CHAPTER II

EARLIEST ALLUSIONS TO IRELAND FROM FOREIGN SOURCES

Of all the tribes of the Celts, and indeed of all their neighbours in

the west of Europe, the children of Milesius have been at once blessed

and cursed beyond their fellows, for on the shores of their island

alone did the Roman eagle check its victorious flight, and they alone

of the nations of western Europe were neither moulded nor crushed into

his own shape by the conqueror of Gaul and Britain.

Undisturbed by the Romans, unconquered though shattered by the

Norsemen, unsubdued though sore-stricken by the Normans, and still

struggling with the Saxons, the Irish Gael alone has preserved a record

of his own past, and preserved it in a literature of his own, for a

length of time and with a continuity which outside of Greece has no

parallel in Europe.

His own account of himself is that his ancestors, the Milesians, or

children of Miledh,[1] came to Ireland from Spain about the year 1000

B.C.,[2] and dispossessed the Tuatha De Danann who had come from the

north of Europe, as these had previously dispossessed their kinsmen the

Firbolg, who had arrived from Greece.

Such a suggestion, however, despite the continuity and volume of Irish

tradition which has always supported it, appears open to more than

one rationalistic objection, the chiefest being that the voyage from

Spain to Ireland would be one of some six hundred miles, hardly to be

attempted by the early Irish barks composed of wickerwork covered with

hides, fragile crafts which could hardly hope to live through the rough

waters of the Bay of Biscay and the Atlantic on a voyage from Spain, or

through the Mediterranean and the Atlantic on a voyage from Greece.

On the other hand, if we assume that our ancestors passed over from

Gaul into Britain and thence into Ireland, we shall find it fit in

with many other facts. To begin with, the voyage from Gaul to Britain

is one of only some two and twenty miles, and from Britain to Ireland,

at its narrowest point, is hardly twelve. The splendid physique,

too, of the Irish,[3] which is now alas! sadly degenerated through

depression, poverty, famine, and the rooting out of the best blood,

but which has struck during the course of history such numerous foreign

observers, seems certainly to connect the Irish by a family likeness

with the Gauls, as these have been described to us by the Romans, and

not with the Greeks or the swarthy, sun-burnt Iberians. Tacitus also,

writing less than a century after Christ, tells us that the Irish in

disposition, temper, and habits, differ but little from the Britons,

and we find in Britain, North Gaul, and Germany, tribes of the same

nomenclature as several of those Irish tribes whose names are recorded

by Ptolemy about the year 150.[4]

On the one hand, then, we have the ancient universal Irish traditions,

backed up by all the authority of the bards, the annalists and the

shanachies, that the Milesians--who are the ancestors of most of the

present Irish--came to Ireland direct from Spain; and, on the other

hand, we have these rationalistic grounds for believing that Ireland

was more probably peopled from Gaul and Britain. The question cannot

here be carried further, except to remark that in an age ignorant of

geography the term Spain may have been used very loosely, and may

rather have implied some land oversea, rather than any particular

land.[5]

If Ireland were not--thanks to her native annalists, her autochtonous

traditions and her bardic histories--to a great extent independent

of classical and foreign authors, she would have fared badly indeed,

so far as history goes, lying as she does in so remote a corner of

the world, and having been untrodden by the foot of recording Greek

or masterful Roman. There are, however, some few allusions to the

island to be found, of which, perhaps, the earliest is the quotation

in Avienus, who writing about the year 380 mentions the account of

the voyage of Himilco, a Phœnician,[6] to Ireland about the year 510

B.C., who said in his account that Erin was called "Sacra"[7] by the

ancients, that its people navigated the vast sea in hide-covered

barks, and that its land was populous and fertile. In the Argonautics

of the pseudo-Orpheus, which may have been written about 500 B.C.,

the Iernian[8]--that is apparently the Irish--Isle is mentioned.

Aristotle knew about it too. Ierne, he says, is a very large island

beyond the Celts. Strabo, writing soon after the birth of Christ,

describes its position and shape, also calling it Ierne, but according

to his account--which he acknowledges, however, that he does not make

on good authority--it is barely habitable and its people are the

most utter savages and cannibals.[9] Hibernia, says Julius Cæsar, is

esteemed half the size of Britain and is as distant from it as Gaul

is. Diodorus, some fifty years before Christ, calls it Iris, and says

it was occupied by Britons.[10] Pomponius Mela, in the first century

of our era, calls Ireland Iverna, and says that "so great was the

luxuriance of grass there as to cause the cattle to burst"! Tacitus a

little later, about the year 82, telling us how Agricola crossed the

Clyde and posted troops in that part of the country which looked toward

Ireland, says that Hibernia "in soil and climate, in the disposition,

temper, and habits of its people, differed but little from Britain, and

that its approaches and harbours were better known through traffic and

merchants."[11]

Ptolemy, writing about the year 150, unconsciously bears out to some

extent what Tacitus had said of Ireland's harbours being better known

than those of Britain, for he has left behind him a more accurate

account of Ireland than of Britain, giving in all over fifty Irish

names, about nine of which have been identified, and mentioning the

names of two coast towns, seven inland towns, and seventeen tribes,

some of which, as we have said, nearly resemble the names of tribes in

Britain and North Gaul. Solinus, about A.D. 238, is the first to tell

us that Hibernia has no snakes--observe this curious pre-Patrician

evidence which robs our national saint of one of his laurels--saying,

like Pomponius Mela, that it has luxurious pastures, and adding the

curious intelligence that, "warlike beyond the rest of her sex, the

Hibernian mother places the first morsel of food in her child's mouth

with the point of the sword." Eumenius mentions the Hibernians about

the year 306 in his panegyric on Constantine, saying that until now

the Britons had been accustomed to fight only Pictish and Hibernian

enemies. In 378 Ammianus Marcellinus mentions the Irish under the name

of Scots, saying that the Scotti and Attacotti[12] commit dreadful

depredations in Britain, and Claudian a few years later speaks rather

hyperbolically of the Irish invasion of Britain; "the Scot (_i.e._, the

Irishman)," he says, "moved all Ierne against us, and the Ocean foamed

under his hostile oars--a Roman legion curbs the fierce Scot, through

Stilicho's care I feared not the darts of the Scots--Icy Erin wails

over the heaps of her Scots."[13] The Irish expeditions against both

Gaul and Britain became more frequent towards the end of the fourth

century, and at last the unfortunate Britons, driven to despair, and

having in vain appealed to the now disorganised Romans to aid them,

sooner than stand the fury of the Irish and Picts threw themselves into

the arms of the Saxons.[14]

It is towards the middle or close of the fourth century that we come

into much closer historical contact with the Irish, and indeed we know

with some certainty a good deal about their internal history, manners,

laws, language, and institutions from that time to the present. Of

course if we can trust Irish sources we know a great deal about them

for even seven or eight hundred years before this. The early Irish

annalist, Tighearnach,[15] who died in 1088, and who had of course

the records of the earliest Irish writers--so far as they had escaped

extinction by the Danes--before his eyes when he wrote, and who quotes

frequently and judiciously from Josephus, St. Jerome, Bede, and other

authors, was of opinion, after weighing evidence and comparing Irish

with foreign writers, that the _monumenta Scotorum_, or records of

the Irish prior to Cimbaeth (_i.e._, about 300 B.C.) were uncertain.

This means that from that time forwards he at least considered that

the substance of Irish history as handed down to us might, to say the

least of it, be more or less relied upon. Cimbaeth was the founder of

Emania, the capital of Ulster, the home of the Red Branch knights,

which flourished for 600 years and which figures so conspicuously in

the saga-cycle of Cuchulain.

What then--for we pass over for the present the colonies of Partholan,

the Tuatha De Danann, and the Nemedians, leaving them to be dealt with

among the myths--have our native bards and annalists to say of these

six or seven centuries? As several of the best and greatest of Irish

sagas deal with events within this period, we can--if bardic accounts,

probably first committed to writing about the sixth or seventh century

may at all be trusted--to some extent recall its leading features, or

reconstruct them.

[1] Milesius is the ordinary Latinised form of the Irish Miledh; the

real name of Milesius was Golamh, but he was surnamed Miledh Easpáin,

or the Champion of Spain. He himself never landed in Ireland.

[2] 1016 according to O'Flaherty, in the eighth century B.C. according

to Charles O'Conor of Belanagare, but as far back as 1700 B.C.

according to the chronology of the "Four Masters." Nennius, the Briton

who wrote in the time of Charlemagne, gives two different accounts

of the landing of the Irish, one evidently representing the British

tradition, and the other that of the Irish themselves, of which he says

_sic mihi peritissimi Scotorum nunciaverunt_. Both these accounts make

the Irish come from Spain, the first being that three sons of a certain

Miles of Spain landed in Ireland from Spain at the third attempt.

According to what the Irish told him they reached Ireland from Spain

1,002 years after flying from Egypt.

[3] Even Giraldus Cambrensis, that most bigoted of anti-Irishmen,

could nevertheless write thus of the natives in the twelfth century.

"In Ireland man retains all his majesty. Nature alone has moulded the

Irish, and as if to show what she can do has given them countenances

of exquisite colour, and bodies of great beauty, symmetry, and

strength." This testimony agrees with what Cæsar says of the Celts of

Gaul, whose large persons he compares with the short stature of the

Romans, and admires their _mirifica corpora_. Strabo says of a Celtic

tribe, the Coritavi, "to show how tall they are, I myself saw some of

their young men at Rome, and they were taller by six inches than any

one else in the city." The Belgic Gauls are uniformly described as

tall, large-limbed, and fair, and Silius Italicus speaks of the huge

limbs and golden locks of the Boii who gave their name to Bavaria

(Boio-varia) and to Bohemia (Boio-haims). They were probably the

ruling race in Gaul, but the type is now very rarely seen there, the

aristocratic Celts having been largely wiped out by war, as in Ireland,

and having when shorn of their power become amalgamated with the

Ligurians and other pre-Celtic peoples.

[4] As the Brigantes, Menapii, and Cauci.

[5] Buchanan the Scotchman (1506-81), having urged some of these

objections against the Irish tradition, is thus fairly answered by

Keating, writing in Irish, about half a century after Buchanan's death:

"The first of these reasons," says Keating (to prove that the Irish

came from Gaul), "he deduces from the fact that Gaul was formerly so

populous that the part of it called Gallia Lugdunensis would of itself

furnish 300,000 fighting men, and that it was therefore likely that it

had sent forth some such hordes to occupy Ireland, as were the tribes

of the Gauls. My answer to that is that the author himself knew nothing

of the specific time at which the Sons of Miledh arrived in Ireland,

and that he was consequently perfectly ignorant as to whether France

was populous or waste at that epoch. And even though the country were

as populous as he states, when the Sons of Miledh came to Ireland, it

does not follow that we must necessarily understand that _it_ was the

country whence they emigrated; for why should it be supposed to be more

populous at that time than Spain, the country they really did come

from?"

[6] Aristotle, too, mentions the discovery by the Phoenicians, of an

island supposed to be Ireland, rich in forest and river and fruit,

which, however, this account would make out to have been uninhabited:

ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ τῇ ἔξω ῾Ηρακλείων στηλῶν φάσὶν ὑπό Καρχηδονίων νῆσον

εὑρεθῆναι ἐρήμην, ἔχουσαν ὕλην τε παντοδαπῇ καὶ ποταμὸυς πλωτὸυσ, καὶ

τοῖς λοιποῖς καρποῖς θαυμαστὴν, ἀπέχουσαν δὲ πλειόνων ἡμερῶν, etc.

Ireland was splendidly wooded until after the Cromwellian wars, and

not unfrequently we meet allusions in the old literature to the first

clearances in different districts, associated with the names of those

who cleared them.

[7] Sacra is apparently a translation of ῾Ιερα = Eiriu, old form of

Eire now called Erin, which last is really an oblique case.

[8] νήσοισιν ᾿Ιερνἰσιν, and νήσον ᾿Ιερνἰδα. The names by which Ireland

and its inhabitants were known to the writers of antiquity are very

various, as ᾿Ιουέρνια, ᾿Ιουέρνοι, Juverna, Juberna, Iverna, Hibernia,

Hibernici, Hibernienses, Jouvernia, Οὐερνία, ᾿Ιουρνία and even Vernia

and Βερνια. St. Patrick in his confessions calls the land Hyberione

and speaks of Hibernæ Gentes and "filii Scotorum." There can be little

doubt that Aristotle's ᾿Ιέρνη, the νῆσον ᾿Ιερνίδα of the Argonautics

and Diodorus' ῎Ιρις represent the same country. Here are Keating's

remarks on it: "An t-aonmhadh hainm déag Juvernia do réir Ptolomeus, no

Juverna do réir Sholinuis, no Ierna do réir Claudianus, no Vernia do

réir Eustatius; measaim nach bhfuil do cheill san deifir atá idir na

h-ughdaraibh sin do leith an fhocail-se Hibernia, acht nár thuigeadar

créad ó ttáinig an focal féin 7 dá réir sin go ttug gach aon fo leith

amus uaidh féin air, agus is de sin tháinig an mhalairt úd ar an

bhfocal." (_See_ Haliday's "Keating," p. 119.)

[9] ᾿Ιέρνη περὶ ἧς οὐδὲν λέγειν σαφὲς, except that the inhabitants are

ἀνθρωποφάγοι and πολυφάγοι! Τούς τε πατέρας τελευτἧσαντας κατεσθίειν ἐν

καλᾡ τιθέμενοι. He adds, however, ταῦτα δ᾿ὁύτω λέγομεν ὡς οὐκ ἔχοντες

ἀξιοπίστους μάρτυρας (Book IV., ch. v.). In another passage he shows

how utterly misinformed he must have been by saying that Ἰερνη was

ἀθλίως δέ διὰ ψύχος ὀικουμένην ὥστε τὰ ἐπέκεινα νομίζειν ἀοίκητα (II.

5). Elsewhere he calls the inhabitants ἀγριώτεροι τῶν Βρετανῶν.

[10] τῶν Βρεττανῶν, τοὺς κατοικοῦντας την ὀνομαζομένην Ἴριν.

[11] "Solum cœlumque et ingenia cultusque hominum haud multum a

Britannia differunt; in melius aditus portusque per commercia et

negociatores cogniti." This employment of _in_ before _melius_ is

curious, and the passage, which Diefenbach in his Celtica malignly

calls the "Lieblings-stelle der irischen Schriftsteller," is not

universally accepted as meaning that the harbours of Ireland were

better known than those of Great Britain; but when we consider the

antiquarian evidence for ancient Irish civilisation, and that in

artistic treatment, and fineness of manufacture Irish bronzes are fully

equal to those of Great Britain, and her gold objects infinitely more

numerous and every way superior, there seems no reason to doubt that

the text of Tacitus must be translated as above, and not subjected to

such forced interpretations as that the harbours and approaches of

Ireland were better known _than the land itself!_

[12] "Picti Saxonesque et Scotti et Attacotti Britannos aerumnis

vexavere continuis." These Attacotti appear to have been an Irish

tribe. There is a great deal of controversy as to who they were. St.

Jerome twice mentions them in connection with the Scots (_i.e._, the

Irish): _Scotorum et Atticotorum ritu_, they have their wives and

children in common, as Plato recommends in his Republic! (Migne's

edition, Book I., p. 735.) He says that he himself saw some of them

when he was young, "_Ipse adolescens in Gallia viderim Attacottos,

Scotorum_ (one would expect _Attacotorum_) _natio uxores proprias

non habet._" The name strongly resembles Cæsar's Aduatuci and

Diodorus's Ατουατικοὶ and certainly appears to be same as the Gaelic

Aitheach-Tuatha, so well known in Irish history, a name which O'Curry

translates by "rent-paying tribes," probably of non-Milesian origin.

These rose in the first century against their Milesian masters and

massacred them. If as Thierry thinks the east and centre of Gaul were

Gaelic speaking, they too may have had their Aitheach-Tuatha, which

may have been a general name for certain non-Celtic tribes reduced by

the Celts. According to the Itinerarium of Ricardus Corinensis quoted

by Diefenbach, Book III., there were Attacotti along the banks of

the Clyde: "_Clottæ ripas accolebant Attacotti, gens toti aliquando

Britanniæ formidanda._"

[13] "Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Ierne" ("glacialis," of course,

only when looked at from a southern point of view. Strabo, as we have

seen, said the island was scarcely habitable from cold).

"--Totam quum Scotus Iernen

Movit et infesto spumavit remige Tethys."

It is probably mere hyperbole of Claudian to say that the Roman chased

the Irish out to sea,

"--nec falso nomine Pictos

Edomuit, Scotumque vago mucrone secutus

Fregit Hyperboreas velis audacibus undas."

[14] These appear in Britain in the middle of the fifth century, in 449

according to the Saxon Chronicle, which is probably _substantially_

correct.

[15] Pronounced "Teear-nach."

A Literary History of Ireland, from Earliest Times to the Present Day · 第 2 / 44 章