A LABOUR MEMBER'S WAGES
The Will Crooks Wages Fund formed--The Poplar Labour
League--Crooks's Election to the London County Council--Friends
outside the Labour Movement--Money no Substitute for Personal
Service--Refusing highly-paid Posts--Offer of a House rent-free for
Life declined--Not Risen from the Ranks.
How came it that a working man like Crooks was able to give his whole
time to public work?
It was simply because his fellow workmen wished it. They went to him in
deputation in the early 'nineties, and said to him in effect:--
"Look here, Crooks. You can be more useful to us in public life than at
the workman's bench. We want you to stand for the London County Council
and some of the local bodies. Give up your work and we'll raise for you
from among ourselves an amount equal to your present wages."
To which Crooks replied:--
"All right, mates, since you wish it. But understand! as soon as you
tire of me, no grumbling behind my back. Come forward and say so
plainly, and I'll go back to the bench at once."
So the Will Crooks Wages Fund was formed by the Poplar Labour League.
The first treasurer was the Rev. H. A. Kennedy, of All Hallows',
Blackwall. Afterwards the then Rector of Poplar (Dr. Chandler) was
invited by the working men to become treasurer of the fund, and he held
the office until called away to a Colonial bishopric.
We have seen how the Poplar Labour League came into being. It was one of
the first achievements of Crooks's College by the Dock Gates. Originally
it was named the Poplar Labour Election Committee. Its first executive
consisted of the Rev. H. A. Kennedy and local representatives of the
London Trades Council, the Engine Drivers' and Firemen's Union, the
Watermen's Society, the Dockers' Union, the Philanthropic Coopers'
Society, the East London Plumbers' Union, the Federated Trade and Labour
Unions, and the Gasworkers' Union.
The League was one of the pioneers of Labour Representation in this
country. Long before the British Labour Party organised the present
system of paying its Members of Parliament, this little League in Poplar
for an unbroken period of a dozen years had shown how men from the ranks
of Labour could be maintained in public life. The League had a motto:
"The aim of every workman, whatever his task, whether he labours with
axe, chisel, or lathe, loom or last, hammer or pen, hands or head,
should be the ideal, the best, the perfect."
The League was successful from the start. Its earliest effort was put
forth at the London County Council election of 1892. The result of that
effort can be judged from the following remarks in the League's first
annual report:--
The return of Will Crooks to the London County Council marks an
epoch in the life of industrial Poplar.
From time immemorial this hive of industry has been represented by
employers of labour and wealthy capitalists. Their record is now
broken. Labour has awakened to a sense of its duty. We hope the
awakening will be permanent, and that worthy representatives may be
found to fill the vacancies on the various administrative and
legislative bodies.
We suggest to all working men's societies that wherever and
whenever it is possible they should subscribe to the Labour
Member's Wages Fund, for be it remembered that our Member is a
representative of all classes and not of one particular individual
class; and so long as he retains our confidence it is our duty to
support him to our utmost ability.
The response of the trade societies and workmen and friends generally
was such that within a few months the League by a unanimous vote decided
to raise the Labour Member's wages from £3 to £3 10s. a week to meet his
travelling expenses. For the first seven or eight years of his public
life that was absolutely the only source of Crooks's income.
The League remained faithful to its early pledge all the time. Through
good and ill report, through all the changes and dissensions which such
an organisation was bound to cause, the League never once faltered in
its support of Crooks. Regularly at its annual meetings the League
passed a vote of thanks to "our representative on the L.C.C. for his
untiring devotion to Labour's cause and his perseverance in initiating
social reform so beneficial to the working classes. They further desire
to record their perfect confidence in him and congratulate him on the
success of his work."
Many trade societies other than those on the original list became
subscribers to the Wages Fund through their local branches. Among them
were the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, the Stevedores' Labour
Protection League, the London Saddle and Harness Makers' Society, the
Postmen's Federation, the London Carmen's Trade Union, the Friendly
Society of Ironfounders, the Municipal Employees' Association, and the
Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants.
Certain admirers of Crooks outside the Labour Movement also sent
subscriptions to the League for the Wages Fund. Canon and Mrs. Barnett
and Dr. Clifford were occasional subscribers; so were Mrs. Bernard Shaw,
Mr. Cyril Jackson, Mrs. Ruth Homan, Mr. G. W. E. Russell, Mr. Sidney
Webb, Sir Melville Beachcroft, Canon Scott Holland, Mr. Fred Butler, the
editors of two or three London newspapers, and both Conservative and
Liberal Members of Parliament.
Occasionally working men in distant parts of the country who had heard
Crooks speak or watched his public work would send in their mite,
generally anonymously. One such contribution, sent during the Woolwich
by-election, consisted of four penny stamps, stuck on a torn piece of
dirty paper, on which were written the words:--
Will you please except four stamps toward the expens of will
Crooks election and may god bless him in being successful in
winning the seat for Labour
from a working man.
That was all. Crooks keeps the stamps and the note to this day.
This may be the proper place to make public another fact bearing on his
financial position. Many people have sent cheques to him direct, some of
these marked for his own personal use, some for helping the poor as he
thought best, others containing nothing beyond a brief note without name
or address like the following:--
This is sent by a well-wisher, who believes that you are an honest,
straightforward fellow with a large heart for those less fortunate
than yourself.
Every sum received in this way Crooks has given to the poor. He has
neither taken a penny for his own personal use nor allowed a penny to
pass into the coffers of the Labour League. In one distressful winter
over £300 was thus sent to him and his wife. With the co-operation of a
local committee, the whole of this sum was spent in employing
out-of-work women and girls in making garments for their needy
neighbours. By these means dozens of families were saved from the
workhouse.
Crooks discourages those who give money only. "Give part of yourself
rather than part of your wealth," he tells them.
He has little sympathy with people who give money and then run away. A
person once called at his house during a bad winter and offered him
£500.
"I am anxious about the poor people, Mr. Crooks," said the visitor, "so
I've brought down this money for you to help them."
"Have you?" was the response. "But what are _you_ going to do?"
"Oh, I'm going to the south of France. I cannot bear England in the
winter."
"Then I advise you to take the five hundred pounds with you."
"Do you refuse it?"
"Absolutely. It is cowardly for a man like you to offer five hundred
pounds and then run away. You ought to do more than give it; you ought
to spend it. Come down and see that the proper people get it. It is not
so hard to raise five hundred pounds for the poor as it is to distribute
it properly among the poor."
The Labour League did more than send Crooks to the London County
Council. It secured representation on the local Poor Law and municipal
bodies. It promoted social life as well as public life among the working
classes of Poplar. By entertainments, lectures, and excursions it
carried brightness and pleasure into the lives of the workmen, their
wives, and children. At Christmas time it acted as a kind of Santa Claus
to the poorest children of the district. It established a Loan and
Thrift Society, which soon had an annual turnover of £2,000. Throughout
it all the League never for a moment deserted its Labour Member.
Crooks in his turn remained faithful to the League in face of several
alluring offers. The one that tempted him most came from his own trade.
Before he quitted the workshop for public life a future managership had
been hinted at. He had not been on the County Council more than a few
months when a vacancy in his former workshop occurred. At once he was
approached and urged to give up the L.C.C.
The post offered him carried with it a salary of £500. He had six
children to bring up. There was the uncertainty as to the Labour League
being able to keep up the Wages Fund. He pondered over the matter
carefully. His decision changed the current of his life. A manager, no
matter how sympathetic, could not have remained long in the Labour
Movement. Besides, in this case there were hints of a future
partnership. Then it was that he decided calmly and deliberately to give
his life not to money-making, but to the service of the people. He
deliberately chose to remain a poor man in the service of poor men.
Having been made to bear so much of the care of this world, he
determined that he would know nothing of the deceitfulness of riches.
Nothing has ever shaken him from that decision. From various quarters
since then other good offers have come his way. One of them, a
Government post, must be regarded as a singular tribute to his worth,
since the offer came from a Conservative Cabinet Minister.
The manager of a large firm engaged in carrying out public works to the
value of over a million sterling, gave me at the time a frank opinion of
Crooks from the employers' standpoint.
"I can't help liking that chap Crooks. But it's a pity he's on what I
call the wrong side. He's been negotiating with our firm until he has
compelled us to pay our men several thousand pounds a year extra in
wages. And a lot of thanks they give him for it! I overhear them
sometimes talking at work. They say he wouldn't have got them more money
if he hadn't been getting something out of it himself. Now if Crooks
would only place his ability on the employers' side he could earn a
thousand a year easily."
For ten years after he entered public life Crooks was content with the
same five-roomed house in Northumberland Street where the deputation of
working men found him when they came to invite him to stand for the
County Council. When he did move it was into a neighbouring street,
Gough Street, where the upgrown family had the advantage of an
additional room. That remains his home to this day.
One of his ardent admirers in Poplar, a well-to-do man, on learning he
was moving from Northumberland Street, offered him a house of his own
rent free. It was a large and pleasant house in East India Dock Road,
boasting a garden front and back. The owner implored him to take it for
the rest of his life, "as a small tribute from one who appreciates the
splendid public services you have rendered to Poplar."
"It would never do for me to live in such a house," was Crooks's reply
in thanking the well-wisher. "My friends among the working people would
fear I was deserting their class, and would not come to me as freely as
they come now. My enemies would say, 'Look at that fellow Crooks; he's
making his pile out of us.' A Labour man like me must leave no opening
for his enemies."
We have seen, then, that the only source of Crooks's income during the
first years of his public life was the £3 10s. a week paid by the Poplar
Labour League. After six or seven years this salary was increased to £4
in view of his greatly widened sphere of public service. This payment
was stopped in 1903, when Crooks joined the official Labour Party in the
House of Commons. Then he received the usual payment of £200 a year,
given to each member of that party by the Trade Unionists of the
country. A small additional sum has since been voted to him annually by
the Poplar League and the Woolwich Labour Representation Association to
meet the out-of-pocket expenses inseparable from a Member of
Parliament's life. In addition he has received an occasional fee for a
public address.
Let these simple facts, then, be the answer to those people who,
surprised at the amount of public work he carries out, keep asking
suspiciously how he does it. Crooks himself never hesitates to speak
out, either in public or private, as to his financial position.
"How do I do it?" Crooks repeats to his working class audiences. "As a
pioneer of paid Labour representation I have been confronted with this
question through the whole of my public career. All well and good; but
why is the question not put to other politicians and public men? You
working men have been the worst offenders. You never think of asking the
question of such men seeking public positions as monopolists, food
adulterators, scamping contractors, property sweaters, bogus company
promoters, and others who fleece you at every turn. You never dream of
asking it of young untried men fresh from the Universities, who in many
cases are only after the spoils of office. You are inclined to regard
all these people as gentlemen. But let a man from your own ranks offer
to serve you in public life, and always there are a crowd of objectors,
generally thickest at public-house bars, who want to know where the
Labour man gets his money from? Talk about the fierce light that beats
upon a throne, what is it to the fierce light turned upon a Labour
representative?
"How often, as I go about, do I hear of people saying sneeringly: 'Look
at that fellow Crooks. Who is he? He's only one of us, who has risen
from the ranks.' You just tell these people that Will Crooks has not
risen from the ranks; he is still in the ranks, standing four-square
with the working classes against monopoly and privilege."