his household, the Admiral

resolved to march throughout the whole island. He was informed that

the natives suffered from such a severe famine that more than 50,000

men had already perished, and that people continued to die daily as do

cattle in time of pest.

This calamity was the consequence of their own folly; for when they

saw that the Spaniards wished to settle in their island, they thought

they might expel them by creating a scarcity of food. They, therefore,

decided not only to plant no more crops, but also to destroy and tear

up all the various kinds of cereals used for bread which had already

been sown, and which I have mentioned in the first book. This was

to be done by the people in each district, and especially in the

mountainous region of Cipangu and Cibao; that was the country where

gold was found in abundance, and the natives were aware that the

principal attraction which kept the Spaniards in Hispaniola was gold.

At that time the Admiral sent an officer with a troop of armed men

to reconnoitre the southern coast of the island, and this officer

reported that the regions he had visited had suffered to such an

extent from the famine, that during six days he and his men had eaten

nothing but the roots of herbs and small plants, or such fruits as

grow on the trees. Guarionex, whose territory had suffered less than

the others, distributed some provisions amongst our people.

Some days later Columbus, with the object of lessening journeys and

also to provide more numerous retreats for his men in case of sudden

attack by the natives, had another blockhouse built, which he called

Concepcion. It is situated between Isabella and San Tomas in the

territory of Cibao, upon the frontiers of the country of Guarionex. It

stands upon an elevation, well watered by a number of fresh streams.

Seeing this new construction daily nearing completion, and our fleet

half ruined lying in the port, the natives began to despair of liberty

and to ask one another dejectedly whether the Christians would ever

evacuate the archipelago.

It was during these explorations in the interior of the mountainous

district of Cibao that the men of Concepcion obtained an ingot of

massive gold, shaped in the form of a sponge-like stone; it was as

large as a man's fist, and weighed twenty ounces. It had been found by

a cacique, not on a river bank but in a dry mound. I saw it with my

own eyes in a shop at Medina del Campo in Old Castile, where the Court

was passing the winter; and to my great admiration I handled it and

tested its weight. I also saw a piece of native tin, which might have

served for bells or apothecaries' mortars or other such things as are

made of Corinthian brass. It was so heavy that not only could I not

lift it from the ground with my two hands, but could not even move it

to the right or left. It was said that this lump weighed more than

three hundred pounds at eight ounces to the pound. It had been found

in the courtyard of a cacique's house, where it had lain for a long

time, and the old people of the country, although no tin has been

found in the island within the memory of any living man, nevertheless

knew where there was a mine of this metal. But nobody could ever learn

this secret from them, so much were they vexed by the Spaniards'

presence.[6] Finally they decided to reveal its whereabouts, but it

was entirely destroyed, and filled in with earth and rubbish. It is

nevertheless easier to extract the metal than to get out iron from the

mines, and it is thought that if workmen and skilled miners were sent

out, it would be possible to again work that tin mine.

[Note 6: _Adeo jam stomacho pleni in nostros vivebant_.]

Not far from the blockhouse of Concepcion and in these same mountains,

the Spaniards discovered a large quantity of amber, and in some

caverns was distilled a greenish colour very much prized by painters.

In marching through the forest there were places where all the trees

were of a scarlet colour which are called by Italian merchants

_verzino_, and by the Spaniards brazil wood.

At this point, Most Illustrious Prince, you may raise an objection and

say to yourself: "If the Spaniards have brought several shiploads of

scarlet wood and some gold, and a little cotton and some bits of amber

back to Europe, why did they not load themselves with gold and all the

precious products which seem to abound so plenteously in the country

you describe?"

Columbus answered such questions by saying that the men he had taken

with him thought more of sleeping and taking their ease than about

work, and they preferred fighting and rebellion to peace and

tranquillity. The greater part of these men deserted him. To establish

uncontested authority over the island, it was necessary to conquer

the islanders and to break their power. The Spaniards have indeed

pretended that they could not endure the cruelty and hardship of the

Admiral's orders, and they have formulated many accusations against

him. It is in consequence of these difficulties that he has not so

far thought about covering the expenses of the expeditions. I will

nevertheless observe that in this same year, 1501, in which I am

writing to you, the Spaniards have gathered 1200 pounds of gold in two

months.

But let us return to our narrative. At the proper time I will

describe to you in detail what I have only just touched upon in this

digression.

The Admiral was perfectly aware of the alarm and disturbance that

prevailed amongst the islanders, but he was unable to prevent the

violence and rapacity of his men, whenever they came into contact

with the natives. A number of the principal caciques of the frontier

regions assembled to beg Columbus to forbid the Spaniards to wander

about the island because, under the pretext of hunting for gold or

other local products, they left nothing uninjured or undefiled.

Moreover, all the natives between the ages of fourteen and seventy

years bound themselves to pay him tribute in the products of the

country at so much per head, promising to fulfil their engagement.

Some of the conditions of this agreement were as follows: The

mountaineers of Cibao were to bring to the town every three months a

specified measure filled with gold. They reckon by the moon and

call the months moons. The islanders who cultivated the lands which

spontaneously produced spices and cotton, were pledged to pay a fixed

sum per head. This pact suited both parties, and it would have been

observed by both sides as had been agreed, save that the famine

nullified their resolutions. The natives had hardly strength to hunt

food in the forests and for a long time they contented themselves

with roots, herbs, and wild fruits. Nevertheless the majority of the

caciques, aided by their followers, did bring part of the established

tribute. They begged as a favour of the Admiral to have pity on their

misery, and to exempt them till such time as the island might recover

its former prosperity. They bound themselves then to pay double what

was for the moment failing.

Owing to the famine, which had affected them more cruelly than the

others, very few of the mountaineers of Cibao paid tribute. These

mountaineers did not differ in their customs and language from the

people of the plain more than do the mountaineers of other countries

differ from those who live in the capital. There exist amongst them,

however, some points of resemblance, since they lead the same kind of

simple, open-air life.

But let us return to Caunaboa, who, if you remember, had been taken

prisoner.

This cacique, when he found himself put in irons, gnashed his teeth

like an African lion and fell to thinking, night and day, upon the

means to recover his liberty.[7] He begged the Admiral, since the

region of Cipangu was now under his authority, to send Spanish

garrisons to protect the country against the attacks of neighbours who

were his ancient enemies. He said that it was reported to him that the

country was ravaged, and the property of his subjects considered by

his enemies as their lawful plunder. As a matter of fact it was a trap

he was preparing. He hoped that his brother and other relatives in

Cibao would, either by force or by trickery, capture as many Spaniards

as would be required to pay his ransom. Divining this plot, Columbus

sent Hojeda, but with an escort of soldiers sufficient to overcome

all resistance of the inhabitants of Cibao. Hardly had the Spaniards

entered that region when the brother of Caunaboa assembled about 5000

men, equipped in their fashion, that is to say, naked, armed with

arrows without iron points, clubs, and spears. He succeeded in

surrounding the Spaniards, and held them besieged in a small house.

This chief showed himself under the circumstances to be a veritable

soldier. When he had approached within a distance of one stadium, he

divided his men into five groups, stationing them in a circle, and

assigning to each one his post, while he himself marched directly

against the Spaniards. When all his arrangements were completed, he

ordered his soldiers to advance, shouting all together, so as to

engage in a hand-to-hand combat. He hoped that, by thus surrounding

the Spaniards, none of them would escape. But our men, persuaded that

it was better to attack than to await their assault, fell upon the

most numerous band they saw in the open country. The ground was

adapted for cavalry manoeuvres and the horsemen, opening their charge,

rode down the enemy, who were easily put to flight. Those who awaited

the encounter were massacred; the others, overcome with fright, fled,

abandoning their huts, and seeking refuge in the mountains and upon

inaccessible rocks. They begged for mercy, promising and swearing

to observe all the conditions imposed upon them, if they were only

permitted to live with their families. The brother of the cacique was

finally captured, and each of his men was sent to his own home. After

this victory that region was pacified.

[Note 7: Las Casas (_Hist, de las Indias_, tom, i., p. 102)

relates that Caunaboa never forgave Columbus for his treatment of him,

while he had, on the contrary, great respect for Hojeda, the latter's

clever ruse, deftly executed, being precisely the kind of trickery he

was able to appreciate and admire.]

The mountain valley where the cacique lived is called Magona. It

is traversed by auriferous rivers, is generously productive and

marvellously fertile. In the month of June of this same year occurred

a frightful tempest; whirlwinds reaching to the skies uprooted the

largest trees that were swept within their vortex. When this typhoon

reached the port of Isabella, only three ships were riding at anchor;

their cables were broken, and after three or four shocks--though

there was no tempest or tide at the time--they sank. It is said that

in that year the sea penetrated more deeply than usual into the earth,

and that it rose more than a cubit. The natives whispered that the

Spaniards were the cause of this disturbance of the elements and these

catastrophes. These tempests, which the Greeks called typhoons, are

called by the natives _huracanes_.[8] According to their accounts

hurricanes are sufficiently frequent in the island, but they never

attain such violence and fury. None of the islanders living, nor any

of their ancestors remembers that such an atmospheric disturbance,

capable of uprooting the greatest trees, had ever swept the island;

nor, on the other hand, had the sea ever been so turbulent, or the

tidewater so ravaged. Wherever plains border the sea, flowery meadows

are found nearby.

[Note 8: The word _hurricane_ is from _Hurakan_, the name of the

god or culture hero who, in the mythology of Yucatan, corresponded to

Quetzalcoatl of the Mexicans. Being the god of the winds, storms were

ascribed to his fury, and the typhoons and tempests which broke out

at times with destructive violence over the seas and countries were

called by his name.]

Let us now return to Caunaboa. When it was sought to take them to the

sovereigns of Spain, both he and his brother died of grief on

the voyage. The destruction of his ships detained the Admiral at

Hispaniola; but, as he had at his disposal the necessary artisans, he

ordered two caravels to be built immediately.

While these orders were being carried out, he despatched his brother,

Bartholomew Columbus,--Adelantado, the Spaniards call him, of the

island,--with a number of miners and a troop of soldiers, to the gold

mines, which had been discovered by the assistance of the natives

sixty leagues from Isabella in the direction of Cipangu, As some

very ancient pits were found there, the Admiral believed that he had

rediscovered in those mines the ancient treasures which, it is stated

in the Old Testament, King Solomon of Jerusalem had found in the

Persian Gulf. Whether this be true or false is not for me to decide.

These mines cover an area of six miles. The miners, in sifting some

dry earth gathered at different places, declared that they had found

such a great quantity of gold hidden in that earth that a miner could

easily collect three drachmas in a day's work. After they had

explored that region, the Adelantado and the miners wrote to Columbus

acquainting him with their discovery. The ships being then ready,

Columbus immediately and with great delight embarked to return to

Spain; that is to say, the fifth day of the ides of March in the year

1495.[9] He confided the government of the province with full powers

to his brother, the Adelantado, Bartholomew Columbus.

[Note 9: Columbus sailed on March 10, 1496.]

De Orbe Novo, Volume 1 (of 2) The Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera · 第 4 / 13 章