CHAPTER XXIV

THE HEROIC OR RED BRANCH CYCLE--CUCHULAIN

The mythological tales that we have been glancing at deal with the folk

who are fabled as having first colonised Erin; they treat of peoples,

races, dynasties, the struggle between good and evil principles. The

whole of their creations are thrown back, even by the Irish annalists

themselves, into the dim cloud-land of an unplumbed past, ages before

the dawn of the first Olympiad, or the birth of the wolf-suckled twins

who founded Rome. There is over it all a shadowy sense of vagueness,

vastness, uncertainty.

The Heroic Cycle, on the other hand, deals with the history of the

Milesians themselves, the present Irish race, within a well-defined

space of time, upon their own ground, and though it does not exactly

fall within the historical period, yet it does not come so far short

of it that it can be with any certainty rejected as pure work of

imagination or poetic fiction. It is certainly the finest of the three

greater saga-cycles, and the epics that belong to it are sharply drawn,

numerous, clear cut, and ancient, and for the first time we _seem_,

at least, to find ourselves upon historical ground, although a good

deal of this seeming may turn out to be illusory. Yet the figures of

Cuchulain, Conor mac Nessa, Naoise, and Déirdre, Mève, Oilioll, and

Conall Cearnach, have about them a great deal of the circumstantiality

that is entirely lacking to the dim, mist-magnified, and distorted

figures of the Dagda, Nuada, Lugh the Long-handed, and their fellows.

The gods come and go as in the Iliad, and according to some accounts

leave their posterity behind them. Cuchulain himself, the incarnation

of Irish ἀριστέια, is according to certain authorities the son of

the god Lugh the Long-handed.[1] He himself, like another Anchises,

is beloved of a goddess and descends into the Gaelic Elysium,[2]

and the most important epic of the cycle is largely conditioned

by an occurrence caused by the curse of a goddess, an occurrence

wholly impossible and supernatural.[3] Yet these are for the most

part excrescences no more affecting the conduct of the history than

the actions of the gods affect the war round Troy. Events, upon the

whole, are motivated upon fairly reasonable human grounds, and there

is a certain air of probability about them. The characters who now

make their appearance upon the scene are not long prior to, or are

contemporaneous with, the birth of Christ; and the wars of the Tuatha

De Danann, Nemedians, and Fomorians, are left some seventeen hundred

years behind.

This cycle, which I have called the "Heroic" or "Red Branch," might

also be named the "Ultonian," because it deals chiefly with the heroes

of the northern province. One saga relates the birth of Conor mac

Nessa. His mother was Ness and his father was Fachtna Fathach, king

of Ulster, but according to what is probably the oldest account,

his father was Cathba the Druid. This saga relates how, through the

stratagem of his mother Ness, Conor slipped into the kingship of

Ulster, displacing Fergus mac Róigh [Roy], the former king, who is

here represented as a good-natured giant, but who appears human enough

in the other sagas.[4] Conor's palace is described with its three

buildings; that of the Red Branch, where were kept the heads and arms

of vanquished enemies; that of the Royal Branch, where the kings

lodged; and that of the Speckled House, where were laid up the shields

and spears and swords of the warriors of Ulster. It was called the

Speckled or Variegated House from the gold and silver of the shields,

and gleaming of the spears, and shining of the goblets, and all arms

were kept in it, in order that at the banquet when quarrels arose the

warriors might not have wherewith to slay each other.

Conor's palace at Emania contained, according to the Book of Leinster,

one hundred and fifty rooms, each large enough for three couples to

sleep in, constructed of red oak, and bordered with copper. Conor's

own chamber was decorated with bronze and silver, and ornamented with

golden birds, in whose eyes were precious stones, and was large enough

for thirty warriors to drink together in it. Above the king's head

hung his silver wand with three golden apples, and when he shook it

silence reigned throughout the palace, so that even the fall of a pin

might be heard. A large vat, always full of good drink, stood ever on

the palace floor.

Another story tells of Cuchulain's mysterious parentage. His mother was

a sister of King Conor; consequently he was the king's nephew.

Another again relates the wooing of Cuchulain, and how he won Emer for

his wife.

Another is called Cuchulain's "Up-bringing," or teaching, part of

which, however, is found in the piece called the "Wooing of Emer."

This saga relates how he, with two other of the Ultonians, went abroad

to Alba to perfect their warlike accomplishments, and how they placed

themselves under the tuition of different female-warriors,[5] who

taught them various and extraordinary feats of arms. He traverses the

plain of Misfortune by the aid of a wheel and of an apple given him by

an unknown friend, and reaches the great female instructress Scathach,

whose daughter falls in love with him.

An admirable example occurs to me here, of showing in the concrete that

which I have elsewhere laid stress upon, namely, the great elaboration

which in many instances we find in the modern versions of sagas,

compared with the antique vellum texts. It does not at all follow that

because a story is written down with brevity in ancient Irish, it was

also told with brevity. The oldest form of the saga of Cuchulain's

"Wooing of Emer" contains traces of a pre-Danish or seventh-century

text, but the condensed and shortened relation of the saga found in

the oldest manuscript of it, is almost certainly not the form in which

the bards and ollavs related it. On the contrary, I believe that the

stories now epitomised in ancient vellum texts were even then told,

though not written down, at full length, and with many flourishes

by the bards and professed story-tellers, and that the skeletons

merely, or as Keating calls it, the "bones of the history,"[6] were

in most instances all that was committed to the rare and expensive

parchments. It is more than likely that the longer modern paper

redactions, though some of the ancient pagan traits, especially those

most incomprehensible to the moderns, may be missing, yet represent

more nearly the _manner_ of the original bardic telling, than the

abridgments of twelfth or thirteenth-century vellums.

In this case the ancient recension,[7] founded on a pre-Danish text,

merely mentions that Scathach's house, at which Cuchulain arrives,

after leaving the plain of Misfortune,

"was built upon a rock of appalling height. Cuchulain followed the

road pointed out to him. He reached the castle of Scathach. He knocked

at the door with the handle of his spear and entered. Uathach, the

daughter of Scathach, meets him. She looked at him, but she spoke

not, so much did the hero's beauty make her love him. She went to her

mother and told her of the beauty of the man who had newly come. 'That

man has pleased you,' said her mother. 'He shall come to my couch,'

answered the girl, 'and I shall sleep at his side this night.' 'Thy

intention displeases me not,' said her mother."

One can see at a glance how bald and brief is all this, because it is a

précis, and vellum was scarce. I venture to say that no bard ever told

it in this way. The scribes who first committed this to parchment, say

in the seventh or eighth century, probably wrote down only the leading

incidents as they remembered them. They may not have been themselves

either bards, ollavs, or story-tellers. It is chiefly in the later

centuries, after the introduction of paper, when the economising of

space ceased to be a matter of importance, that we find our sagas told

with all the redundancy of description, epithet, and incident with

which I suspect the very earliest bards embellished all those sagas

of which we have now only little more than the skeletons. Compare,

for instance, the ancient version which I have just given, with the

longer modern versions which have come down to us in several paper

manuscripts, of which I here use one in my own possession, copied about

the beginning of the century by a scribe named O'Mahon, upon one of the

islands on the Shannon.

In the first place this version tells us that on his arrival at

Scathach's mansion he finds a number of her scholars and other warriors

engaged in hurling outside the door of her fortress. He joins in the

game and defeats them--this is a true folk-lore introduction. He finds

there Naoise, Ardan, and Ainnlè, the three sons of Usnach, celebrated

in perhaps the most touching saga of this whole cycle, and another

son of Erin with them. This is a literary touch, by one who knew his

literature.[8] Learning that he is come from Erin, they ask news of

their native country, and salute him with kisses. They then bring him

to the Bridge of the Cliffs, and show him what their work is during the

first year, which was learning to pass this bridge.

"Wonderful," says the saga, "was the sight that bridge afforded when

any one would leap upon it, for it narrowed until it became as narrow

as the hair of one's head, and the second time it shortened until it

became as short as an inch, and the third time it grew slippery until

it was as slippery as an eel of the river, and the fourth time it rose

up on high against you until it was as tall as the mast of a ship."

All the warriors and people on the lawn came down to see Cuchulain

attempting to cross this bridge. In the meantime Scathach's _grianán_

or sunny house is described: "It had seven great doors, and seven

great windows between every two doors of them, and thrice fifty

couches between every two windows of them, and thrice fifty handsome

marriageable girls, in scarlet cloaks, and in beautiful and blue

attire, attending and waiting upon Scathach."

Then Scathach's lovely daughter, looking from the windows of the

_grianán_, perceives the stranger attempting the feat of the bridge,

and she falls in love with him upon the spot. Her emotions are thus

described: "Her face and colour constantly changed, so that now she

would be as white as a little white flowret, and again she would become

scarlet," and in the work she was embroidering she put the gold thread

where the silver thread should be, and the silver thread into the place

where the gold thread should go; and when her mother notices it, she

excuses herself by saying beautifully, "I would greatly grieve should

he not return alive to his own people, in whatever part of the world

they may be, for I know that there is some one to whom it would be

anguish to know that he is thus."

This refined reflection of the girl we may with certainty ascribe

to the growth of modern sentiment, and it is extremely instructive

to compare it with the ancient, and no doubt really pagan version;

but I strongly suspect that the bridge over the cliffs is no modern

embellishment at all, but part of the original saga, though omitted

from the pre-Norse text which only tells us that Scathach's house was

on the top of a rock of appalling height.

It was during this sojourn of Cuchulain in foreign lands that he

overcame the heroine Aoife,[9] and forced her into a marriage with

himself. He returned home afterwards, having left instructions with her

to keep the child she should bear him, if it were a daughter, "for with

every mother goes the daughter," but if it were a son she was to rear

him until he should be able to perform certain hero-feats, and until

his finger should be large enough to fill a ring which Cuchulain left

with her for him. Then she was to send him into Erin, and bid him tell

no man who he was; also he desired her not to teach him the feat of

the Gae-Bulg, "but, however," says the saga, "it was ill that command

turned out, for it was of that it came to pass that Conlaoch [the son]

fell by Cuchulain."[10]

I know of no prose saga of the touching story of the death of this

son, slain by his own father, except the _résumé_ given of it by

Keating,[11] but there exists a poem or épopée upon the subject which

was always a great favourite with the Irish scribes, and of which

numerous but not ancient copies exist. This is the Irish Sohrab and

Rustum, the Celtic Hildebrand and Hadubrand. The son comes into

Ireland, but in consequence of his mother's command, refuses to tell

his name. This is looked upon as indicating hostility, and many of

the Ultonians fight with him, but he overcomes them all, even the

great Conall Cearnach. Conor in despair sends for Cuchulain, who with

difficulty slays him by the feat of the Gae-Bolg, and then finds out

when too late that the dying champion is his own son. So familiar to

the modern Irish scribes was this piece that in my copy, in the last

verse, which ends with Cuchulain's lament over his son--

"I am the bark (buffeted) from wave to wave,

I am the ship after the losing of its rudder,

I am the apple upon the top of the tree

That little thought of its falling."[12]

instead of the text of the third line stands a rough picture of a tree

with a large apple on the top!

Another saga[13] tells of Cuchulain's _geasa_ [gassa] or restrictions.

It was _geis_ or tabu to him to narrate his genealogy to one champion,

as it was also to his son Conlaoch, to refuse combat to any one man, to

look upon the exposed bosom of a woman, to come into a company without

a second invitation, to accept the hospitality of virgins, to boast to

a woman, to let the sun rise before him in Emania, he must when there

rise before it, etc. There is in this saga a graphic description of the

pagan king's retinue journeying with him to be fed in the house of a

retainer.

"All the Ultonian nobles set out; a great train of provincials, sons

of kings and chiefs, young lords and men-at-arms, the curled and

rosy youth of the kingdom, and the maidens and fair ringleted ladies

of Ulster. Handsome virgins, accomplished damsels, and splendid,

fully-developed women were there. Satirists and scholars were there,

and the companies of singers and musicians, poets who composed songs

and reproofs, and praising-poems for the men of Ulster. There came

also with them from Emania historians, judges, horse-riders, buffoons,

tumblers, fools, and performers on horseback. They all went by the

same way, behind the king."[14]

Dismissing Cuchulain for the present, we pass on now to another

personality of the Red Branch saga--the Lady Déirdre.

[1] _See_ "Compert Conculaind," by Windisch in "Irische Texte," t. i.

p. 134, and Jubainville's "Epopée Celtique en Irlande," p. 22.

[2] _See_ the story of Cuchulain's sick-bed, translated by O'Curry

in the first volume of the "Atlantis," and by Mr. O'Looney in Sir J.

Gilbert's "Facsimiles of the National MSS. of Ireland," and by Windisch

in "Irische Texte," vol. i., pp. 195-234, and by M. de Jubainville in

his "Epopée Celtique," p. 174, and lastly, Mr. Nutt's "Voyage of Bran,"

vol. ii., p. 38.

[3] This is the periodic curse which overtook the Ulstermen at certain

periods, rendering them feeble as a woman in child-bed, in consequence

of the malediction of the goddess Macha, who was, just before the birth

of her children, inhumanly obliged by the Ultonians to run against the

king's horses. The only people of the northern province free from this

curse were the children born before the curse was uttered, the women,

and the hero Cuchulain. It transmitted itself from father to son for

nine generations, and is said to have lasted five nights and four days,

or four nights and five days. But one would think from the Táin Bo

Chuailgne that it must have lasted much longer. For this curse _see_

Jubainville's "Epopée Celtique," p. 320. I was, not long ago, told a

story by a peasant in the county Galway not unlike it, only it was

related of the mother of the celebrated boxer Donnelly.

[4] Except in one place in the Táin Bo Chuailgne, where his sword is

spoken of, which was like a thread in his hand, but which when he smote

with it extended itself to the size of a rainbow, with three blows of

which upon the ground he raised three hills. The description of Fergus

in the Conor story preserved in the Book of Leinster, is simply and

frankly that of a giant many times the size of an ordinary man.

[5] The female warrior and war-teacher was not uncommon among the

Celts, as the examples of Boadicea and of Mève of Connacht show.

[6] "Cnámha an tseanchusa."

[7] Rawlinson, B. 512.

[8] For Déirdre in her lament over the three does call them "three

pupils of Scathach."

[9] Pronounced "Eefă." The triphthong _aoi_ has always the sound of

_ee_ in English. The stepmother of the Children of Lir was also called

Aoife.

[10] I quote this from my paper version. The oldest text only says that

"Cuchulain told her that she should bear him a son, and that upon a

certain day in seven years' time that son should go to him; he told her

what name she should give him, and then he went away."

[11] P. 279 of John O'Mahony's edition, translated also by M. de

Jubainville in his "Epopée Celtique," who comparing the Irish story

with its Germanic counterpart expresses himself strongly on their

relative merits: "Tout est puissant, logique, primitif, dans la pièce

irlandaise; sa concordance avec la piece persanne atteste une haute

antiquité. Elle peut remonter aux époques celtiques les plus anciennes,

et avoir été du nombre des _carmina_ chantés par les Gaulois à la

bataille de Clusium en 295 av. J.-C. Le poème allemand dont on a une

copie du huitième siècle est une imitation inintelligente et affaiblie

du chant celtique qui a dû retentir sur les rives du Danube et du Mein

mille ans plus tôt, et dont la rédaction germanique est l'œuvre de

quelque naïf Macpherson, prédécesseur honnêtement inhabile de celui du

dix-huitième siècle."

[12]

"Is mé an barc o thuinn go tuinn,

Is mé an long iar ndul d'á stiúr.

Is mé an t-ubhall i mbárr an chroinn

Is beag do shaoil a thuitim."

_See_ Miss Brooke's "Reliques of Ancient Irish Poetry," 2nd ed. p.

393. See also Kuno Meyer's note at p. xv of his edition of _Cath

Finntragha_, in which he bears further evidence to the antiquity and

persistence of this story.

[13] See the Book of Leinster, 107-111, a MS. copied about the year

1150.

[14] Thus translated by my late lamented friend and accomplished

scholar Father James Keegan of St. Louis.

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