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THE JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX.
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EIGHTH EDITION
OF THE
JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX.
TWO VOLUMES, 5/- NET.
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“His life well repays study. It is a rich mine, and every page of it
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THE JOURNAL
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IN TWO VOLUMES.
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The present issue of _The Journal of George Fox_ has been printed from
the stereotype plates of the Eighth (Bi-Centenary) Edition, slightly
corrected, and has been furnished with additional particulars of
previous editions of _The Journal_ (see pp. 541-544) and with greatly
enlarged Indexes.
To accompany this issue, a map has been prepared to show the places
mentioned in _The Journal_, the spelling of the names being mostly taken
from the First Edition. This work has necessitated a considerable amount
of research and enquiry in order to identify some of the more obscure
localities referred to by George Fox. It is hardly to be expected that
the positions of all these, after this lapse of time, will accord with
the judgment of all readers, but it is hoped that the map may promote
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INTRODUCTION
TO THE EIGHTH EDITION.
The following Eighth Edition of _The Journal of George Fox_, taken from
the Seventh Edition, as prepared by the late Wilson Armistead, of Leeds,
has been carefully read and collated with the original or First Edition
of that Work. And the reader can be confidently assured, making due
allowance for the translation or omission of a few obsolete expressions,
that the Work is now, in truth and substance, _the same_ as when it was
first printed. A large number of corrections in the spelling of names,
and of other chiefly clerical errors, have also been made, bringing all
down, so far as practicable, into harmony with the usage of the present
date in these respects.
DANIEL PICKARD.
LEEDS, 1891.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PAGE.
CHAPTER I.—1663-1666.—George Fox visits London—taken up at
Tenterden and examined by the magistrates, but
liberated—travels to the S.W. of England—precious meetings in
Wales—at Derwentwater meets with an old woman whose husband was
aged 122 years—apprehended and taken before the magistrates at
Holker Hall, but liberated on his parole to appear at the
sessions—appears accordingly, and is committed to Lancaster
jail—many poor Friends imprisoned there at the same time, whose
families become chargeable in consequence—one of them (Oliver
Atherton) dies in jail, where he was immured by the Countess of
Derby for tithes—George Fox has the oath tendered him at the
assizes, and is re-committed—Margaret Fell is also imprisoned
there—the prisoners in Lancaster jail to Justice Fleming—a
brief warning to the same by George Fox—George Fox disputes
with Major Wiggan (who was also a prisoner), and confutes
him—writes to the judges against giving nicknames—writes a
warning to all high professors—also a warning against the
spirit of John Perrot—at the assizes he points out many fatal
errors in his indictment, and it is quashed in consequence, but
the judge ensnares him with the oath, and he is again remanded
to prison—suffers much from the badness of the prison—at the
next assizes he again points out fatal errors in his
indictment, and is immediately hurried away to jail, and
sentence is passed on him in his absence—a testimony against
tithes—he is removed to Scarbro’ Castle—has several conferences
and disputes with divers persons there—writes to the king
respecting his imprisonment, and is set at liberty—copy of his
discharge and passport—the day after George Fox’s liberation
the great fire broke out in London, a vision of which he had in
Lancaster Castle—the hand of the Lord turned against
persecutors, 1
CHAPTER II.—1666-1669.—George Fox visits a man above one hundred
years old, who had been convinced—refutes a slander that
Friends love none but themselves—has a meeting at Captain
Taylor’s [at Brighouse], where a neighbouring knight threatens
again to imprison him—comes to London, and finds the city in
ruins as he had seen it in a vision some years before—is moved
to recommend the setting up of monthly meetings to take care of
God’s glory, and to admonish and exhort such as walk
disorderly—travels through the nation for this purpose—meets
with opposition in Huntingdonshire and Bedfordshire—when at
Shrewsbury it was rumoured that “the great Quaker of England
was come to town“—the hypocrisy of the Presbyterians
detected—they and the Independents persecute when in power, but
flinch in time of persecution by other powers—George Fox
recommends certain regulations to be observed relative to
Friends’ marriages—he also recommends the establishment of a
school at Waltham for boys, and one at Shacklewell for
girls—the meetings for discipline are the means of a great
reformation among the people—George Fox discovers a cheat,
writes a prophetic warning to Friends—monthly meetings settled
throughout the nation—the order and good results thereof—George
Fox disputes with a Papist—confers with Esquire Marsh
(Justice), and shows him how to distinguish between Friends and
other Dissenters who refused the oath—Justice Marsh is
afterwards very serviceable to Friends in screening them from
suffering, and recommends the king to grant liberty of
conscience—fourteen monthly meetings are settled in
Yorkshire—Isaac Lindley to George Fox—when at Scarbro’ the
governor presses George Fox to accept his hospitality—large and
precious meetings, 74
CHAPTER III.—1669-1671.—George Fox sails for Ireland in company
with several other Friends—he there sends a challenge to the
Popish priests to try their God, which is not accepted—he
contrasts them with Baal’s priests—the authorities of Cork
threaten him, and issue warrants for his apprehension—he rides
publicly through the city, and is seen by the mayor, but not
molested—writes to Friends in the ministry there—discourses
with professors on election and reprobation—returns to
England—a report is spread that George Fox is turned
Presbyterian, through a trick to obtain a congregation for John
Fox, the Presbyterian, which, however, turns to the advantage
of Friends—George Fox is married to Margaret Fell at
Bristol—writes to the quarterly meetings about putting children
apprentices—Margaret Fox is cast into prison—two of her
daughters go to the king, and obtain a promise of their
mother’s liberty—on the passing of the Conventicle Act, George
Fox writes a declaration against seditious conventicles—writes
to Friends to strengthen them in their trials—is apprehended at
a meeting in Gracechurch Street—taken before the mayor, who
discourses with him and sets him at liberty—visits Friends in
Reading jail—undergoes great travail of spirit, loses his sight
and hearing, and becomes as a sign—persecution becoming hot,
some meeting-houses are pulled down, and Friends are much
abused—George Fox endures great mental conflict—the
faithfulness of Friends is said by some professors to have
preserved the nation from debauchery—George Fox writes an
encouraging letter to Friends—as persecution abates he
recovers—writes a warning to the rulers of the
nation—recommends certain regulations respecting
marriage—writes a prayer, 107
CHAPTER IV.—1671-1672.—His wife being still detained a prisoner,
George Fox puts two women Friends upon going to the king to
procure her discharge, which he granted under the broad seal,
to clear her person and estate after being a prisoner under
premunire ten years—he sails for the plantations in America
with several other Friends—chased by a Sallee man-of-war—the
master in a strait asks advice of George Fox, who seeks counsel
of the Lord, and is assured of their preservation—the event
verifies the prediction—they land at Barbadoes, after a seven
weeks’ passage—a man in the island, who was greatly incensed
against George Fox without just cause, and who had threatened
his life, died a few days before his landing—is laid up for
some weeks—writes to Friends in England—exhorts Friends to care
and watchfulness in regard to marriages, keeping registers, and
records, providing burial grounds, &c.—to deal mildly with
their negroes, and, after certain years of servitude, to set
them free—writes a further exhortation to Friends in
England—visits the governor, who is very kind—has many large
meetings, and there is a great convincement; Colonel Lyne
testifies how much Friends exalt Christ in all his offices
beyond what he had ever heard—the priests rage, and try in vain
to stir up persecution—there is much clamour and cavilling
against Friends, and many slanders and false reports are
issued, which George Fox answers in a paper addressed to the
governor—the governor visits him—writes to his wife—sails for
Jamaica, where he has many meetings, and many are
convinced—Elizabeth Hooton dies there, 140
CHAPTER V.—1672-1673.—George Fox embarks for Maryland, where he
arrives after a seven weeks’ voyage, and having experienced
some remarkable deliverances—attends a General Meeting for
Maryland, which held four days—several meetings for discipline
established—has meetings with the Indian kings—travels towards
New England—attends the Half-year’s Meeting on Long Island,
which continued four days—has a meeting with some
opposers—visits Rhode Island, where the Yearly Meeting for New
England is held, which continued six days—attends a marriage
there, and has a meeting with some Ranters—also one with some
Indians on Shelter Island—one of his companions thrown from his
horse and lays apparently dead, but soon recovers in an
unexpected manner—they reach Maryland after nine days’ travel
overland between three and four hundred miles—visits a judge
who is ill, but recovers—attends the General Meeting for
Maryland, which held five days—sails for Virginia, and arrives
in three days, a distance of 200 miles—thence proceeds towards
Carolina—visits the Indians, and shows them that God made but
one woman for one man—returns to Virginia—sails for
Maryland—endures great extremes of heat and cold within a very
short period—speaks to a woman who had been many years in
trouble, and entreats the Lord for her, and she is thereupon
restored—attends the General Meeting for Maryland, to the
edification and comfort of Friends—sails for England, and
arrives safe, after a six weeks’ passage, 161
CHAPTER VI.—1673-1675.—George Fox writes to his wife from
Bristol—has a glorious powerful meeting there, in which he
declares of three estates and three teachers—at Slaughterford
meets with much opposition to the settlement of women’s
meetings—the chief opposer, struck by the Lord’s power,
condemns his error—at Armscott is arrested by Justice Parker,
and sent to Worcester jail with Thomas Lower—writes to his
wife—he and T. Lower write to Lord Windsor and other
magistrates, with a statement of their case—they are examined
at the sessions, but George Fox is ensnared with the oath, and
re-committed for refusing to take it—Thomas Lower is
discharged, and afterwards visits Justice Parker, and gives the
priest of the parish (who instigated their imprisonment) a
severe rebuke in his presence, though unknown—George Fox
disputes with Dr. Crowder on swearing—he is removed to London
by Habeas Corpus—but ultimately remanded to Worcester—is
examined at the assizes by Judge Turner, but the case is
referred to the sessions—death of his mother—disputes with a
priest on perfection—brought up at the sessions and
re-committed, but has liberty till the next sessions—is again
removed by Habeas Corpus, and tenders in court a declaration
instead of the oath—attends the Yearly Meeting in
London—appears again at the sessions at Worcester, and points
out the flaws in his indictment—yet he is brought in guilty and
premunired—writes to the king respecting the principle of
Friends—is seized with illness, and his life almost despaired
of—Justice Parker writes to the jailer to relax the rigour of
his imprisonment—his wife intercedes with the king for his
release, which he is willing to grant by a pardon—this George
Fox could not accept, as it implied guilt—he is once more
removed by Habeas Corpus—the under-sheriff quarrels with him
for calling their ministers priests—he is brought before the
judges, and Counsellor Corbet starts a new plea, that the court
cannot imprison on a premunire—the indictment is quashed for
error, and he is freed by proclamation after nearly fourteen
months’ imprisonment—he writes many papers and pamphlets in
Worcester jail, 197
CHAPTER VII.—1675-1677.—George Fox attends the Yearly Meeting,
and afterwards sets forward towards the North—attends the
Quarterly Meeting at Lancaster, and goes thence to
Swarthmore—writes many books and papers for the Truth—the
titles of several named—writes to Friends in Westmorland to
keep in the power of God, and thereby avoid strife—writes an
epistle to the Yearly Meeting—makes a collection and
arrangement of his various papers and writings, and of the
names of divers Friends engaged in particular service, or
against the Truth—some meetings for discipline established in
the North in 1653—recites his labours and travels for
establishing meetings for discipline—a spirit of discord and
separation appears in the church—the separatists are rebuked
and reproved—the establishment of men’s and women’s meetings is
much opposed—a narrative of the spreading of Truth, and of the
opposition from the worldly powers—death of Priest Lampitt, a
persecutor—George Fox travels again towards the South—writes to
his wife from York—finds some slack in their testimony against
Tithes—writes an epistle to Friends on the subject—attends the
Yearly Meeting—with John Burnyeat, and other Friends, visits
William Penn at his house at Worminghurst, in Sussex—sets
things in order for visiting Holland—precious meeting, 232
CHAPTER VIII.—1677.—George Fox sails for Holland, with several
other Friends, and lands at Briel—attends the Quarterly Meeting
at Amsterdam—writes an epistle to Friends against the spirit of
separation—writes to the Princess Elizabeth—her answer—a
Monthly Meeting is established at Frederickstadt—Friends are
imprisoned and banished from Embden, and suffer greatly—a
Monthly Meeting settled at Harlingen—a priest assents to the
doctrine promulgated by George Fox—he is questioned for it by
his hearers—George Fox writes an epistle to Friends respecting
the seducing spirit—he writes an epistle of encouragement to
Friends under suffering at Dantzic—and again to Friends
respecting the spirit of separation—spends a considerable time
at Amsterdam in writing on Truth’s account—a warning to the
magistrates and people at Oldenburg—an epistle concerning
fasts, prayers, honour, persecution, true liberty, and the
observance of days and times—a warning to the magistrates,
priests, and people of Hamburg—to the ambassadors met to effect
a treaty of peace in the city of Nimeguen—completes his travels
in Holland—writes a book addressed to the Jews, 266
CHAPTER IX.—1677-1680.—George Fox, with other Friends, sails for
England, and lands at Harwich, after a hazardous voyage of
three days—has a large meeting at Colchester, and proceeds
thence to London—writes to his wife—receives further accounts
of persecution in New England—travels into Buckinghamshire, and
meets with some false brethren, who are unruly and troublesome
at meetings—Friends have a special meeting with them
afterwards—at Reading meets with opposition to the settlement
of a women’s meeting—visits Bristol during the fair, where are
many Friends from various parts—the separatists there are very
rude and abusive—he aids Friends in drawing up a breviat of
their sufferings, to present to the judges at Gloucester
assizes—meets with some separatists at Finchcomb—is engaged
with other Friends in soliciting Parliament to grant them
relief from the statutes made against Popish recusants—attends
the Yearly Meeting, which was a glorious and heavenly
one—Friends greatly united in testifying against the spirit of
separation—not one mouth opened on its behalf—the Truth
prospers at home and abroad—George Fox writes to his
wife—writes to the king of Poland to dissuade him from
persecution—to Friends in Amsterdam—Friends again press their
suit for relief from the statutes made against Popish recusants
without success—are much exercised with the spirit of
separation, which opposes the order and discipline of the
church—George Fox writes a paper to open the understandings of
the weak, and as a reproof to a censorious judging spirit—has
conferences with some of the opposers at Hertford—writes again
to Friends to warn them of this spirit of false liberty—visits
Friends in prison at Leicester—advises Friends how to end their
differences—writes an epistle to Friends in London—writes to
Friends in prison to console them under suffering—writes an
epistle to the Yearly Meeting—an encouragement to Friends to be
valiant for the Truth—also a caution to Friends to keep in
humility—travels again towards the South—visits prisoners in
York Castle—recommends Friends to lay their sufferings before
the judge at the assizes—attends the Yearly Meeting in
London—writes to the Great Turk and to the Dey of Algiers—to
the latter particularly respecting Friends who are captives
there—at Hertford meets with John Story (the schismatic) and
some of his party, but the Truth prevails—has a meeting with
some of the opposers—solicits the Parliament to grant relief to
Friends under suffering—writes a paper against plots and
plotters, 312
CHAPTER X.—1681-1683.—George Fox answers two envious books
written abroad—writes to magistrates to persuade them to
moderation—writes to the Quarterly Meetings—attends the judges
at Chambers, respecting a tithe-suit against himself and his
wife—George Fox had bound himself not to intermeddle with his
wife’s estate—this is shown to the judges in court, at which
they wonder—his counsel thereon founds an argument in his
favour—he again writes against the spirit of strife and
division in the church—writes to the magistrates who had
illegally condemned Friends upon _ex-parte_ evidence—writes two
papers respecting the choice of Sheriffs—Friends are
interrupted at Gracechurch Street Meeting by a civil and
military force—George Fox writes divers books and papers in
support and defence of the Truth—the Spirit of God directed to
as the rule to distinguish between Truth and error, whereby the
evil of persecution may be avoided—an epistle to encourage
Friends under their sufferings, both from the outward powers,
and from false brethren—the laws are now more strictly enforced
against Dissenters—an epistle to Friends, commending them to
the power of God in themselves—writes to Friends imprisoned at
Denbigh, to console them in their sufferings, and exhorting
them to faithfulness—Friends are kept out of their
meeting-houses, and fined for speaking—a Friend is speedily
restored from a sudden illness, in a remarkable manner, through
the prayers of George Fox—persecution is now hot, and George
Fox writes to Friends not to risk the loss of other people’s
goods through their sufferings, 350
CHAPTER XI.—1683-1685.—A salutation of love to Friends, designed
to stir up the pure mind—an epistle to Friends commending them
to Christ, the rock and sure foundation—an epistle of counsel
to Friends—George Fox taken from a meeting and examined by a
magistrate, but soon released—writes an epistle to the faithful
to beware of a seducing spirit—after the Yearly Meeting sails
for Holland, and lands at the Briel—attends the Yearly Meeting
at Amsterdam—writes to Galenus Abrahams, a Mennonist or
Baptist, who, seven years before, bid him “keep his eyes off
him,” for he said “they pierced him,” but now he was become
very loving and tender, as well as his family—George Fox
returns to England—writes to the Duke of Holstein an able
defence of women’s preaching—writes an epistle of counsel to
Friends—advises with, and assists them in, drawing up an
account of sufferings, which is printed and spread amongst
Parliament-men—writes a caution to Friends to keep out of the
world’s spirit, &c.—and a warning against pride and excess in
apparel, 381
CHAPTER XII.—1685-1686.—George Fox tarries in London, labouring
in the service of Truth—removes to Epping on account of his
health—writes an epistle to Friends—returns to London—writes a
paper concerning order in the Church of God—and a warning to
backsliders—assists in distributing money raised for sufferers
by Friends in Ireland—writes an epistle to the king of Poland,
on behalf of Friends of Dantzic—who suffer imprisonment for
conscience’ sake—a paper concerning judging—looks diligently
after Friends’ sufferings in London, and obtains a general
release of prisoners—writes an epistle to Friends, many having
been recently liberated from prison—another on a similar
occasion—an epistle to Friends to keep in the unity in the
Truth—another to remind them of the evidence and seal they had
received of their meetings for discipline having been set up in
the power and spirit of God—a paper concerning the state of the
true Church—a paper respecting the “falling away” foretold by
the apostle Paul, 2 Thess. ii. 3—a paper showing how the Lord,
in all ages, called the righteous out from amongst the wicked,
before he destroyed the latter, 415
CHAPTER XIII.—1686-1687.—The first and second Adam compared—the
two seeds distinguished—George Fox is daily exercised in London
in services relating to the Church, visiting the sick or
afflicted, and writing in defence of Truth, or refuting
error—true prayer distinguished from the practice of the
Papists—visits his son-in-law, William Mead—a distinction
between the true offering and sacrifice, and the false, under
the old and new covenant—a general toleration and liberty being
now granted, George Fox writes a word of counsel and caution to
Friends, to walk circumspectly in a time of liberty—how
redemption by Christ is known and witnessed—repentance must
precede the reception of the gospel, baptism, &c.—a paper
showing wherein God’s people are to be like him—the right way
to Christ—the kingdom of God is to be measurably known in this
life—George Fox is benefited by being three months in the
country—has much service in London again—at Kingston writes a
paper, showing how the Jews, by disobedience, lost the Holy
City and the Holy Land, designed as a warning to
Christians—everlasting life through, and in, Christ, to be
received and witnessed in this life—the stone cut out of the
mountain signifies the kingdom and power of Christ—a
miscellaneous paper, being a collection of Scripture passages
respecting regeneration, sanctification, &c., 446
CHAPTER XIV.—1687-1690.—George Fox continues to have service in
London and the neighbourhood—writes a paper respecting the
gospel and the seed; being also an incentive to diligence—a
general epistle to Friends, forewarning them of an approaching
storm—Moses and Christ both faithful under their respective
dispensations—Christ is on his throne—George Fox’s health
declining, he visits William Mead again for a few weeks—the
world’s teachers, and the emptiness of their teaching—those who
turn people from the inward manifestation of Christ in the
heart, remove them from the heavenly landmark, and bring a
curse on themselves—the prophets, apostles, and holy men of old
were husbandmen and tradesmen, unlike the world’s teachers—the
vanity of being too much busied with, and spending the time in,
hearing and telling news—though still declining, George Fox
attends at the Parliament-house many days on behalf of his
Friends—writes to Peter Hendricks, and to Friends at Dantzic,
to strengthen and comfort them under their sufferings—to the
magistrates and priests of Dantzic, showing the evil of
persecution, and persuading to Christian moderation—an appendix
to the Yearly Meeting’s epistle—an epistle to the Northern
Yearly Meeting, to be held at York—George Fox’s health still
impaired—writes an epistle to Friends in Barbadoes—to Friends
in Pennsylvania and other parts of America—to all that profess
the Truth of God; being a warning to the young against the
world’s fashions, and to the old against going into the earthly
things—Christ is the “Ensign,” prophesied of by Isaiah—an
appendix to the Yearly Meeting’s epistle—an epistle to Friends
in the ministry—to Friends in the ministry gone to America—to
suffering Friends in Ireland—death of George Fox in
1690—epistle written with his hand and found sealed up—some
account of the interment, 472
APPENDIX:—
Testimony of Margaret Fox, concerning her late husband, George
Fox; with a brief account of some of his travels, sufferings,
and hardships, endured for the Truth’s sake, 511
Testimony of some of the author’s relations, 519
An Epistle, by way of testimony, to Friends and brethren of the
Monthly and Quarterly Meetings in England, Wales, and
elsewhere, concerning the decease of our faithful brother,
George Fox, 521
Thomas Ellwood’s account of that eminent and honourable servant
of the Lord, George Fox, 526
An Epistle of George Fox’s, written with his own hand, and left
sealed up with this superscription, viz., “Not to be opened
before the time,” 527
The appearance of the Lord’s everlasting Truth, and its breaking
forth again in his eternal power, in this our day and age in
England, 529
A Chronological Register of the Places visited by George Fox, 531
Texts of Scripture occurring in the _Journal_, 538
Particulars of the English editions of the _Journal_, 541
Particulars of the American editions of the _Journal_, 544
Index I. Persons and Places, 545
Index II. Principal Subjects, 583
JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX.
VOL. 2.
-------------------------------------------
CHAPTER 1.
1663-1666.—George Fox visits London—taken up at Tenterden and examined
by the magistrates, but liberated—travels to the S. W. of
England—precious meetings in Wales—at Derwentwater meets with an old
woman whose husband was aged 122 years—apprehended and taken before
the magistrates at Holker Hall, but liberated on his parole to
appear at the sessions—appears accordingly, and is committed to
Lancaster jail—many poor friends imprisoned there at the same time,
whose families become chargeable in consequence—one of them (Oliver
Atherton) dies in jail, where he was immured by the Countess of
Derby for tithes—George Fox has the oath tendered him at the
assizes, and is re-committed—Margaret Fell is also imprisoned
there—the prisoners in Lancaster jail to Justice Fleming—a brief
warning to the same by George Fox—George Fox disputes with Major
Wiggan (who was also a prisoner), and confutes him—writes to the
judges against giving nicknames—writes a warning to all high
professors—also a warning against the spirit of John Perrot—at the
assizes he points out many fatal errors in his indictment, and it is
quashed in consequence, but the judge ensnares him with the oath,
and he is again remanded to prison—suffers much from the badness of
the prison—at the next assizes he again points out fatal errors in
his indictment, and is immediately hurried away to jail, and
sentence is passed on him in his absence—a testimony against
tithes—he is removed to Scarbro’ Castle—has several conferences and
disputes with divers persons there—writes to the king respecting his
imprisonment, and is set at liberty—copy of his discharge and
passport—the day after George Fox’s liberation the great fire broke
out in London, a vision of which he had in Lancaster Castle—the hand
of the Lord turned against persecutors.
Having passed through NORFOLK, SUFFOLK, ESSEX, and HERTFORDSHIRE, we
came to LONDON again; where I stayed awhile, visiting Friends in their
meetings, which were very large, and the Lord’s power was over all.
After some time I left the city again, and travelled into KENT, having
Thomas Briggs with me. We went to ASHFORD where we had a quiet, and a
very blessed meeting; and on First-day we had a very good and peaceable
one at CRANBROOK. Then we went to TENTERDEN, and had a meeting there, to
which many Friends came from several parts, and many other people came
in, and were reached by the truth. When the meeting was over, I walked
with Thomas Briggs into a field, while our horses were got ready; and
turning my head, I espied a captain coming, and a great company of
soldiers with lighted matches and muskets. Some of them came to us, and
said, “We must go to their captain.” When they had brought us before
him, he asked, “Where is George Fox? which is he?” I said, “I am the
man.” Then he came to me and was somewhat struck, and said, “I will
secure you among the soldiers.” So he called for them to take me. He
took Thomas Briggs, and the man of the house with many more; but the
power of the Lord was mightily over them all. Then he came to me again,
and said, “I must go along with him to the town;” and he carried himself
pretty civilly, bidding the soldiers bring the rest after. As we walked,
I asked him, “Why they did thus;” for I had not seen so much ado a great
while, and I bid him be civil to his peaceable neighbours.
When we were come to the town, they had us to an inn that was the
jailer’s house; and after a while the mayor of the town, and this
captain, and the lieutenant, who were justices, came together and
examined me, “why I came thither to make a disturbance?” I told them, I
did not come to make a disturbance, neither had I made any since I came.
They said, “there was a law against the Quakers’ meetings, made only
against them.” I told them, I knew no such law. Then they brought forth
the act that was made against Quakers and others. I told them, that was
against such as were a terror to the king’s subjects, and were enemies,
and held principles dangerous to the government, and therefore that was
not against us, for we held truth; and our principles were not dangerous
to the government, and our meetings were peaceable, as they knew, who
knew their neighbours were a peaceable people. They told me, “I was an
enemy to the king.” I answered, We loved all people and were enemies to
none; that I, for my own part, had been cast into Derby dungeon, about
the time of Worcester fight, because I would not take up arms against
him, and that I was afterwards brought by Colonel Hacker to London, as a
plotter to bring in King Charles, and was kept prisoner there till set
at liberty by Oliver. They asked me, “whether I was imprisoned in the
time of the insurrection?” I said, yes; I had been imprisoned then, and
since that also, and had been set at liberty by the king’s own command.
I opened the act to them, and showed them the king’s late declaration;
gave them the examples of other justices, and told them also what the
House of Lords had said of it. I spoke also to them concerning their own
conditions, exhorting them to live in the fear of God, to be tender
towards their neighbours that feared him, and to mind God’s wisdom, by
which all things were made and created, that they might come to receive
it, be ordered by it, and by it order all things to God’s glory. They
demanded bond of us for our appearance at the sessions; but we, pleading
our innocency, refused to give bond. Then they would have us promise to
come no more there; but we kept clear of that also. When they saw they
could not bring us to their terms, they told us, “we should see they
were civil to us, for it was the mayor’s pleasure we should all be set
at liberty.” I told them their civility was noble, and so we parted.
Then leaving Tenterden we went to NEWICK in SUSSEX, where we visited
some Friends. Thence we passed through the country, visiting Friends,
and having great meetings; all quiet and free from disturbance, except
by some jangling Baptists, till we came into HAMPSHIRE. After a good
meeting at SOUTHAMPTON, we went to POUNER, in the parish of Ringwood,
where was a monthly meeting next day, to which many Friends came from
Southampton, Poole, and other places; and the weather being very hot,
some of them came pretty early in the morning. I took a friend and
walked out with him into the orchard, inquiring of him how the affairs
of truth stood amongst them; (for many of them had been convinced by me,
before I was a prisoner in Cornwall.) While we were conversing, a young
man came and told us the trained bands were raising, and he heard they
would come and break up the meeting. It was not yet meeting-time for
about three hours, and there being other Friends walking in the orchard,
the Friend that I was discoursing with before, desired me to walk into a
corn-field adjoining it, which we did. After a while the young man that
spoke of the trained bands left us, and when he was gone some distance,
he stood and waved his hat. Whereupon I spoke to the other young man
that was with me, to go and see what he meant. He went, but did not
return; for the soldiers were come into the orchard. As I kept walking I
could see the soldiers, and some of them, as I heard afterwards, saw me,
but had no mind to meddle. Coming so long before the meeting-time, they
did not tarry; but took what Friends they found at the house, and some
whom they met in the lane coming, and led them away. After they were
gone, it drew towards eleven, Friends began to come in apace, and a
large and glorious meeting we had; for the everlasting Seed of God was
set over all, and the people were settled in the new covenant of life,
upon the foundation, Christ Jesus.
Towards the latter part of the meeting, there came a man in gay apparel,
and looked in while I was declaring, and went away again presently. This
man came with an evil intent; for he went forthwith to Ringwood, and
told the magistrates “they had taken two or three men at Pouner, and had
left George Fox there preaching to two or three hundred people.” Upon
this the magistrates sent the officers and soldiers again; but the
meeting being nearly ended when the man looked in, and he having about a
mile and a half to go with his information, to fetch the soldiers, and
they as far to come, after they had received their orders, before they
came our meeting was over; ending about three o’clock peaceably and
orderly. After the meeting I spoke to the Friends of the house where it
was held (the hostess lying then dead in the house,) and then some
Friends conducted me to another Friend’s at a little distance; where,
after we had refreshed ourselves, I took horse, having about twenty
miles to ride that afternoon to one —— Fry’s house in WILTSHIRE, where a
meeting was appointed for the next day.
After we were gone, the officers and soldiers came in a great heat, and
when they found they were too late, and had missed their prey, they were
much enraged; and the officers were offended with the soldiers, because
they had not seized my horse in the stable the first time they came. But
the Lord, by his good providence, delivered me, and prevented their
mischievous design. For the officers were envious men, and had an evil
mind against Friends; but the Lord brought his judgments upon them, so
that it was taken notice of by their neighbours. For “whereas before
they were wealthy men, after this their estates wasted away; and John
Line, the constable, who was not only very forward in putting on the
soldiers to take Friends, but also carried those that were taken to
prison, and took a false oath against them at the assize, upon which
they were fined and continued prisoners, was a sad spectacle to behold.
For his flesh rotting away while he lived, he died in a very miserable
condition, wishing he had never meddled with the Quakers, and confessing
that he had never prospered since he had had a hand in persecuting them;
and that he thought the hand of the Lord was against him for it.”
At —— Fry’s in Wiltshire, we had a very blessed meeting, and quiet,
though the officers had purposed to break it up, and were on their way
in order thereunto. But before they got to it, word was brought them,
that there was a house just broken up by thieves, and they were required
to go back again with speed, to search after and pursue them; by which
means, our meeting escaped disturbance, and we were preserved out of
their hands.
We passed through Wiltshire into DORSETSHIRE, having large and good
meetings. The Lord’s everlasting power was with us, and carried us over
all; in which we sounded forth his saving truth and word of life, which
many gladly received. Thus we visited Friends, till we came to TOPSHAM
in DEVONSHIRE, travelling some weeks eight or nine score miles a week,
and had meetings every day. At Topsham we met with Margaret Fell and two
of her daughters, Sarah and Mary, and with Leonard Fell and Thomas
Salthouse.[1] Thence we passed to TOTNESS, where we visited some
Friends, then to KINGSBRIDGE, and to Henry Pollexfen’s, who had been an
ancient justice of peace. There we had a large meeting. This old Justice
accompanied us to PLYMOUTH, and into CORNWALL to Justice Porter’s, and
thence to Thomas Mount’s, where we had another large meeting. After
which we went to Humphrey Lower’s, where also we had a large meeting,
and thence to Loveday Hambley’s, where we had a general meeting for the
whole country; and all was quiet.
A little before this, Joseph Hellen and G. Bewley, had been at Loo to
visit Blanch Pope, a Ranting woman, under pretence to convince and
convert her; but before they left her, she had so darkened them with her
principles, that they seemed to be like her disciples, especially Joseph
Hellen; for she had asked them, “who made the devil; did not God?” This
idle question so puzzled them, that they could not answer her. They
afterwards asked me that question. I told them, no; for all that God
made was good and was blessed; so was not the devil. He was called a
serpent before he was called a devil and an adversary, and then he had
the title of devil given to him. Afterwards he was called a dragon,
because he was a destroyer. The devil abode not in the truth, and by
departing from the truth, he became a devil. So the Jews, when they went
out of the truth, were said to be of the devil, and were called
serpents. Now there is no promise of God to the devil, that ever he
shall return to truth again; but to man and woman, who have been
deceived by him, the promise of God is, that “the Seed of the woman
shall bruise the serpent’s head,”—shall break his power and strength to
pieces. Now when these things were opened more at large to the
satisfaction of Friends, those two who had yielded to the spirit of that
ranting woman, were judged by the truth; and one of them, Joseph Hellen,
ran quite out, and was disowned by Friends; but George Bewley was
recovered, and afterwards became serviceable.
We passed from Loveday Hambley’s to Francis Hodges’s, near FALMOUTH and
PENRYN, where we had a large meeting. Thence we went to HELSTONE that
night, where some Friends came to visit us; and next day passed to
Thomas Teage’s, where we had another large meeting, at which many were
convinced. I was led to open “the state of the church in the primitive
times, the state of the church in the wilderness, and the state of the
false church that was got up since, and to show that now the everlasting
gospel was preached again over the head of the whore, beast, false
prophets, and antichrists, which had got up since the apostles’ days;
and now the everlasting gospel was received and receiving, which brought
life and immortality to light, that they might see over the devil that
had darkened them.” The people received the gospel and the word of life
gladly, and a glorious blessed meeting we had for the exalting of the
Lord’s everlasting truth and his name. After the meeting was over I
walked out, and as I was coming in again I heard a noise in the court,
and coming nearer, I found the man of the house speaking to the tinners
and others, and telling them, “it was the everlasting truth that had
been declared there that day;” and the people generally confessed to it.
From thence we passed to the LAND’S END, to John Ellis’s, where we had a
precious meeting. Here was a fisherman, one Nicholas Jose, that was
convinced. He spoke in meetings, and declared the truth amongst the
people, and the Lord’s power was over all. I was glad that the Lord had
raised up his standard in those dark parts of the nation, where there is
since a fine meeting of honest-hearted Friends; many are come to sit
under Christ’s teaching; and a great people the Lord will have in that
country.
Thence we returned to REDRUTH, and next day to TRURO, where we had a
meeting. Next morning, some of the chief of the town desired to speak
with me, amongst whom was Colonel Rouse. I went and had much discourse
with them concerning the things of God. In their reasoning, they said,
“the gospel was the four books of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John;” and
they called it natural. I told them, “the gospel was the power of God,
which was preached before Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, or any of them
were printed or written; and it was preached to every creature (of which
a great part might never see or hear of those four books,) so that every
creature was to obey the power of God; for Christ, the spiritual man,
would judge the world according to the gospel, that is, according to his
invisible power.” When they heard this, they could not gainsay; for the
truth came over them. I directed them to their teacher, the Grace of
God, and showed them the sufficiency of it, which would teach them how
to live, and what to deny; and being obeyed, would bring them salvation.
So to that grace I recommended them, and left them.
Then we returned through the country, visiting Friends, and had meetings
at Humphrey Lower’s again, and at Thomas Mount’s. Afterwards at George
Hawkins’s, at STOKE, we had a large meeting, to which Friends came from
Launceston and several other places. A living, precious meeting it was,
in which the Lord’s presence and power was richly manifested amongst us;
and I left Friends there under the Lord Jesus Christ’s teaching.
In Cornwall I was informed there was one Colonel Robinson, a very wicked
man, who, after the king came in, was made a justice of peace, and
became a cruel persecutor of Friends, of whom he sent many to prison.
Hearing that they had some little liberty, through the favour of the
jailer, to come home sometimes to visit their wives and children, he
made great complaint thereof to the judge at the assize against the
jailer; whereupon the jailer was fined a hundred marks, and Friends were
kept very strictly up for a while. After he was come home from the
assize, he sent to a neighbouring justice, to desire him to go to a
fanatic-hunting with him. On the day that he intended, and was prepared
to go, he sent his man about with his horses, and walked himself on foot
from his dwelling-house to a tenement, where his cows and dairy were
kept, and where his servants were then milking. When he came there he
asked for his bull. The maid-servants said, they had shut him into the
field, because he was unruly against the kine, and hindered their
milking. Then he went into the field to the bull, and having formerly
accustomed himself to play with him, he began to fence at him with his
staff. But the bull snuffed at him, and passed a little back; then
turning upon him again, ran fiercely at him and struck his horn into his
thigh, and heaving him upon his horn, threw him over his back, and tore
up his thigh to his belly. When he came to the ground again he gored him
with his horns, run them into the ground in his rage and violence,
roared, and licked up his master’s blood. The maid-servant, hearing her
master cry out, ran into the field, and took the bull by the horns to
pull him off from her master. The bull, without hurting her, put her
gently by with his horns, but still fell to goring him and licking up
his blood. Then she ran and got some men, that were at work not far off,
to come and rescue her master; but they could not at all beat off the
bull, till they brought mastiff dogs to set on him; and then he fled in
great rage and fury. Upon hearing of it his sister came, and said to
him, “Alack! brother, what a heavy judgment is this that has befallen
you!” He answered, “Ah! sister, it is a heavy judgment indeed. Pray let
the bull be killed, and the flesh given to the poor,” said he. They
carried him home, but he died soon after. The bull was grown so fierce
that they were forced to shoot him; for no man durst come near to kill
him. Thus does the Lord sometimes make some examples of his just
judgment upon the persecutors of his people, that others may fear, and
learn to beware.
After I had cleared myself of Cornwall, and Thomas Lower had brought us
over Horsebridge into DEVONSHIRE again, we took our leave of him. Thomas
Briggs, Robert Widders, and I, came to TIVERTON; and it being their
fair, and many Friends there, we had a meeting amongst them. The
magistrates gathered in the street, but the Lord’s power stopped them. I
saw them in the street over against the door, but they had not power to
come in to meddle with us, though they had will enough to do it.
After the meeting we passed to COLLUMPTON and WELLINGTON, for we had
appointed a meeting five miles off, where we had a large one at a
butcher’s house, and a blessed meeting it was. The people were directed
to their Teacher, the Grace of God, which would bring them salvation,
and many were settled under its teaching. The Lord’s presence was
amongst us, and we were refreshed in him, in whom we laboured and
travailed; and the meeting was quiet. There had been very great
persecution in that country and town a little before, insomuch that some
Friends questioned the peaceableness of our meeting; but the Lord’s
power chained all, and his glory shone over all. Friends told us how
they had broken up their meetings by warrants from the justices, and how
by their warrants they were required to carry Friends before the
justices; and Friends bid them “carry them then.” The officers told
Friends, “they must go:” but Friends said, nay; that was not according
to their warrants, which required them to carry them. Then they were
forced to hire carts, and waggons, and horses, and to lift Friends into
their waggons and carts, to carry them before a justice. When they came
to a justice’s house, sometimes he happened to be from home, and if he
were a moderate man, he would get out of the way, and then they were
obliged to carry them before another, so that they were many days
carting and carrying friends up and down from place to place. And when
afterwards the officers came to lay their charges for this upon the
town, the town’s-people would not pay it, but made them bear it
themselves; which broke the neck of their persecution there for that
time. The like was done in several other places, till the officers had
shamed and tired themselves, and then they were glad to give over.
At one place they warned Friends to come to the steeple-house. Friends
met to consider of it, and finding freedom to go to the steeple-house,
they met together there. Accordingly when they came thither, they sat
down to wait upon the Lord in his power and Spirit, and minded the Lord
Jesus Christ, their Teacher and Saviour; but did not mind the priest.
When the officers saw that, they came to them to put them out of the
steeple-house again; but the Friends told them, it was not time for them
to break up their meeting yet. A while after, when the priest had done,
they came to the Friends again, and would have had them go home to
dinner; but the Friends told them, they did not choose to go to dinner,
they were feeding upon the bread of life. So there they sat, waiting
upon the Lord, and enjoying his power and presence, till they found
freedom in themselves to depart. Thus the priest’s people were offended,
because they could not get them to the steeple-house: and when there,
they were offended, because they could not get them out again.
From the meeting near Collumpton we went to TAUNTON, where we had a
large meeting. The next day we came to a general meeting in
Somersetshire, which was very large; and the Lord’s everlasting word of
life and truth was largely declared. The people were refreshed thereby,
and settled upon Christ, their Rock and Foundation, and brought to sit
under his teaching; the meeting was peaceable. But about the second hour
of the night there came a company of men who knocked at the door, and
bid us open it, or they would break it open; for they wanted a man that
they came to search the house for. I heard the noise, and got up, and at
the window saw a man at the door with his sword by his side. When they
had let him in, he came into the chamber where I was, and looked on me,
and said, “You are not the man I look for:” and went his way.
We came thence to STREET, and to William Beaton’s, at PUDDIMORE, where
we had a very large general meeting, wherein the Lord’s everlasting
truth was declared, the people refreshed, and all quiet. Thence we went
to John Dander’s, where we had another large and very precious meeting;
and then passed on to BRISTOL, where we had good service for the Lord,
and all quiet. Here we met with Margaret Fell and her daughters again.
After some time we went to SLAUGHTERFORD in WILTSHIRE, where was a very
large meeting in a great barn. Good service we had there: for the truth,
as it is in Jesus, was published amongst them, and many were gathered by
it into the name of the Lord.
After this I passed into GLOUCESTERSHIRE and HEREFORDSHIRE, having large
meetings in each. In HEREFORD I had a meeting in the inn. When I was
gone, the magistrates, hearing there had been a meeting, came to search
the inn for me, and were vexed that they had missed me. But the Lord so
ordered it, that I escaped their hands; and Friends were established
upon Christ, their Foundation, the Rock of Ages.
Then I went into RADNORSHIRE, in WALES, and had several precious
meetings there. The Lord’s name and standard was set up, and many were
gathered to it, and settled under the teaching of Christ Jesus, their
Saviour, who bought them.
After I was clear of Wales, I came to a market-town between England and
Wales, where there was a great fair that day; and several Friends being
at the fair, we went to an inn, and they came to us. After we had had a
fine opportunity with Friends, we parted from them, and went on our way.
The officers of the town took notice, it seems, of our being there, and
of Friends gathering to us. They began also to meet together to consult
among themselves how to ensnare us, though it was the fair time; but
before they could do anything we were gone on our journey, and so
escaped them.
Thence we came into SHROPSHIRE, where we had a large and precious
meeting. After many meetings in those parts we came into WARWICKSHIRE,
and visited Friends there, and so into DERBYSHIRE and STAFFORDSHIRE,
visiting Friends’ meetings as we went. At WHITEHAUGH we had a large,
blessed meeting, and quiet; after which we rode about twenty miles that
night to Captain Lingard’s. We heard afterwards that when we were gone,
the officers came to seize us, and were much disturbed that they missed
us; but the Lord disappointed them, and Friends were joyful in the Lord
that we escaped them.
At Captain Lingard’s we had a blessed meeting, the Lord’s presence being
wonderfully amongst us. After this we passed through the PEAK-COUNTRY in
DERBYSHIRE, and went to SYNDERHILL-GREEN,[2] where we had a large
meeting. Here John Whitehead[3] and several other Friends came to me.
Then I passed through the country, visiting Friends, till I come to the
farther end of HOLDERNESS, and so passed by SCARBRO’, WHITBY, and
MALTON, to YORK, having many meetings in the way; and the Lord’s
everlasting power was over all.
We went from York to BOROUGHBRIDGE, where I had a glorious meeting.
Thence we passed into Durham to one Richmond’s, where there was a
general meeting; and the Lord’s power was over all, though people were
grown exceedingly rude about this time. After the meeting we went to
Henry Draper’s, where we stayed all night. Next morning a Friend came to
me, as I was passing away, and told me, “if the priests and justices
(for many priests were made justices in that country at that time) could
find me, they would destroy me.”
Being clear of Durham, I went over STAINMOOR into YORKSHIRE, and to
SEDBERGH, where having visited Friends, I went into WESTMORLAND,
visiting Friends there also. Thence I passed into LANCASHIRE and came to
SWARTHMORE. Here I stayed but a little while before I went over the
Sands to ARNSIDE, where I had a general meeting. After it was ended,
there came some men to break it up; but understanding before they
arrived that the meeting was over, they turned back. I went to Robert
Widders’s, and thence to UNDERBARROW, where I had a glorious meeting,
and the Lord’s power was over all. Thence I passed to GRAYRIGG, and
having visited Friends there, I went to Ann Audland’s, where they would
have had me to stay their meeting next day; but I felt a stop in my
spirit. It was upon me to go to John Blakelin’s in SEDBERGH, and to be
next day at the meeting there; which is large, and a precious people
there is. We had a very good meeting next day at Sedbergh; but the
constables went to the meeting at Ann Audland’s, to look for me. Thus by
the good hand and disposing Providence of the Lord, I escaped their
snare.
I went from John Blakelin’s with Leonard Fell to STRICKLAND HEAD, where
on First-day we had a very precious meeting on the common. That night we
stayed amongst Friends there, and next day passed into NORTHUMBERLAND.
After the justices had heard of this meeting at Strickland-Head, they
made search for me; but by the good hand of the Lord, I escaped them
again, though there were some very wicked justices. We went to Hugh
Hutchinson’s house in NORTHUMBERLAND, a Friend in the ministry, whence
we visited Friends thereabouts, and then went to DERWENTWATER, where we
had a very glorious meeting. There came an ancient woman to me, and told
me her husband remembered his love to me; she said, I might call him to
mind by this token, that I used to call him “the Tall White Old Man.”
She said, he was six score and two years old, and that he would have
come to the meeting, but his horses were all employed upon some urgent
occasion. I heard he lived some years after.
When I had visited Friends in those parts, and they were settled upon
Christ, their Foundation, I passed through NORTHUMBERLAND, and came to
old Thomas Bewley’s in CUMBERLAND. Friends came about me, and asked,
“would I come there to go into prison?” For there was great persecution
in that country at that time; yet I had a general meeting at Thomas
Bewley’s, which was large and precious, and the Lord’s power was over
all.
One Musgrave was at that time deputy-governor of Carlisle. Passing along
the country, I came to a man’s house that had been convinced, whose name
was Fletcher; and he told me, “if Musgrave knew I was there, he would be
sure to send me to prison, he was such a severe man.” But I stayed not
there, only calling on the way to see this man; and then I went to
William Pearson’s, near WIGTON, where the meeting was, which was very
large and precious. Some Friends were then prisoners at Carlisle, whom I
visited by a letter, which Leonard Fell carried. From William Pearson’s
I visited Friends, till I came to PARDSHAW-CRAG, where we had a general
meeting, which was large; all was quiet and peaceable, and the glorious,
powerful presence of the everlasting God was with us.
So eager were the magistrates about this time to stir up persecution in
those parts, that some offered five shillings, and some a noble a day,
to any that could apprehend the speakers amongst the Quakers; but it
being now the time of the quarter Sessions in that county, the men who
were so hired were gone to the sessions to get their wages, and so all
our meetings were at that time quiet.
From Pardshaw-Crag we went into WESTMORLAND, calling on the way upon
Hugh Tickell[4], near KESWICK, and upon Thomas Laythes, where Friends
came to visit us; and we had a fine opportunity to be refreshed
together. We went that night to Francis Benson’s, in Westmorland, near
Justice Fleming’s house. This Justice Fleming was at that time in a
great rage against Friends, and me in particular; insomuch that in the
open sessions at Kendal just before, he had bid five pounds to any man
that should take me, as Francis Benson told me. And it seems, as I went
to this Friend’s house, I met one man coming from the sessions that had
this five pounds offered him to take me, and he knew me; for as I passed
by him, he said to his companion, that is George Fox; yet he had not
power to touch me, for the Lord’s power preserved me over them all. The
justices being so eager to have me, and I being so often near them, and
yet they missing me, tormented them the more.
I went thence to James Taylor’s at CARTMEL, where I stayed First-day,
and had a precious meeting; and after it I came over the Sands to
SWARTHMORE.
When I came there, they told me, Colonel Kirby had sent his lieutenant
thither to take me, and that he had searched trunks and chests for me.
That night as I was in bed, I was moved of the Lord to go next day to
KIRBY-HALL, which was Colonel Kirby’s house, about five miles off, to
speak with him, and I did so. When I came thither, I found the Flemings,
and several others of the gentry (so called) of the country, come to
take their leave of Colonel Kirby, he being about to go up to London to
the parliament. I was shown into the parlour amongst them; but Colonel
Kirby was not then within, being gone out; so they said little to me,
nor I much to them. But presently he came in, and I told him, that
understanding he was desirous to see me, “I came to visit him, to know
what he had to say to me, and whether he had anything against me.” He
said, before all the company, “As he was a gentleman, he had nothing
against me. But,” said he, “Mistress Fell must not keep great meetings
at her house, for they meet contrary to the act.” I told him, “that act
did not take hold on us, but on such as met to plot and contrive, and to
raise insurrections against the king, whereas we were no such people;
for he knew that they that met at Margaret Fell’s house were his
neighbours, and a peaceable people.” After many words had passed, he
shook me by the hand, and said again, “he had nothing against me;” and
others of them said, I was a deserving man. So we parted, and I returned
to SWARTHMORE.
Shortly after, when Colonel Kirby was gone to London, there was a
private meeting of the justices and deputy-lieutenants at Holker-Hall,
where Justice Preston lived; and there they granted a warrant to
apprehend me. I heard over-night both of their meeting and of the
warrant, and so could have escaped out of their reach if I would; for I
had not appointed any meeting at that time, and I had cleared myself of
the north, and the Lord’s power was over all. But I considered, there
being a noise of a plot in the north, if I should go away, they might
fall upon Friends; but if I gave up myself to be taken, it might stop
them, and the Friends should escape the better. So I gave up to be
taken, and prepared myself against they came.
Next day an officer came with sword and pistols to take me. I told him,
“I knew his errand before, and had given up myself to be taken; for if I
would have escaped their imprisonment, I could have gone forty miles off
before he came; but I was an innocent man, and so cared not what they
could do to me.” He asked me “How I heard of it, seeing the order was
made privately in a parlour.” I said it was no matter, it was sufficient
that I heard of it. I asked him to let me see his order; whereupon he
laid his hand on his sword, and said, “I must go with him before the
lieutenants, to answer such questions as they should propose to me.” I
told him it was but civil and reasonable for him to let me see his
order; but he would not. Then said I, I am ready. So I went along with
them, and Margaret Fell accompanied us to HOLKER-HALL.
When we came thither, there was one Rawlinson, a justice, and one called
Sir George Middleton, and many more that I did not know, besides old
Justice Preston who lived there. They brought Thomas Atkinson, a Friend
of Cartmel, as a witness against me, for some words which he had told to
one Knipe, who had informed them; which words were, “that I had written
against the plotters, and had knocked them down.” These words they could
not make much of, for I told them I had heard of a plot, and had written
against it. Old Preston asked me, whether I had a hand in that script? I
asked him what he meant? He said, in the Battledore. I answered, Yes.
Then he asked me, whether I understood languages. I said, sufficient for
myself; and that I knew no law that was transgressed by it. I told them
also, that “to understand outward languages, was no matter of salvation;
for the many tongues began but at the confusion of Babel; and if I did
understand anything of them, I judged and knocked them down again for
any matter of salvation that was in them.” Thereupon he turned away, and
said, “George Fox knocks down all the languages. Come,” said he, “we
will examine you of higher matters.”
Then said George Middleton, “You deny God, and the church, and the
faith.” I replied, “Nay, I own God, and the true church, and the true
faith. But what church dost thou own?” said I (for I understood he was a
Papist.) Then he turned again and said, “You are a rebel and a traitor.”
I asked him to whom he spoke, or whom did he call rebel: he was so full
of envy that for a while he could not speak, but at last he said, “he
spoke it to me.” With that I struck my hand on the table, and told him,
“I had suffered more than twenty such as he, or than any that was there;
for I had been cast into Derby dungeon for six months together, and had
suffered much because I would not take up arms against this king before
Worcester fight. I had been sent up prisoner out of my own country by
Colonel Hacker to Oliver Cromwell, as a plotter to bring in King Charles
in the year 1654; and I had nothing but love and goodwill to the king,
and desired the eternal good and welfare of him and all his subjects.”
“Did you ever hear the like,” said Middleton. “Nay,” said I, “ye may
hear it again if ye will. For ye talk of the king, a company of you, but
where were ye in Oliver’s days, and what did ye do then for him? But I
have more love to the king for his eternal good and welfare than any of
you have.”
Then they asked me, “whether I had heard of the plot?” and I said, “yes,
I had heard of it.” They asked me how I had heard of it, and whom I knew
in it? I told them, I had heard of it through the high-sheriff of
Yorkshire, who had told Dr. Hodgson that there was a plot in the north;
that was the way I heard of it; but I had never heard of any such thing
in the south, nor till I came into the north. And as for knowing any in
the plot, I was as a child in that, for I knew none of them. Then said
they, “why would you write against it, if you did not know some that
were in it.” I said, “my reason was because you are so forward to mash
the innocent and guilty together, therefore I wrote against it to clear
the truth from such things, and to stop all forward, foolish spirits
from running into such things. I sent copies of it into Westmorland,
Cumberland, Durham, and Yorkshire, and to you here. I sent another copy
of it to the King and his council, and it is likely it may be in print
by this time.” One of them said, “O, this man hath great power!” I said,
“yes, I had power to write against plotters.” Then said one of them,
“you are against the laws of the land.” I answered, “Nay, for I and my
Friends direct all people to the Spirit of God in them, to mortify the
deeds of the flesh. This brings them into well-doing, and from that
which the magistrate’s sword is against, which eases the magistrates,
who are for the punishment of evil-doers. So people being turned to the
Spirit of God, which brings them to mortify the deeds of the flesh,—this
brings them from under the occasion of the magistrate’s sword; and this
must needs be one with magistracy, and one with the law, which was added
because of transgression, and is for the praise of them that do well. In
this we establish the law, are an ease to the magistrates, and are not
against, but stand for, all good government.”
Then George Middleton cried, “Bring the book and put the oaths of
allegiance and supremacy to him.” Now he himself being a Papist, I asked
him, “whether he had taken the oath of supremacy, who was a swearer? As
for us, we could not swear at all, because Christ and the apostle had
forbidden it.” Some of them would not have had the oath put to me, but
have set me at liberty. But the rest would not agree to that; for this
was their last snare, and they had no other way to get me into prison,
all other things had been cleared to them. This was like the Papist’s
sacrament of the altar, by which they ensnared the martyrs. So they
tendered me the oath, which I could not take; whereupon they were about
to make my mittimus to send me to Lancaster jail; but considering of it,
they only engaged me to appear at the sessions, and so for that time
dismissed me. I went back with Margaret Fell to Swarthmore; and soon
after Colonel West came to see me, who was at that time a justice of
peace. He told us, “he acquainted some of the rest of the justices, that
he would come over to see me and Margaret Fell; but it may be,” said he,
“some of you will take offence at it.” I asked him, “What he thought
they would do with me at the sessions;” and he said, “they would tender
the oath to me again.”
Whilst I was at Swarthmore, William Kirby came into Swarthmore meeting,
and brought the constables with him. I was sitting with Friends in the
meeting, and he said to me, “How now, Mr. Fox! you have a fine company
here.” “Yes,” said I, “we meet to wait upon the Lord.” So he began to
take the names of Friends, and them that did not readily tell him their
names, he committed to the constables’ hands, and sent some to prison.
The constables were unwilling to take them without a warrant, whereupon
he threatened to set them by the heels; but one of the constables told
him, “he could keep them in his presence, but after he was gone, he
could not keep them without a warrant.”
The sessions coming on, I went to LANCASTER, and appeared according to
my engagement. There was upon the bench Justice Fleming, who had bid
five pounds in Westmorland to any man that would apprehend me; for he
was a justice both in Westmorland and Lancashire. There were also
Justice Spencer, Colonel West, and old Justice Rawlinson the lawyer, who
gave the charge, and was very sharp against truth and Friends; but the
Lord’s power stopped them. The session was large, and the concourse of
people great; and way being made for me, I came up to the bar and stood
there with my hat on, they looking earnestly upon me, and I upon them
for a pretty space. Proclamation being made for all to keep silence upon
pain of imprisonment, and all being quiet, I said twice, “Peace be among
you.” The chairman asked, “If I knew where I was;” I said, “yes, I do,
but it may be,” said I, “my hat offends you; that is a low thing, that
is not the honour that I give to magistrates; for the true honour is
from above; which I have received, and I hope it is not the hat which ye
look upon to be the honour.” The chairman said, “they looked for the hat
too,” and asked, “wherein I showed my respect to magistrates, if I did
not put off my hat?” I replied, “In coming when they called me.” Then
they bid one, “take off my hat.” After which it was some time before
they spoke to me, and I felt the power of the Lord to arise.
After some pause, old Justice Rawlinson, the chairman, asked me, “if I
knew of the plot?” I told him, “I had heard of it in Yorkshire, by a
Friend, that had it from the high-sheriff.” Then they asked me, “whether
I had declared it to the magistrates.” I said, “I had sent papers abroad
against plots and plotters, and also to you, as soon as I came into the
country, to take all jealousies out of your minds concerning me and my
friends; for it was and is our principle to declare against such
things.“ They asked me then, “if I knew not of an act against meetings.”
I said, “I knew there was an act that took hold of such as met to the
terrifying of the king’s subjects, and were enemies to the king, and
held dangerous principles; but I hoped, they did not look upon us to be
such men, for our meetings were not to terrify the king’s subjects,
neither are we enemies to him or any man.” Then they tendered me the
oaths of allegiance and supremacy. I told them “I could not take any
oath at all, because Christ and his apostle had forbidden it; and they
had had sufficient experience of swearers, first one way, then another;
but I had never taken any oath in my life.” Then Rawlinson the lawyer
asked me, “whether I held it was unlawful to swear?” This question he
put on purpose to ensnare me; for by an act that was made, such were
liable to banishment or a great fine that should say, it was “unlawful
to swear.” But I seeing the snare, avoided it, and told him, “that in
the time of the law amongst the Jews, before Christ came, the law
commanded them to swear; but Christ, who doth fulfill the law in his
gospel time, commands ‘not to swear at all;’ and the apostle James
forbids swearing, even to them that were Jews, and had the law of God.”
After much discourse they called for the jailer and committed me to
prison.
I had about me the paper which I had written as a testimony against
plots, which I desired they would read, or suffer to be read, in open
court; but they would not. So being committed for refusing to swear, “I
bid them and all the people take notice, that I suffered for the
doctrine of Christ, and for my obedience to his command.” Afterwards I
understood the justices said, they had private instructions from Colonel
Kirby to prosecute me, notwithstanding his fair carriage and seeming
kindness to me before, when he declared before many of them “that he had
nothing against me.” Several other Friends were committed to prison,
some for meeting to worship God, and some for not swearing; so that the
prison was very full. Many of them being poor men, that had nothing to
maintain their families by but their labour, which now they were taken
from, several of their wives went to the justices who had committed
their husbands, and told them, “if they kept their husbands in jail for
nothing but the truth of Christ, and for good conscience’ sake, they
would bring their children to them to be maintained.” A mighty power of
the Lord rose in Friends, and gave them great boldness, so that they
spoke much to the justices. Friends also that were prisoners wrote to
the justices, laying the weight of their sufferings upon them, and
showing them both their injustice and want of compassion towards their
poor neighbours, whom they knew to be honest, conscientious, peaceable
people, that in tenderness of conscience could not take any oath; yet
they sent them to prison for refusing to take the oath of allegiance.
Several who were imprisoned on that account were known to be men that
had served the king in his wars, and had hazarded their lives in the
field in his cause, and had suffered great hardships, with the loss of
much blood for him, and had always stood faithful to him from first till
last, and had never received any pay for their service. To be thus
requited for all their faithful services and sufferings, and that by
them that pretended to be the king’s friends, was hard, unkind, and
ungrateful dealing. At length the justices being continually attended
with complaints of grievances, released some of the Friends, but kept
divers of them still in prison.
Amongst those that were then in prison, there were four Friends for
tithes, who had been sent at the suit of the Countess of Derby, and had
lain near two years and a half. One of these, Oliver Atherton, a man of
a weakly constitution, was, through his long and hard imprisonment in a
cold, raw, unwholesome place, brought so low and weak in his body, that
there appeared no hope of his life, unless he might be removed.
Wherefore a letter was written on his behalf to the Countess, and sent
by his son, Godfrey Atherton, wherein were laid before her “the reasons
why he and the rest could not pay tithes; because, if they did, they
should deny Christ come in the flesh, who by his coming had put an end
to tithes, and to the priesthood to which they had been given, and to
the commandment by which they had been paid under the law. His weak
condition of body was also laid before her, and the apparent likelihood
of his death if she continued to hold him there; that she might be moved
to pity and compassion, and also warned not to draw the guilt of his
innocent blood upon herself.” When his son went to her with his father’s
letter, a servant of her’s abused him, plucked off his cap, and threw it
away, and put him out of the gate. Nevertheless the letter was delivered
into her own hand, but she shut out all pity and tenderness, and
continued him in prison till death. When his son returned to his father
in prison, and told him, as he lay on his dying bed, that the Countess
denied his liberty, he only said, “She hath been the cause of shedding
much blood, but this will be the heaviest blood that ever she spilt;”
and soon after he died. Friends having his body delivered to them to
bury, as they carried it from the prison to Ormskirk, the parish wherein
he had lived, they stuck up papers upon the crosses at Garstang,
Preston, and other towns, through which they passed, with this
inscription:—“_This is Oliver Atherton, of Ormskirk parish, persecuted
to death by the Countess of Derby for good conscience’ sake towards God
and Christ, because he could not give her tithes_,” &c., setting forth
at large the reasons of his refusing to pay tithes, the length of his
imprisonment, the hardships he had undergone, her hard-heartedness
towards him, and the manner of his death.
After his death, Richard Cubban, another of her prisoners for tithes,
wrote a large letter to her, on behalf of himself and his
fellow-prisoners at her suit, laying their innocency before her; and
“that it was not out of wilfulness, stubbornness, or covetousness, that
they refused to pay her tithes, but purely in good conscience towards
God and Christ; and letting her know that, if she should be suffered to
keep them there till every one died, as she had done their
fellow-sufferer Oliver Atherton, they could not yield to pay her. And
therefore desired her to consider their case in a Christian spirit, and
not bring their blood upon herself also.” But she would not show any
pity or compassion towards them, who had now suffered hard imprisonment
about two years and a half under her. Instead thereof she sent to
Garstang, and threatened to complain to the king and council, and bring
them into trouble, for suffering the paper concerning Oliver Atherton’s
death, to be stuck upon their cross. The rage that she expressed made
the people take the more notice of it, and some of them said, “the
Quakers had given her a bone to pick.” But she, that regarded not the
life of an innocent sufferer for Christ, lived not long after herself;
for that day three weeks that Oliver Atherton’s body was carried through
Ormskirk to be buried, she died; and her body was carried that day seven
weeks through the same town to her burying-place. Thus the Lord pursued
the hard-hearted persecutor.
I was kept till the assize; and Judge Turner and Judge Twisden coming
that circuit, I was brought before Judge Twisden on the 14th day of the
month called March, in the year 1663. When I was set to the bar, I said,
“Peace be amongst you all.” The judge looked upon me, and said, “What!
do you come into the court with your hat on?” Upon which, the jailer
taking it off, I said, “The hat is not the honour that comes from God.”
Then said the judge to me, “Will you take the oath of allegiance, George
Fox?” I said, “I never took any oath in my life, nor any covenant or
engagement.” “Well,” said he, “will you swear or not?” I answered, “I am
a Christian, and Christ commands me ‘not to swear,’ and so does the
apostle James, and whether I should obey God or man, do thou judge.” “I
ask you again,” said he, “whether you will swear or not?” I answered
again, “I am neither Turk, Jew, nor heathen, but a Christian, and should
show forth Christianity.” And I asked him, “if he did not know that
Christians in the primitive times, under the ten persecutions, and some
also of the martyrs in Queen Mary’s days, refused swearing, because
Christ and the apostle had forbidden it?” I told him also, “they had had
experience enough, how many men had first sworn for the king and then
against him. But as for me, I had never taken an oath in my life; and my
allegiance did not lie in swearing, but in truth and faithfulness; for I
honour all men, much more the king. But Christ, who is the great
Prophet, and King of kings, who is the Saviour of the world, and the
great Judge of all the earth, saith, ‘I must not swear.’ Now, whether
must I obey Christ or thee? For it is in tenderness of conscience, and
in obedience to the commands of Christ, that I do not swear; and we have
the word of a king for tender consciences.” Then I asked the judge, “if
he owned the king?” “Yes,” said he, “I do own the king.” “Why then,”
said I, “dost thou not observe his declaration from Breda, and his
promises made since he came into England, ‘that no man should be called
in question for matters of religion, so long as he lived peaceably?’ If
thou ownest the king, why dost thou call me into question, and put me
upon taking an oath, which is a matter of religion, seeing neither thou
nor any else can charge me with unpeaceable living?”
Upon this he was moved, and looking angrily at me, said, “Sirrah, will
you swear?” I told him, “I was none of his sirrahs, I was a Christian;
and for him, an old man and a judge, to sit there and give nick-names to
prisoners, it did not become either his gray hairs or his office.”
“Well,” said he, “I am a Christian too.” “Then do Christian works,” said
I. “Sirrah!” said he, “thou thinkest to frighten me with thy words.”
Then catching himself, and looking aside, he said, “Hark! I am using the
word [sirrah] again;” and so checked himself. I said, “I spoke to thee
in love; for that language did not become thee, a judge. Thou oughtest
to instruct a prisoner in the law, if he were ignorant and out of the
way.” “And I speak in love to thee too,” said he. “But,” said I, “love
gives no nick-names.” Then he roused himself up, and said, “I will not
be afraid of thee, George Fox; thou speakest so loud, thy voice drowns
mine and the court’s; I must call for three or four criers to drown thy
voice: thou hast good lungs.” “I am a prisoner here,” said I, “for the
Lord Jesus Christ’s sake; for his sake do I suffer, for him do I stand
this day; and if my voice were five times louder, I should lift it up,
and sound it for Christ’s sake, for whose cause I stand this day before
your judgment-seat, in obedience to Christ, who commands not to swear;
before whose judgment-seat you must all be brought and must give an
account.” “Well,” said the judge, “George Fox, say, whether thou wilt
take the oath, yea or nay?” I replied, “I say, as I said before, whether
ought I to obey God or man, judge thou? If I could take any oath at all,
I should take this; for I do not deny some oaths only, or on some
occasions, but all oaths, according to Christ’s doctrine, who hath
commanded his followers not to swear at all. Now if thou or any of you,
or your ministers or priests here, will prove that ever Christ or his
apostles, after they had forbidden all swearing, commanded Christians to
swear, then I will swear.” I saw several priests there, but not one of
them offered to speak. “Then,” said the judge, “I am a servant to the
king, and the king sent me not to dispute with you, but to put the laws
in execution; therefore tender him the oath of allegiance.” “If thou
love the king,” said I, “why dost thou break his word, and not keep his
declarations and speeches, wherein he promised liberty to tender
consciences? I am a man of a tender conscience, and, in obedience to
Christ’s command, I cannot swear.” “Then you will not swear,” said the
judge; “take him away, jailer.” I said, “It is for Christ’s sake that I
cannot swear, and for obedience to his command I suffer, and so the Lord
forgive you all.” So the jailer took me away; but I felt the mighty
power of the Lord was over them all.
The sixteenth day of the same month I was brought before Judge Twisden
again: he was somewhat offended at my hat; but it being the last morning
of the assize before he was to leave town, and not many people there, he
made the less of it. He asked me, “whether I would traverse, stand mute,
or submit.” But he spoke so fast that it was hard to know what he said.
However, I told him, “I desired I might have liberty to traverse the
indictment, and try it.” Then said he, “Take him away, I will have
nothing to do with him, take him away.” I said, “Well, live in the fear
of God, and do justice.” “Why,” said he, “have not I done you justice?”
I replied, “That which thou hast done has been against the command of
Christ.” So I was taken to the jail again, and kept prisoner till the
next assizes.
Some time before this assize, Margaret Fell was sent prisoner to
Lancaster jail by Fleming, Kirby, and Preston, justices; and at the
assize the oath was tendered to her also, and she was again committed to
prison, to lie till the next assize.
Now Justice Fleming being one of the fiercest and most violent justices
in persecuting Friends, and sending his honest neighbours to prison for
religion’s sake, and many Friends at this time being in Lancaster jail
committed by him, and some having died in prison, we that were then
prisoners had it upon us to write to him, as follows:—
“O JUSTICE FLEMING!
“Mercy, compassion, love, and kindness adorn and grace men and
magistrates. O! dost thou not hear the cry of the widows, and the cry
of the fatherless, who were made so through persecution! Were they not
driven, like sheep, from constable to constable, as though they had
been the greatest transgressors or malefactors in the land? Which
grieved and tendered the hearts of many sober people, to see how their
innocent neighbours and countrymen, who were of a peaceable carriage,
and honest in their lives and conversations amongst men, were used and
served! One more is dead whom thou sent to prison, having left five
children, both fatherless and motherless. How canst thou do otherwise
than take care of these fatherless infants, and also of the other’s
wife and family? Is it not thy place? Consider Job (c. xxix). He was a
father to the poor, he delivered the poor that cried, and the
fatherless that had none to help. He broke the jaws of the wicked, and
plucked the spoil out of his teeth. But oh! measure thy life and his,
and take heed of the day of God’s eternal judgment, which will come,
and the sentence and decree from Christ, when every man must give an
account, and receive a reward according to his deeds. Then it will be
said, ‘O, where are the months that are past!’
“Again, Justice Fleming, consider, when John Stubbs was before thee,
having a wife and four small children, and little to live on, but what
they honestly got by their own diligence, as soon as he appeared thou
criedst out, ‘Put the oath to that man.’ And when he confessed that he
was but a poor man, thou hadst no regard; but cast away pity, not
hearing what he would say. And now he is kept in prison, because he
could not swear, and break the command of Christ and the apostle; it
is to be hoped thou wilt take care for his family, that his children
do not starve; and see that they do not want bread. Can this be
allegiance to the king, to do that which Christ and his apostle say is
evil, and brings into condemnation? Would not you have cast Christ and
the apostle into prison, who commanded ‘not to swear,’ if they had
been in your days?
“Consider also thy poor neighbour, William Wilson,[5] who was known to
all the parish and neighbours to be an industrious man, and careful to
maintain his wife and children; yet had little, but what he had got
with his hands in diligence and travels to supply himself. How should
his wife maintain her children, when thou hast cast her husband into
prison, and thereby made him incapable of working for them? Therefore
it may be expected, thou wilt have a care of his wife and children,
and see they do not want; for how should they live, having no other
way to be sustained, but by the little that he got? Surely the noise
of this is in the very markets, the death of thy two neighbours; and
the cry of the widows and fatherless is heard. All those fatherless
and widows are made so for righteousness’ sake. For might not John
Stubbs and William Wilson have had their liberty still, if they would
have sworn, though they had been such as go after mountebanks and
stage-plays, or run a hunting?
“O! consider, for the Lord’s mind is otherwise; he is tender. And the
king hath declared his mind to be, that there should be no cruelty
inflicted upon his peaceable subjects. Besides, several poor, honest
people were fined, who had need to have something given them; and it
had been more honourable to have given them something, than to fine
them and send them to prison; some of whom live upon the charity of
other people. What honour or grace can it be to thee, to cast thy poor
neighbours into prison who are peaceable, seeing thou knowest these
people cannot do that which thou requirest of them, if it were to save
their lives, or all that they have? Because in tenderness they cannot
take any oath, thou makest that a snare to them. What, thinkest thou,
do the people say concerning this? ‘We know,’ say they, ‘the Quakers’
principle, that keep to Yea and Nay; but we see others swear and
forswear.’ For many of you have sworn first one way and then another.
So we leave it to the Spirit of God in thy conscience, Justice
Fleming, who wast so eager for the taking of George Fox, and so
offended with them that had not taken him, and now hast fallen upon
thy poor neighbours. But, oh! where is thy pity for their poor,
fatherless children, and motherless infants? O, take heed of Herod’s
hard-heartedness, and casting away all pity! Esau did so, not Jacob.
“Here is also Thomas Walters, of Bolton, cast into prison, and the
oath imposed on him through thee; and for denying to swear at all, in
obedience to Christ’s command, he is continued in prison; having five
small children, and his wife near confinement. Surely thou shouldst
take care for them also, and see that his wife and small children do
not want; who are as fatherless, and she as a widow, through thee.
Dost thou not hear in thy ears the cry of the fatherless, and the cry
of the widows, and the blood of the innocent speak, who through thee
have been persecuted to prison, and are now dead? O! heavy sentence at
the day of judgment! How wilt thou answer, when thou and thy works
come to be judged,—when thou shalt be brought before the judgment-seat
of the Almighty, who in thy prosperity hast made widows and fatherless
for righteousness’ sake, and for tenderness of conscience towards God?
The Lord knows and sees it! O man! consider in thy life-time, how thou
hast stained thyself with the blood of the innocent! When thou hadst
power, and might have done good amongst thy peaceable neighbours, and
would not, but used thy power not to a good intent, but contrary to
the Lord’s mind and to the king’s. The king’s favour, his mercy, and
clemency to sober people, and to tender consciences, have been
manifested by declarations and proclamations, which thou hast abused
and slighted by persecuting his peaceable subjects. For at London, and
in other parts, the Quakers’ meetings are peaceable; and if thou look
but as far as Yorkshire, where the plot hath been, Friends’ innocency
hath cleared itself in the hearts of sober justices; and for you here
to fall upon your peaceable neighbours and people, and to be rigorous
and violent against them that are tender, godly, and righteous, it is
no honour to you. How many drunkards and swearers, fighters, and such
as are subject to vice, have you caused to be brought before your
courts? It were more honourable for you to look after such; for the
law was not made for the righteous, but for sinners and transgressors.
Therefore, consider, and be humbled for these things; for the Lord may
do to thee as thou hast done to others; and thou dost not know how
soon there may be a cry in thy own family, as the cry is amongst thy
neighbours, of the fatherless and widows that are made so through
thee. But the Quakers can and do say, ‘the Lord forgive thee, and lay
not these things to thy charge, if it be his will.’”[6]
Besides this, which went in the name of many, I sent him also a line
subscribed by myself only, and directed:—
“_To Daniel Fleming._
“FRIEND,
“Thou hast imprisoned the servants of the Lord, without the breach of
any law; therefore take heed what thou doest, for in the light of the
Lord God thou art seen, lest the hand of the Lord be turned against
thee!”
G. F.
It was not long after this ere Fleming’s wife died, and left him
thirteen or fourteen motherless children.
When I was prisoner at Lancaster, there was prisoner also one Major
Wiggan, a Baptist preacher. He boasted much beforehand what he would say
at the assize, if the oath should be put to him; and that he would
refuse to swear. But when the assize came, and the oath was tendered
him, he desired time to consider of it; and that being granted him till
the next assize, he got leave to go to London before the assize came
again, and stayed there till the plague broke forth, and there both he
and his wife were cut off. He was a very wicked man, and the judgments
of God came upon him; for he had published a book against Friends, full
of lies and blasphemies; the occasion of which was this. Whilst he was
in Lancaster castle he challenged Friends to a dispute. Whereupon I got
leave of the jailer to go up to them; and entering into discourse with
him, he affirmed, “that some men never had the Spirit of God, and that
the true light, which enlighteneth every man that cometh into the world,
is natural.” For proof of his first assertion he instanced Balaam,
affirming, “that Balaam had not the Spirit of God.” I affirmed and
proved, “that Balaam had the Spirit of God, and that wicked men have the
Spirit of God; else how could they quench it, and vex it, and grieve it,
and resist the Holy Ghost, like the stiff-necked Jews?” To his second
assertion I answered, “that the true light, which enlighteneth every man
that cometh into the world, was the life in the Word, and that was
divine and eternal, and not natural; and he might as well say that the
Word was natural, as that the life in the Word was natural. And wicked
men were enlightened by this light, else how could they hate it? Now it
is expressly said, that they did hate it; and the reason given why they
hated it was, because ‘their deeds were evil;’ and they would not come
to it, because it reproved them; and that must needs be in them, that
reproved them. Besides, that light could not be the Scriptures of the
New Testament, for it was testified of before any part of the New
Testament was written; so it must be the divine light, which is the life
in Christ, the Word, before the Scriptures were. And the grace of God,
which brought salvation, had appeared unto all men, and taught the
saints; but they that turned it into wantonness, and walked despitefully
against the Spirit of Grace, were the wicked. Again, the Spirit of
Truth, the Holy Ghost, the Comforter, which leads the disciples of
Christ into all truth, the same should reprove the world of sin, of
righteousness, of judgment, and of their unbelief. So the wicked world
had it to reprove them; and the true disciples and learners of Christ,
that believed in the light as Christ commands, had it to lead them. But
the world that did not believe in the light, though they were lighted;
but hated the light which they should have believed in, and loved the
darkness rather than it,—this world had a righteousness and a judgment,
which the Holy Ghost reproved them for, as well as for their unbelief.”
Having proved that the good and the bad were enlightened, that the grace
of God had appeared unto all, and that all had the Spirit of God, else
they could not vex and grieve it, I told Major Wiggan, the least babe
there might see him; and presently one Richard Cubban stood up, and
proved him an antichrist and a deceiver by Scripture. Then the jailer
had me away to my prison again. Afterwards Wiggan wrote a book of this
dispute, and put in abundance of abominable lies; but it was soon
answered in print, and himself not long after was cut off, as aforesaid.
This Wiggan was poor, and while he was a prisoner at Lancaster, he sent
into the country, and got money gathered for relief of the poor people
of God in prison; and many people gave freely, thinking it had been for
us, when indeed it was for himself. But when we heard of it, we laid it
upon him, and wrote also into the country, that Friends might let the
people know the truth of the matter, that it was not our manner to have
collections made for us; and that those collections were only for Wiggan
and another, a drunken preacher of his society.
After this it came upon me to write to the judges, and other
magistrates, concerning their “giving evil words and nick-names to such
as were brought before them;” which was after this manner:—
“_To all you that be Judges, or other officers whatsoever, in the whole
world, who profess yourselves to be Christians._
“FRIENDS,
“Herein and by reading the Scriptures, ye may see both your own words
and behaviour, and the words and practice of both Jews and Heathens,
and of the King of Kings, the great Lawgiver and Judge of the whole
world. First, for the words and carriage of the Jews, when such as
were worthy of death were brought before the rulers amongst them. When
Achan had taken the Babylonish garment, and the two hundred shekels of
silver, and the wedge of gold of fifty shekels weight, and Joshua, who
was then judge of Israel, had by lot found him out, he did not say
unto him, Sirrah,[7] nor, you rascal, knave, rogue, as some, that are
called Christian magistrates, are too apt to do. But Joshua said unto
Achan, ‘My son’ (mark his clean language, his savoury expression and
gracious words), ‘My son,’ said he, ‘give, I pray thee, glory to the
Lord God of Israel, and make confession unto him, and tell me now what
thou hast done; hide it not from me.’ Then Achan confessed, that he
had sinned against the Lord God of Israel, and thus and thus he had
done. Then Joshua the judge said, ‘Why hast thou troubled Israel? The
Lord shall trouble thee this day.’ And they stoned him and his with
stones, and burnt his goods with fire. But there was no unsavoury word
given to him that we read of, though he was worthy of death. Josh.
vii.
“So when the man that gathered sticks upon the Sabbath-day was taken
and brought before Moses, the judge of Israel, and put in ward until
the mind of the Lord was known concerning him, we read not of any
reviling language given him, but the Lord said to Moses, and Moses to
the people, ‘The man shall surely be put to death.’ Numb. xv. 35.
“Likewise in the rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, where Moses
called them to trial, he did not sirrah them or miscall them, but said
to Korah and the rest, ‘Hear, I pray you, ye sons of Levi,’ Numb. xvi.
8. And when he gave the sentence against them, he said, ‘If these men
die the common death of all men,’ &c. He did not say, If these rascals
or knaves, as many that profess themselves Christians now do.
“When Elihu spoke to Job, who was a judge, and to his friends, and
said, ‘Let me not, I pray you, accept any man’s person, neither let me
give flattering titles unto man, for I know not to give flattering
titles: in so doing my Maker would soon take me away,’ Job xxxii. Job
did not say, ‘Sirrah, hold thy tongue,’ nor give him any unsavoury
expression. Then for the words of David and Solomon, and other kings
and officers, see in the books of the Kings and Chronicles the savoury
language that they gave to them that were brought before them; nay,
though Shimei cursed David the king, yet neither did David then, or
afterwards, nor Solomon, when he caused him to be put to death, give
him any reproachful language, or so much as call him sirrah; 2 Sam.
xvi. and 1 Kings ii.
“Read the prophecies of Isaiah and Micah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the
rest of the prophets, who prophesied to several people, and against
rulers, kings, and magistrates; yet where can it be found, that they
had any bad language given them, as sirrah, or the like, by any ruler
either of the Jews or heathens? Nay, though Jeremiah was cast into
prison, and into the dungeon, yet there was no such word as sirrah, or
knave given to him. Jer. xxxvii.
“Then for the words and carriage of the heathens: when Abraham was
brought before Abimelech, who was a king, he gave Abraham no unsavoury
expressions, Gen. xx. And when Isaac came before Abimelech, he gave
him no taunting language either, Gen. xxvi. When Joseph was cast into
prison, and that in Egypt, we do not read that he had any railing
language given him, Gen. xxxix. Neither did Pharaoh, when Moses and
Aaron appeared before him, give them bad language, as sirrah, knave,
or the like.
“When Nebuchadnezzar sentenced the three children to the fiery
furnace, there was no such language given them as sirrah, knave,
rascal; but he called them by the names they were known by, Dan. iii.
And when Daniel was brought before Darius, and sentenced to be cast
into the lions’ den, he had no such names given him, as many give now,
who call those rulers heathens, but themselves Christians.
“If ye look into the New Testament, in the parable of the wedding
supper, the king, that came to view his guests, did not say unto him
that was found without a wedding-garment, ‘Sirrah, how camest thou in
hither?’ but, ‘Friend, how camest thou in hither?’ &c., though he was
one that was to be bound hand and foot, and cast into outer darkness,
Matt. xxii. Nay, when Judas had betrayed his master Christ Jesus, the
Lord of life, and had sold him to the priests, Christ did not call him
sirrah, when he came to apprehend him, but friend: Matt. xxvi. 50.
Stephen in his examination, sentence, and death, had no such
reproachful word given him as sirrah, or knave, Acts vi. and vii. When
the apostles Peter and John were brought before the high priest and
rulers of the Jews, and commanded not to preach in the name of Jesus,
Acts iv., they were not called sirrah, or knaves, nor had they any
such ill names given them. And when Paul and Silas were cast into
prison by the magistrates, there was no such word given them in their
examination, nor in their sentence, Acts xvi. They called them men,
not rogues, sirrahs, or knaves. And when the magistrates had done
contrary to law, they feared. So ye may see how short of this example
many are, that call themselves Christian rulers, who are not afraid to
cast innocent people into prison, and give them ill names besides,
below both Jews and Heathens.
“When the uproar was at Ephesus about Diana’s shrine, Demetrius, who
bore great sway among the craftsmen, did not call Paul sirrah, but
Paul, Acts xix. And when Paul was brought prisoner before the
high-priest Ananias, and the council of the Jews, and told them he had
lived in all good conscience towards God until that day, though they,
who professed the Scriptures but lived out of the life of them, could
not bear to hear of living in a good conscience, as professors of the
Scriptures now, that live not in the life, cannot bear to hear of
living in a good conscience now-a-days: but Ananias caused Paul to be
smitten on the mouth; yet he did not call him knave or sirrah, Acts
xxiii. The apostate Jews indeed, who, though they professed Scripture,
were out of the life thereof, and had rejected Christ, in accusing
Paul before the Roman magistrates, did once call him a ‘pestilent
fellow,’ Acts xxiv., as the accusing professors who live out of the
life will sometimes call us now. But Felix gave Paul no such language;
neither did Festus nor King Agrippa, in all their examinations of him,
give him any such words as sirrah, rascal, knave, or the like, but
heard him patiently. So now Christians may see through all the
Scriptures, that when any persons were brought before rulers, kings,
or magistrates, whether Jews or Heathens, they did not use to call
them evil names, as sirrah, rascal, knave, and the like; they had no
such fouled-mouthed language in their courts, nor did they use to say
to them, ‘Sirrah, put off your hat.’ Now, ye that profess
Christianity, and say the Scripture is your rule, may see, that more
corrupt words proceed out of your mouths, than either out of the Jews
or Heathens, if ye will try your practice by the Scriptures. And doth
not the apostle tell you, that no corrupt communication should proceed
out of your mouths, and that your words should be gracious? Now I
query, where and whence ye, that call yourselves Christians, have got
all these bad words and names, seeing neither God, nor Christ, nor the
prophets, nor the judges, nor kings, nor rulers, ever gave any such
names, so far as appears by Scripture, either amongst Heathens, Jews,
or Christians?”
G.F.
Before the next assizes, there was a quarter-sessions held at Lancaster
by the justices; to which though we were not brought, I put Friends upon
drawing up an account of their sufferings, and laying them before the
justices in their open sessions. For Friends had suffered deeply by
fines and distresses, the bailiffs and officers, making great havock and
spoil of their goods, but no redress was afforded.
And because some evil-minded magistrates would tell us sometimes of the
late plot in the North, we gave forth the following paper to stop their
mouths, and to clear truth and Friends therefrom.
_A Testimony from the people of God, whom the world calls Quakers, to
all magistrates and officers, of what sort soever, from the highest to
the lowest._