CHAPTER XXI

THE OLDEST BOOKS AND POEMS

The books of saga, poetry, and annals that have come down to our day,

though so vastly more ancient and numerous than anything that the rest

of Western Europe has to show, are yet an almost inappreciable fragment

of the literature that at one time existed in Ireland. The great native

scholar O'Curry, who possessed a unique and unrivalled knowledge of

Irish literature in all its forms, has drawn up a list of lost books

which may be supposed to have contained our earliest literature.

We find the poet Senchan Torpéist--according to the account in the

Book of Leinster, a manuscript which dates from about the year

1150--complaining that the only perfect record of the great Irish epic,

the Táin Bo Chuailgne[1] or Cattle-spoil of Cooley, had been taken to

the East with the Cuilmenn,[2] or Great Skin Book. Now Zimmer, who

made a special and minute study of this story, considers that the

earliest redaction of the Táin dates from the seventh century. This

legend about Senchan--a real historical poet whose eulogy in praise of

Columcille, whether genuine or not, was widely popular--is probably

equally old, and points to the early existence of a great skin book

in which pagan tales were written, but which was then lost. The next

great book is the celebrated Saltair of Tara, which is alluded to in

a genuine poem of Cuan O'Lochain about the year 1000, in which he

says that Cormac mac Art drew up the Saltair of Tara. Cormac, being

a pagan, could not have called the book a Saltair or Psalterium, but

it may have got the name in later times from its being in metre.

All that this really proves, however, is that there then existed a

book about the prerogatives of Tara and the provincial kings so old

that Cuan O'Lochain--no doubt following tradition--was not afraid to

ascribe it to Cormac mac Art who lived in the third century. The next

lost book is called the Book of the Uacongbhail, upon which both the

O'Clerys in their Book of Invasions and Keating in his history drew,

and which, according to O'Curry, still existed at Kildare so late as

1626. The next book is called the Cin of Drom Snechta. It is quoted in

the Leabhar na h-Uidhre, or "Book of the Dun Cow"--a MS. of about the

year 1100--and often in the Book of Ballymote and by Keating, who in

quoting it says, "And it was before the coming of Patrick to Ireland

that that book existed,"[3] and the Book of Leinster ascribes it to the

son of a king of Connacht who died either in 379 or 499. The next books

of which we find mention were said to have belonged to St. Longarad,

a contemporary of St. Columcille. The scribe who wrote the glosses on

the Féilĭrè of Angus the Culdee, said that the books existed still in

his day, but that nobody could read them; for which he accounts by the

tale that Columcille once paid Longarad a visit in order to see his

books, but that his host refused to show them, and that Columcille then

said, "May your books be of no use after you, since you have exercised

inhospitality about them." On account of this the books became

illegible after Longarad's death. Angus the Culdee lived about the year

800, but Stokes ascribes the Féilĭrè to the tenth century; a view,

however, which Mr. Strachan's studies on the Irish deponent verb, which

is of such frequent occurrence in the Féilĭrè, may perhaps modify. At

what time the scholiast wrote his note on the text is uncertain, but

it also is very old. It is plain, then, that at this time a number of

illegible books--illegible no doubt from age--existed; and to account

for this illegibility the story of Columcille's curse was invented. The

Annals of Ulster quote another book at the year 527 under the name of

the Book of St. Mochta, who was a disciple of St. Patrick. They also

quote the Book of Cuana at the year 468 and repeatedly afterwards down

to the year 610, while they record the death of Cuana, a scribe, at the

year 738, after which no more quotations from Cuana's book occur.

The following volumes, almost all of which existed prior to the

year 1100, are also alluded to in our old literature:--The Book of

Dubhdaleithe; the Yellow Book of Slane; the original Leabhar na

h-Uidhre, or "Book of the Dun Cow"; the Books of Eochaidh O'Flanagain;

a certain volume known as the book eaten by the poor people in the

desert; the Book of Inis an Dúin; the short Book of Monasterboice; the

Books of Flann of Monasterboice; the Book of Flann of Dungiven; the

Book of Downpatrick; the Book of Derry; the Book of Sábhal Patrick;

the Black Book of St. Molaga; the Yellow Book of St. Molling; the

Yellow Book of Mac Murrough; the Book of Armagh (not the one now so

called); the Red Book of Mac Egan; the Long Book of Leithlin; the

Books of O'Scoba of Clonmacnois; the "Duil" of Drom Ceat; the Book

of Clonsost; the Book of Cluain Eidhneach (the ivy meadow) in Leix;

and one of the most valuable and often quoted of all, Cormac's great

Saltair of Cashel, compiled by Cormac mac Culinan, who was at once king

of Munster and archbishop of Cashel,[4] and who fell in battle in

903, according to the chronology of the "Four Masters." The above are

certainly only a few of the books in which a large early literature was

contained, one that has now perished almost to a page. Michael O'Clery,

in the Preface to his Book of Invasions written in 1631, mentions the

books from which he and his four antiquarian friends compiled their

work--mostly now perished!--and adds:--

"The histories and synchronisms of Erin were written and tested in

the presence of those illustrious saints, as is manifest in the great

books that are named after the saints themselves and from their great

churches; for there was not an illustrious church in Erin that had

not a great book of history named from it or from the saints who

sanctified it. It would be easy, too, to know from the books which

the saints wrote, and the songs of praise which they composed in

Irish that they themselves and their churches were the centres of the

true knowledge, and the archives and homes of the manuscripts of the

authors of Erin in the elder times. But, alas! short was the time

until dispersion and decay overtook the churches of the saints, their

relics, and their books; for there is not to be found of them now

[1631] but a small remnant that has not been carried away into distant

countries and foreign nations--carried away so that their fate is

unknown from that time unto this."

As far as actual existing documents go, we have no specimens of

Irish MSS. written in Irish before the eighth century. The chief

remains of the old language that we have are mostly found on the

Continent, whither the Irish carried their books in great numbers,

and unfortunately they are not books of saga, but chiefly, with the

exception of a few poems, glosses and explanations of books used

evidently in the Irish ecclesiastical schools.[5] A list of the

most remarkable is worth giving here, as it will help to show the

extraordinary geographical diversity of the Irish settlements upon the

Continent, and the keenness with which their relics have been studied

by European scholars--French, German, and Italian. The most important

are the glosses found in the Irish MSS. of Milan, published by Ascoli,

Zeuss, Stokes, and Nigra; those in St. Gall--a monastery in Switzerland

founded by St. Gall, an Irish friend of Columbanus, in the sixth

century--published by Ascoli and Nigra; those in Wurtzburg, published

by Zimmer and Zeuss; those in Carlsruhe, published by Zeuss; those in

Turin, published by Zimmer, Nigra, and Stokes in his "Goidelica"; those

in Vienna, published by Zimmer in his "Glossæ Hibernicæ" and Stokes

in his "Goidelica"; those in Berne, those in Leyden, those in Nancy,

and the glosses on the Cambrai Sermon, published by Zeuss.[6] Next in

antiquity to these are the Irish parts of the Book of Armagh, the poems

in the MSS. of St. Gall and Milan,[7] and some of the pieces published

by Windisch in his "Irische Texte." Next to this is probably the

Martyrology of Angus the Culdee. And then come the great Middle-Irish

books--the Leabhar na h-Uidhre, the Book of Leinster, and the rest.

From a palæographic point of view the oldest books in Ireland are

probably the "Domhnach Airgid," a copy of the Four Gospels in a triple

shrine of yew, silver-plated copper, and gold-plated silver, which St.

Patrick was believed to have given to St. Carthainn when he told that

saint with a shrewd wisdom, which in later days aroused the admiration

of Mr. Matthew Arnold, to build himself a church "that should not

be too near to himself for familiarity nor too far from himself for

intercourse." It probably dates from the fifth or sixth century. The

Cathach supposed to have been surreptitiously written by Columcille

from Finnian's book[8]--a Latin copy of the Gospels in Trinity College,

Dublin; the Book of Durrow, a beautiful illuminated copy of the same;

the Book of Dimma, containing the Four Gospels, ritual, and prayers,

probably a work of the seventh century; the Book of Molling, of

probably about the same date; the Gospels of Mac Regol, the largest of

the Old Irish Gospel books, highly but not elegantly coloured, with

an interlinear Anglo-Saxon version in a late hand carried through

its pages; the Book of Kells, the unapproachable glory of Irish

illumination, and some other ecclesiastical books. After them come the

Leabhar na h-Uidre and the great books of poems and saga.

Although the language of these sagas and poems is not that of the

glosses, but what is called "Middle-Irish," still it does not in the

least follow that the poems and sagas belong to the Middle-Irish

period. "The old Middle-Irish manuscripts," says Zimmer, "contain for

the most part only Old Irish texts re-written."[9] "Unfortunately,"

says Windisch, "every new copyist has given to the text more or

less of the linguistic garb of his own day, so that as far as the

language of Irish texts goes, it depends principally upon the

age of the manuscript that contains them."[10] And again, in his

preface to Adamnan's vision, he writes: "Since we know that Irish

texts were rewritten by every fresh copyist more or less regularly

in the speech of his own day, the real age or a prose text cannot

possibly be determined by the linguistic forms of its language."[11]

It is much easier to tell the age of poetry than prose, for the

gradual modification of language, altering of words, shortening of

inflexions, and so on, must interfere with the metre, so that when

we find a poem in a twelfth-century manuscript written in Middle

Irish and in a perfect metrical form, we may--no matter to what age

it is _ascribed_--be pretty sure that it cannot be more than two or

three centuries older than the manuscript that contains it. Yet even

of the poems Dr. Atkinson writes: "The poem _may_ be of the eighth

century, but the forms are in the main of the twelfth."[12] Where poems

that really are of ancient date have had their language modified in

transcription so as to render them intelligible, the metre is bound

to suffer, and this lends us a criterion whereby to gauge the age of

verse, which is lacking to us when we come to deal with prose.

This modification of language is not uncommon in literature and takes

place naturally, but I doubt if there ever was a literature in which

it played the same important part as in Irish. Thus let us take the

story of the Táin Bo Chuailgne, of which I shall have more to say later

on. Zimmer, after long and careful study of the text as preserved to

us in a manuscript of about the year 1100, came to the conclusion from

the marks of Old Irish inflexion, and so forth, which still remain

in the eleventh-century text, that there had been two recensions of

the story, a pre-Danish, that is, say, a seventh-century one, and a

post-Danish, that is a tenth-or eleventh-century one. Thus the epic

may have been originally committed to paper in the seventh century,

modified in the tenth, transcribed into the manuscripts in which we

have it in the eleventh and twelfth, and propagated from that down to

the eighteenth century, in copies every one of which underwent more or

less alteration in order to render it more intelligible; and it was

in fact in an eighteenth-century manuscript, yet one that differed,

as I subsequently discovered, in few essentials from the copy in the

Book of Leinster that I first read it. As the bards lived to please

so they had to please to live. The popular mind only receives with

pleasure and transmits with readiness popular poetry upon the condition

that it is intelligible,[13] and hence granting that Finn mac Cool

was a real historical personage, it is perfectly possible that some

of his poetry was handed down from generation to generation amongst

the conservative Gael, and slightly altered or modified from time to

time to make it more intelligible, according as words died out and

inflexions became obsolete. The Oriental philologist, Max Müller, in

attempting to explain how myths arose (according to his theory) from

a disease of language, thinks that during the transition period of

which he speaks, there would be many words "understood perhaps by

the grandfather, familiar to the father, but strange to the son, and

misunderstood by the grandson." This is exactly what is taking place

over half Ireland at this very moment, and it is what has always been

at work amongst a people whose language and literature go back with

certainty for nearly 1,500 years. Accordingly before the art of writing

became common, ere yet expensive vellum MSS. and a highly-paid class

of historians and schools of scribes to a certain extent stereotyped

what they set down, it is altogether probable that people who trusted

to the ear and to memory, modified and corrupted but still handed down,

at least some famous poems, like those ascribed to Amergin or Finn

mac Cool. That the Celtic memory for things unwritten is long I have

often proved. I have heard from peasants stanzas composed by Donogha

Mór O'Daly, of Boyle, in the thirteenth century; I have recovered from

an illiterate peasant, in 1890 in Roscommon, verses which had been

jotted down in phonetic spelling in Argyleshire by Macgregor, Dean of

Lismore, in the year 1512, and which may have been sung for hundreds

of years before it struck the fancy of the Highland divine to commit

them to paper;[14] and I have again heard verses in which the measure

and sense were preserved, but found on comparing them with MSS. that

several obsolete words had been altered to others that rhymed with them

and were intelligible.[15] For these reasons I should, in many cases,

refuse absolutely to reject the authenticity of a poem simply because

the language is more modern than that of the bard could have been to

whom it is ascribed, and it seems to me equally uncritical either

to accept or reject much of our earliest poetry, except what is in

highly-developed metre, as a good deal of it may possibly be the actual

(but linguistically modified) work of the supposed authors.

This modifying process is something akin to but very different

in degree from Pope's rewriting of Donne's satires or Dryden's

version of Chaucer, inasmuch as it was probably both unconscious and

unintentional. To understand better how this modification may have

taken place, let us examine a few lines of the thirteenth-century

English poem, the "Brut" of Layamon:--

"And swa ich habbe al niht

Of mine swevene swithe ithoht,

For ich what to iwisse

Agan is al my blisse."

These lines were, no doubt, intelligible to an ordinary Englishman at

the time. Gradually they become a little modernised, thus:--

"And so I have all night

Of min-e sweeven swith ythought,

For I wat to ywiss

Agone is all my bliss."

Had these verses been preserved in folk-memory they must have undergone

a still further modification as soon as the words sweeven (dream),

swith (much), and ywiss (certainty) began to grow obsolete, and we

should have the verse modified and mangled, perhaps something in this

way:--

"And so I have all the night

Of my dream greatly thought,

For I wot and I wis

That gone is all my bliss."

The words "I wot and I wis," in the third line, represent just about

as much archaism as the popular memory and taste will stand without

rebelling. Some modification in the direction here hinted at may be

found in, I should think, more than half the manuscripts in the Royal

Irish Academy to-day, and just in the same sense as the lines,

"For I wot and I wis

That gone is my bliss,"

are Layamon's; so we may suppose,

"Dubthach missi mac do Lugaid

Laidech lantrait

Mé ruc inmbreith etir Loegaire

Ocus Patraic,"[16]

to be the fifth century O'Lugair's, or

"Leathaid folt fada fraich,

Forbrid canach fann finn,"[17]

to be Finn mac Cúmhail's.

Of the many _poems_--as distinguished from sagas, which are a mixture

of poetry and prose--said to have been produced from pagan times down

to the eighth century, none can be properly called epics or even

épopées. There are few continued efforts, and the majority of the

pieces though interesting for a great many reasons to students, would

hardly interest an English reader when translated. Unfortunately,

such a great amount of our early literature being lost, we can only

judge of what it was like through the shorter pieces which have been

preserved, and even these short pieces read rather jejune and barren

in English, partly because of the great condensation of the original,

a condensation which was largely brought about by the necessity of

versification in difficult metres. In order to see beauty in the

most ancient Irish verse it is absolutely necessary to read it in

the original so as to perceive and appreciate the alliteration and

other _tours de force_ which appear in every line. These verses, for

instance, which Mève, daughter or Conan, is said to have pronounced

over Cuchorb, her husband, in the first century, appear bald enough in

a literal translation:--

"Moghcorb's son whom fame conceals [covers]

Well sheds he blood by his spears,

A stone over his grave--'tis a pity--

Who carried battle over Cliú Máil.

My noble king, he spoke not falsehood,

His success was certain in every danger,

As black as a raven was his brow,

As sharp was his spear as a razor," etc.

One might read this kind of thing for ever in a translation without

being struck by anything more than some occasional _curiosa felicitas_

of phrase or picturesque expression, and one would never suspect that

the original was so polished and complicated as it really is. Here are

these two verses done into the exact versification of the original,

in which interlinear vowel-rhymes, alliterations, and all the other

requirements of the Irish are preserved and marked:--

"Mochorb's son of Fiercest FAME,

KNown his NAME for bloody toil,

To his Gory Grave is GONE,

He who SHONE o'er SHouting Moyle.

Kindly King, who Liked not LIES,

Rash to RISE to Fields of Fame,

Raven-Black his Brows of FEAR,

Razor-Sharp his SPEAR of flame," etc.[18]

This specimen of Irish metre may help to place much of our poetry in

another light, for its beauty depends less upon the intrinsic substance

of the thought than the external elegance of the framework. We must

understand this in order to do justice to our versified literature, for

the student must not imagine that he will find long-sustained epics or

interesting narrative poems after the manner of the Iliad or Odyssey,

or even the Nibelungenlied, or the "Song of Roland;" none such now

exist: if they did exist they are lost. The early poems consist rather

of eulogies, elegies, historical pieces, and lyrics, few of them of any

great length, and still fewer capable of interesting an English reader

in a translation. Occasionally we meet with touches of nature poetry

of which the Gael has always been supremely fond. Here is a tentative

translation made by O'Donovan of a part of the first poem which Finn

mac Cúmhail is said to have composed after his eating of the salmon of

knowledge:--

"May-Day, delightful time! How beautiful the colour; the blackbirds

sing their full lay; would that Laighaig were here! The cuckoos sing

in constant strains. How welcome is ever the noble brilliance of the

seasons! On the margin of the branching woods the summer swallows skim

the stream. The swift horses seek the pool. The heath spreads out its

long hair, the weak, fair bog-down grows. Sudden consternation attacks

the signs, the planets, in their courses running, exert an influence;

the sea is lulled to rest, flowers cover the earth."

The language of this poem is so old as to be in parts unintelligible,

and the broken metre points to the difficulties of transmission over

a long period of time, yet he would be a bold man who would ascribe

with certainty the authorship of it to Finn mac Cúmhail in the third

century, or the elegy on Cuchorb to Mève, daughter of Conan, a

contemporary of Virgil and Horace. And yet all the history of these

people is known and recorded with much apparent plausibility and many

collateral circumstances connecting them with the men of their time.

How much of this is genuine historical tradition? How much is later

invention? It is difficult to decide at present.

[1] Pronounced "Taun Bo Hoo-il-n'ya." The "a" in Táin is pronounced

nearly like the "a" in the English word "Tarn."

[2] Cuilmenn--it has been remarked, I think, by Kuno Meyer--seems

cognate with Colmméne, glossed _nervus_, and Welsh _cwlm_, "a knot or

tie." It is found glossed _lebar--i.e._, leabhar, or "book."

[3] For the authorship of this book see above, p. 71.

[4] "At what time this book was lost," says O'Curry, "we have no

precise knowledge, but that it existed, though in a dilapidated state,

in the year 1454 is evident from the fact that there is in the Bodleian

Library at Oxford (Laud 610) a copy of such portions of it as could be

deciphered at that time, made by Shawn O'Clery for Mac Richard Butler.

From the contents of this copy and from the frequent references to the

original for history and genealogies found in the Books of Ballymote,

Lecan, and others, it must have been an historical and genealogical

compilation of large size and great diversity."

A legible copy of the Saltair appears, however, to have existed at a

much later date. I discovered a curious poem in an uncatalogued MS. in

the Royal Irish Academy by one David Condon, written apparently at some

time between the Cromwellian and Williamite wars, in which he says--

"Saltair Chaisill is dearbh gur léigheas-sa

Leabhar ghleanna-dá-locha gan gó ba léir dam,

Leabhar Buidhe Mhuigleann (?) obair aosta," &c.

_I.e._," Surely I have read the Saltair of Cashel, and the Book of

Glendaloch was certainly plain to me, and the Yellow Book of Mulling (?)

(_see_ above, p. 210), an ancient work, the Book of Molaga, and the

lessons of Cionnfaola, and many more (books) along with them which are

not (now) found in Ireland."

[5] Such, for example, is the fragment of a commentary on the Psalter

published by Kuno Meyer in "Hibernica Minora," from Rawlinson, B. 512.

The original is assigned by him, judging from its grammatical forms,

to about the year 750. It is very ample and diffuse, and tells about

the Shophetîm, or Sophtim, as the writer calls it, the Didne Haggamîm,

etc., and is an excellent example of the kind of Irish commentaries

used by the early ecclesiastics.

[6] "Gram. Celt.," p. 1004-7.

[7] Published by Zeuss in his "Grammatica Celtica."

[8] _See_ above, p. 175.

[9] "Keltische Studien," Heft i. p. 88.

[10] Preface to Loinges Mac n-Usnig, "Irische Texte," i. 61.

[11] "Irische Texte," i. p. 167.

[12] Preface to the list of contents of the _facsimile_ Book of

Leinster.

[13] With the exception of the ancient Irish prayers like Mairinn

Phádraig, preserved by tradition, which are for the most part not

intelligible to the reciters, but which owe their preservation to the

promise usually tacked on at the end that the reciters shall receive

some miraculous or heavenly blessing. _See_ my "Religious Songs of

Connacht."

[14] _See_ my note on the Story of Oscar au fléau, in "Revue Celtique,"

vol. xiii. p. 425.

[15] Cf. my note on Bran's colour, at p. 277 of my "Beside the Fire."

[16] In more modern Irish:--

"Dubhthach mise, mac do Lughaidh

Laoi-each lán-traith

Mé rug an bhreith idir Laoghaire

Agus Pádraig."

_I.e._, "I am Dubhthach, son of Lewy the lay-full, full-wise. It is I

who delivered judgment between Leary and Patrick." _Traith_ is the only

obsolete word here.

[17] In modern Irish, "Leathnuighidh folt fada fraoch," _i.e._,

"Leathnuighidh fraoch folt fada, foirbridh (fásaidh) canach

(ceannabhán) fann fionn," _i.e._, "Spreads heath its long hair,

flourishes the feeble, fair cotton-grass."

[18] Here is the first verse of this in the original. The Old Irish

is nearly unintelligible to a modern. I have here modernised the

spelling:--

"Mac Mogachoirb Cheileas CLÚ

Cun fearas CRÚ thar a gháibh

Ail uas a Ligi--budh LIACH---

Baslaide CHLIATH thar Cliú Máil."

The rhyming words do not make perfect rhyme as in English, but pretty

nearly so--_clu cru, liath cliath, gáibh máil_.

A Literary History of Ireland, from Earliest Times to the Present Day · 第 21 / 44 章