JAMES II. IN IRELAND, 1689
[Sidenote: French designs on Ireland.]
At the beginning of 1686, Bonrepaus, a high official in the French
marine, was sent by Louis XIV. on a special mission to England.
He found the navy there in very bad order, also discovering that
Sunderland and Barillon were closely allied, and that the French
diplomatist was no match for the English politician. He believed that
in this way many important secrets became known to the Prince of
Orange. Avaux wrote to the same effect from Holland, and even Skelton
formed a similar opinion. Tyrconnel thought he could utilise Bonrepaus
and defeat Sunderland, and when the former returned to England in the
summer of 1687, he pressed him to come to Chester and arrange with
James for the separation of Ireland from England in the event of a
Protestant succeeding him on the throne. Tyrconnel and Sunderland were
both with the King in August, but Bonrepaus trusted neither of them and
kept away from Chester. James had no idea that he would be dethroned
in little more than one year, and thought Ireland might be in a fit
state after five of leisurely preparation, but Tyrconnel, who may have
seen more clearly that his master was on the road to ruin, pressed for
more speedy measures, and made all the military preparations that he
could. Seignelay particularly cautioned Bonrepaus not to let Barillon
know anything about his dealings with Tyrconnel. Sunderland, however,
told the ambassador a good deal, adding that the King was determined
to repeal the Irish Act of Settlement, and that in the opinion of all
Englishmen this would lead to an entire separation of Ireland from
England. The announcement that Mary of Modena was likely to become a
mother, cut the scheme short, but when William became King of England
the Irish Government was prepared to go on with the original plan.
French and Irish were united as to the desirability of making Ireland
depend only on France, but James was always too much an Englishman to
take that view heartily.[183]
[Sidenote: Mission of Pointis.]
[Sidenote: His report.]
When James fled to France it soon became evident that Ireland was his
only chance. In order to find out the true state of affairs there,
Seignelay sent Pointis, an officer of marine artillery who had done
good service at Genoa and Algiers and had already been on a mission to
James in England. He was accompanied by Captain Michael Roth of the
Irish foot-guards, by whom he was to be guided. Pointis produced a
detailed report, which shows clearly the state of Ireland after William
reached London and before James left France. He had been particularly
instructed to consult Tyrconnel and to inquire whether the majority
were strong enough absolutely to subdue the Protestant minority. No
hope was to be held out of any help from France except in arms and
ammunition. Pointis found that in Ulster about half the population
was Protestant, but only one twentieth in the other provinces. They
had arms, money, and good horses. Mountjoy had had the address to
put Protestant garrisons into Londonderry and Sligo, but the towns
generally were in Catholic hands. The Governor of Duncannon was a
Protestant, but his men were not. There were 2300 good cavalry and
3500 infantry of the old army, and about 40,000 Catholics raised by
the gentry but without arms or officers. He did not believe Tyrconnel
could take either Sligo or Londonderry, though unfortified, for
there were no gunners or artillery officers. This he attributes to
the machinations of Mountjoy, who was Master of the Ordnance, but it
is sufficiently accounted for by the general neglect prevalent under
Charles and James. Dr. King had been all over Ireland some months
before. He rejoiced in the nakedness of every garrison town, which
would make it easier in good time to subdue the 'papistical faction'
to whom James had entrusted all. Pointis returned to Ireland after
reporting, and gave some trouble as Seignelay's representative.
He claimed to be independent of Avaux and almost independent of
Louvois.[184]
[Sidenote: Pointis on the new army.]
Pointis found a general expectation that the heretics would be crushed
before help could come from England. In the three southern provinces
they were easily disarmed, there was a daily exodus of Protestants, and
hundreds quitted Ireland at the mere news of his arrival. Tyrconnel's
raw recruits were willing enough to be drilled, but they had only rusty
muskets and pikes or mere sticks with nails at the end. Even the women
begged on their knees for arms from France. There was no money to pay
or feed them, but the number of men might be easily raised to 100,000
if none were rejected, and Lord Antrim, who hesitatingly followed his
brother's footsteps, had a commission from some Highland chiefs to join
his force to theirs. Present help was necessary, but in the end Pointis
thought Ireland could pay her way provided the wool trade were diverted
to France. An invasion of England might even be possible, and in any
case, William would be kept so busy as to make it impossible for him to
do anything against French interests elsewhere.[185]
[Sidenote: Tyrconnel invites James to Ireland.]
Captain Roth carried a letter from James to Tyrconnel, and brought
back his answer, containing the same information as Pointis gave to
Seignelay, and urging him to appear himself in Ireland: 500,000 crowns
would be wanted at once, with at least 16,000 muskets and 12,000
swords. Many good officers should be sent, including all those who had
followed their King to France. 'I beg of you,' he added, 'to consider
whether you can with honour continue where you are when you may possess
a kingdom of your own, plentiful of all things for human life.' He
could live well in Ireland on what the King of France allowed him.
Vauban wrote to the same effect. Ireland was James's last stake, and
he ought to play it in person. It was his only chance, and, even if
he failed, the diversion would be useful to France against her many
enemies. Evidently James was not anxious to start. His insensibility
and want of dignity in misfortune were generally remarked, while his
Queen was praised and admired. But French and Irish opinion left him no
choice, and the expedition was decided upon after he had been at St.
Germain about six weeks.[186]
[Sidenote: James II. in France.]
[Sidenote: The Emperor.]
[Sidenote: The Pope.]
It has often been said, and is probably true, that if Louis XIV. in
September 1688 had besieged Maestricht instead of Philipsburg, William
of Orange would have been fully occupied in defending Holland and could
not have invaded England. France might then have lorded it over Europe
for an indefinite time. But James, before his affairs became desperate
in England, had in one of his fits of independence refused the French
King's help because it would be unpopular. The revocation of the Edict
of Nantes and the persecution both before and after, made the idea
of a French alliance hateful to England. But after his flight James
found that Louis was his only friend. He appealed for help to all the
Catholic powers, but in vain. The league of Augsburg had been defensive
against the overweening ambition of France, but Germany had been
confirmed by the devastation of the Palatinate. Meanwhile, the Emperor
Leopold reminded him that he had slighted his advice sent through
Kaunitz, and that the favourable time had passed. He himself had to
employ all his resources in defending the frontiers of Christendom,
while the French ravaged German lands and burned the palaces of
princes. 'It has,' he said, 'become a diversion to them to commit all
manner of insolencies and cruelties in many places, but chiefly in
Catholic countries, exceeding the cruelties of the Turks themselves,'
and they were as dangerous to the Holy Roman Empire as to smaller
potentates. The Pope supported the Emperor, for Gallicanism under such
a king as Louis seemed to him a greater danger than Protestantism.
James, while professing to tolerate and protect all creeds, privately
proposed to root out heresy by military force, but success did not seem
very probable while the most Christian King was actually threatening
to occupy Rome. Louis expected the Pope to give money, but would make
no concession on his part. In 1687, while James was still really King,
Castlemaine's mission to Rome had failed entirely. James Porter,
Endymion's fifth son, had no better fortune later, and was not allowed
to go to the next Pope for fear of interfering with Melfort. By good
and skilful government Innocent had replenished an empty treasury,
and all that he could spare was wanted to repel the Turks. Of course
he wished for the success of a Catholic monarch, but the prospect of
good to the Church by James's plan of invading Scotland from Ireland
and England from Scotland did not recommend itself to him. Innocent
XI. died two days after the relief of Londonderry, but the election
of Ottoboni, who became Alexander VIII., brought no relief to James,
though considered a victory for the French faction. Louis yielded
some points in dispute, but the Pope said he could not afford to fight
against Turks, Vaudois, and English. He mourned in tears of blood and
was ready to sell his cassock, but he had no money. Melfort's diplomacy
was not likely to improve matters.[187]
[Sidenote: Tyrconnel prepares for war.]
[Sidenote: General disorder.]
It is possible, though not probable, that Tyrconnel may have hesitated
a moment about his attitude towards the Dutch invader, but, if so, he
was confirmed in his allegiance to James by the news of his escape
to France. The Lord Deputy had always belonged to the French party,
and he doubtless exaggerated William's difficulties, though they were
great enough. His mind once made up, he proceeded to enlist men as fast
as possible though he could not arm, clothe, or feed them. Those who
would undertake to support the recruits for three months from January
1 received commissions, 500 being issued in one day. The resulting
confusion was indescribable and was felt for long afterwards. The
colonels were men of family though not always soldiers, but the real
recruiting was done by men of inferior rank, who became captains and
subalterns. The new levies were begun in December, and by February
over 50,000 had been enlisted. As for the most part they could not be
armed, they were exercised with sticks three feet long tipped with iron
or hardened in the fire. They were willing enough to be drilled, and
were not accustomed to luxury, but they could not live without food,
and being unpaid, they took what they wanted and more. The robberies
and depredations could not be denied. They were daily, said Tyrconnel
officially, 'committed by loose and idle people, which are by some
imputed to the new levies.' He showed that he thought the imputation
not ill-founded by ordering officers to keep strict discipline, to see
that the soldiers took nothing without payment and behaved civilly
to all, and to restore to their rightful owners such stolen horses,
cattle, and other goods as could be recovered. Three weeks later he
issued another proclamation announcing that the Prince of Orange was
coming, and that to prevent his seizing them, arms and horses in
private hands were to be immediately confiscated. Those who neglected
to give them up at once were to be subjected to domiciliary visits
on pain of being punished and of 'risking the ill consequences which
may fall upon them by the disorders of the soldiers.' This applied to
Dublin and the suburbs. Four days later the Lord Deputy had discovered
that the associations in the North were armed and had rebellious
intentions. The principle of confiscating arms and horses was therefore
extended to all parts of the country, with saving clauses for those who
did not appear to be rebels. Travellers were not to be molested except
in Ulster and Sligo. As for the associated Protestants there, they
were called upon to deliver up arms and horses, and on submission were
promised protection, but Lord Kingston and ten principal gentlemen in
North-East Ulster were excluded from favour or mercy.[188]
[Sidenote: Attempts to resist Tyrconnel.]
[Sidenote: Bandon.]
[Sidenote: Kenmare.]
In Leinster there was no resistance to Tyrconnel's Government. In
Connaught the Protestants were comparatively few, but some found their
way to Sligo from adjoining counties. In Munster the Protestants
were in a hopeless minority, and a conspiracy to seize Cork was
betrayed and ended in nothing, but where Lord Cork and Sir William
Petty had left their marks something was attempted. At Bandon, in the
neighbourhood of which robberies were openly committed, there was a
small garrison under Captain Daniel O'Neill, who had doubtless good
reasons for doubting whether he could trust the inhabitants. The
corporation had been reformed here as elsewhere, but the oath was
generally refused. O'Neill called upon all to give up their arms,
but not many obeyed. A few days later Lord Clancarty threatened the
town with a stronger force, but the Protestants resolved not to admit
him. The garrison were suddenly overpowered in the night or early
morning, and a few who resisted were killed. The captured arms enabled
the people to man the wall, but the old cannon were neglected and
useless. Lord Inchiquin advised them to make the best terms they could,
and when General MacCarthy appeared with an army, nothing effectual
could be done and the town was soon in his hands. He proposed to hang
ten of the ringleaders and to burn the place, but Dr. Brady, the
versifier of the Psalms, who had not yet abandoned the doctrine of
non-resistance, interceded for his native town. MacCarthy, who was a
civilised warrior, agreed to take an indemnity of 1500_l._ in ready
money, full restitution being also made to soldiers who had been
stripped of their arms or otherwise injured. Tyrconnel and James blamed
the General for giving such easy terms, and some of the Bandonians
were afterwards indicted for high treason. Many of the townsmen found
their way to Londonderry, and thence to the Boyne. Petty's settlement
at Kenmare had long been threatened by the natives. The Protestants,
who were chiefly engaged in the iron works and in fishing, were not
one in 500 of the population in those parts, and they began to think
of 1641. Petty's agent was Richard Orpen, who was specially unpopular
for his determination in bringing malefactors to justice. Among them
was a MacCarthy, who in 1680 had robbed and murdered a smelter in open
day, and Owen Sullivan (a loose gentleman), who in the same year
had treacherously run Orpen himself through the back on a dark night
for seeking to recover a debt. In 1685 Teague a Glauna had murdered
a pursuivant for trying to arrest papists in Kerry. In 1686 Daniel
MacDermot, with half a score more, had robbed some French Protestant
fugitives who had taken refuge in Kenmare River. In 1687 Daniel Croly
and seven more Tories attacked Orpen and his brother, who shot three
of them. 'Being made prisoners they lived till they were hanged at the
assizes following. The greatest part of all these malefactors were
severely prosecuted by Richard Orpen; some of them were hanged, some
burnt in the hand, some remained in gaol, and the rest dispersed and
fled out of the country.'[189]
[Sidenote: Siege of Kenmare.]
Though suffering from occasional robberies, the settlers managed to
live in tolerable comfort until the new policy was adopted in 1685,
after which it became daily harder to get any redress. When the fresh
levies began in November 1689, the officers, 'being persons of broken
and desperate fortunes, not able to maintain themselves or their
soldiers, were forced to filch and steal black cattle and sheep.' The
thieves appeared in bands, sometimes seventy at a time and well armed,
and openly drove away the cattle by scores through the neighbouring
glens. The corn was carried off, and by the beginning of January the
Kenmare people were reduced to what they had in their houses. They
appealed to MacCarthy, who had the chief command in Munster, and to
Sir Valentine Brown, who governed Kerry under him; and after a week's
delay they sent back warrants to be executed by the plundered people
themselves, which of course they were unable to do. In the meantime
six of their houses were sacked. Sir Richard Aldworth of Newmarket
was consulted, who said there was nothing for it but to retreat to
the nearest garrison, but there were forty miles of mountains between
them and Bandon, and they determined to stand on their defence. On the
rocky peninsula of Killowen, in the estuary above the present town of
Kenmare, Petty had built a house for his agent, 44 feet long by 22 feet
wide, and containing four rooms and a garret. Here, under the command
of Orpen and of his father-in-law, the Rev. Thomas Palmer, who held
Kenmare and other Kerry livings, 42 families congregated numbering 180
persons, of whom 75 were fighting men. They had four blunderbusses and
40 guns of various kinds, besides pistols, swords and pikes, and 170
pounds of powder. Half an acre was enclosed by a bank 14 feet high and
12 feet thick, and wooden cabins were erected of such materials as
might be easily pulled down if an assault were threatened. The house
stood in the middle, and was strengthened with balconies and flankers.
The country people about, who had lived mainly on wages paid by the
colonists, made no difficulty about doing the rough work. On the last
day of January an association was formed under seal, and all swore on
the Gospel to obey Orpen and Palmer until they had orders from the
Prince of Orange, 'in defence of our lives and religion against the
enemies of the Protestant Church.' Stolen goods may be sweet, but in
the long run they tend to poverty. The wild people who had driven
off the cattle took no steps to till the ground, but lived on the
plunder. People who had been used to potatoes or oatmeal with meat
perhaps four times a year, now 'gorged themselves with flesh, half-raw,
half-roasted, sometimes half-boiled, half-rotten and stinking for want
of salt, sometimes moving towards the boiler by the assistance of the
wriggling crawlers, that lately before received their birth from the
same piece of flesh.'[190]
[Sidenote: Kenmare capitulates.]
[Sidenote: The garrison escape to England.]
Having provided a temporary place of refuge, Orpen thought he might
make an effort to execute Sir Valentine Brown's warrants. He sallied
forth by night with a strong party and captured six of the robbers
with stolen property in their possession. The goods were retained at
Killowen, but the men were handed over to the authorities and soon
released 'upon insolvent bail.' On February 25, the day appointed for
disarming the Protestants, Captain Phelim MacCarthy arrived at one
o'clock in the morning hoping to surprise the little garrison, but good
watch was kept. At daylight there was a parley, and the Irish captain
produced a letter from Sir Valentine Brown authorising the seizure of
their horses and arms and promising to make good any condition made
on surrender; otherwise he was empowered to use fire and sword. The
garrison stood on their guard, but sent out a spy to gather news,
who returned in four days saying that the Protestants of Cork were
disarmed, that Colonel Henry Boyle had surrendered Castlemartyr, and
that Bandon was in little better condition. There was no sign of help
from England, and Orpen and Palmer, knowing that they could not resist
cannon, capitulated on condition that the garrison were not plundered
or molested, but suffered to retain their swords, as Sir Valentine
had promised, and to leave the country or stay in it, as they thought
fit. The house was nevertheless invaded by a mob, and the contents
carried away. The garrison, with the women and children, embarked on
two vessels of about 30 tons each, where they were 'packed like fish
one upon the other.' They were not allowed to sail until Orpen had
given a bond in 5000_l._ that they would all go to Cork and surrender
to the governor there. He resolved to ignore the bond, which would
be valueless if William succeeded, and sailed at once for England.
The boatmen could not lay a course, but the two gentlemen, who knew
geography if ignorant of navigation, managed to reach Bristol on March
25, after a full fortnight at sea. They had salt beef, meal, and water
enough to support life, but little or no shelter, and they had lost
all they possessed. On landing, three died of exposure. Many more had
fever, dysentery, and 'a more than ordinary sort of measles.' Petty was
dead, but on reaching London his widow, now Lady Shelburne, and others,
relieved them. Most of the men enlisted in the army intended for the
reduction of Ireland.[191]
[Sidenote: James arrives in Ireland, 1689.]
[Sidenote: French officers.]
[Sidenote: A French ambassador.]
[Sidenote: Royal progress to Cork.]
James landed at Kinsale on March 12. He was escorted by a strong French
squadron, but no enemy appeared, and the passage was quite uneventful.
At this time he would not have accepted the help of a French army, and
in any case Louis had no troops to spare, but he sent over 100,000_l._
in money, 20,000 muskets or carbines with ammunition, and 30,000
swords. Among the French officers sent by their sovereign to help his
brother king were De Rosen, Lieutenant-General; Maumont, Marechal de
Camp; and three brigadiers, Pusignan, Boisseleau, and Léry. Pointis
accompanied them to superintend the artillery and, above all things,
to represent Seignelay's interest against that of Louvois. There were
also a few French officers of lower rank, and some 200 English and
Irish. Still more important was the appointment of Avaux as ambassador.
Barillon was considered too fat and, moreover, he had been duped
by Sunderland, while his rival's good advice from Holland had been
neglected at the English Court. Among James's own subjects were Lord
Dover, Lord Powis, whom he had just made a Duke, Berwick, and his
other son Henry Fitzjames, on whom he had bestowed the empty title of
Grand Prior of England. Some Jesuits, without whom the King could do
nothing, were not wanting. There also was Bishop Cartwright of Chester,
and above all Lord Melfort, who was James's evil genius during the
following months. The English officers, who were as yet unattached,
landed at once, collected all the good horses for miles round, and
hurried off to Dublin before travelling became difficult and before
everything on the road was eaten up by the crowds following the King.
Such animals as could be found were employed to take James and his
baggage to Cork two days later. Pipers played and girls danced before
him all the way. Cloaks and garlands were strewed in his path, and if
some of the latter were made of cabbage stalks, it should be remembered
that flowers are scarce in the first half of March, and that evergreens
were not as common then as they are now. The French generals had to
stay behind at Kinsale with the stores. There were no carts, only a
sort of sledge (traineau) upon which a cargo of 250 lb. could be drawn
by one horse at the rate of twelve miles a day. After four days, thirty
quadrupeds were produced without saddles, bridles, or halters, enough
rope to make reins being hardly procurable.[192]
[Sidenote: James at Cork.]
[Sidenote: Brown's case.]
Tyrconnel met the King at Cork, made his report as to the state of
affairs, and was created a Duke. James stayed there six days, lodging
with the Dominicans. The Franciscans, in the dress of their order,
escorted him through the streets to hear Mass in their new chapel. He
granted Prebendary Brady's request so far as to spare the walls of
Bandon, though Avaux strongly pressed their demolition. The people
there continuing to show their political colours, an order to level the
walls was at last given, but not obeyed, and they were left standing.
During his stay, Nugent presided at the Assizes, and some Protestants
looked upon him as an Irish Jeffreys. A gentleman named Brown had
started with Sir Thomas Southwell's party, thought the adventure
hopeless, and returned to his own house. He was brought before Daly at
Limerick and discharged, but was arraigned at Cork, and found guilty
of treason under the Chief Justice's direction. The High Sheriff took
it on himself to put off the execution for a fortnight so that the
prisoner's wife might have time to petition, and she appeared before
James at Dublin with five or six children. 'Woman,' he is reported
to have said, 'your husband shall die.' The sheriff was reprimanded
for his humane action, and Brown was hanged, drawn, and quartered. In
spite of his pardon to the Bandonians, for which he claimed the name
of a gracious king, James allowed some of them to be indicted. A true
bill was found, but the Assizes ended before a trial could be had.
When Nugent would have tried them later MacCarthy interfered, much to
his credit, and insisted that his word should not be broken. It was
generally believed that Nugent on both occasions acted under direct
orders from the King.[193]
[Sidenote: Royal progress to Dublin.]
[Sidenote: His reception there.]
James left Cork on March 20 and travelled by Lismore, Clonmel,
Kilkenny, and Kilcullen to Dublin, which he reached on the 24th. The
hedges were lined by half-pike men, something between bandits and
soldiers, and the whole journey was attended by rejoicing crowds as
upon the first day from Kinsale. At Carlow, we are told, 'he was
slabbered with the kisses of the rude country Irish gentlewomen, so
that he was forced to beg to have them kept from him.' He entered
Dublin on horseback, great preparations having been made for his
reception. Troops lined the streets which were freshly gravelled, and
stands were erected for musicians, who played loyal and joyful tunes.
And so, amid the shouts of the populace and the roar of cannon, James
reached the Castle, above which waved a flag with the legend 'Now
or Never, Now and Forever.' All was fair to the eye, but Avaux had
misgivings from the first. The King of England, he said, vacillated
continually and often came to the wrong decision at last. He minded
small things and neglected great ones, having so little foresight as
to wish to leave Kinsale before the stores were landed. Of ten fat
bullocks sent as a present to His Majesty at Cork, two were stolen on
the way. Bands of plunderers were everywhere, and the newly raised
troops, being unpaid, added to the confusion. Avaux reported that
within one month of the King's landing over 5000 cattle were killed for
the skin only, the bodies being left to rot unburied. A beast would be
slaughtered to make a pair of brogues, sometimes the hide was used to
boil part of the flesh in. Meanwhile the troops south of Dublin were
not armed or even divided into regiments.[194]
[Sidenote: Louis XIV.'s orders to Avaux.]
Avaux had orders from his sovereign to stay with James wherever
he went. He was particularly charged to allay the fears of the
Protestants, to assure them that the King of England would make no
difference between his subjects on religious grounds, and that zeal
in his service would be the only title to his favour. A little later
Louis reminded him that Cromwell had divided the land among the
Protestants, but that the regicides' portion had since been given to
James, who would have to surrender it to create a fund for compensating
Catholics. In future Protestants who joined the Prince of Orange should
be considered traitors who forfeited their lands by English law. Other
Protestants were to be promised quiet possession and be persuaded that
they had no violence to fear from the Catholics. Avaux lost no time in
telling his master that it was hard to distinguish between Protestants,
for the Irish said none were loyal. Melfort wished to confirm all
Protestants in their estates, but the ambassador disagreed, for the
Catholics only were really faithful to James. Some of the bishops
had gone to the Prince of Orange, and Avaux proposed that they should
be treated as dead and not replaced. By that means all their property
would be gradually made available for Catholics. Louis understood
enough of English politics to know that James would never recover his
kingdoms without the goodwill of Protestant England. He thought it
possible by pursuing a tolerant policy in Ireland to take advantage of
the unpopularity which was certain to beset William and his foreigners
when the first flush of the Revolution was over. In any case there
might be a long struggle in England, Scotland, and Ireland, during
which the Prince of Orange would be able to do little against France on
the continent. Louvois soon came to see that the real business in hand
was to make Ireland absolutely secure. So little did James appreciate
the facts, that he wanted to go to Scotland before he had been in
Ireland a month. Avaux saw that it would be madness for him to leave
the island until it was all in his hands, and that could not be as long
as Londonderry held out.[195]
[Sidenote: The Jacobite Government. Melfort.]
To those who were not in the secrets of James's Court he seemed to be
entirely dominated by the French ambassador, but Avaux himself knew
better. The King cared little for Ireland and only wished to make her
a stepping-stone to Great Britain. The Frenchman cared even less for
Ireland, but wished to make her an appendage of France and to keep
William busy. Tyrconnel had always been a French partisan, and Avaux
found that he acted like a Frenchman to all intents and purposes. Both
ambassador and Lord Lieutenant did their best to drive away Melfort,
who was Secretary of State and in whom James most confided, though he
thought only of England and Scotland. Tyrconnel was indolent and often
ill, and it was with the secretary that Avaux had to work. Melfort was
dilatory and neglected the most important business. His promises were
valueless, and he spent much precious time in walking or driving with
his wife, of whom he was absurdly jealous. Lady Melfort was beautiful,
but at thirty-six one might suppose that she could have taken care
of herself. Rosen and Pointis sustain Avaux on this point, and the
latter hints that the ambassador, who was handsome and insinuating, was
himself the cause of the secretary's jealousy.[196]
[Sidenote: Proclamations. A parliament to be held.]
The day after his arrival in Dublin James held a council from which
Granard, Keating, and others were excluded. Among their successors
were Avaux, Bishop Cartwright, and Colonel Dorrington, who had been
Tyrconnel's chief instrument in raising the new troops. Tyrconnel's
own promotion to a dukedom was announced on the same day, and a
proclamation was issued summoning Parliament for May 7. By another
proclamation James promised protection to all and the full exercise
of their religion, provided nothing was preached or taught among
them 'which may tend to alienate the hearts of our people from us.'
As for his Irish subjects then in England and Scotland, he promised
such protection if they returned within forty days, but only to those
who fled from fear and without doing anything more against their
allegiance. No one who had resisted his government in any way would be
covered by this, and it had no effect at all. By another proclamation
he admitted that many persons not of the army had armed themselves
with pikes and skeans in fear of invasion by the Prince of Orange, and
seized great numbers of cattle 'upon pretence that the owners were in
actual rebellion against us: which if true the same could be no ground
for such irregular actions.' Stolen property was to be restored to the
owners, and if they could not be found or had been in rebellion, then
to be delivered to the sheriff. The half-pikes and skeans were not
to be given up, but to be kept at home and not carried to fairs and
markets. But by another proclamation a week later, all loyal people
were to be armed and ready for active service at a moment's notice.
The King then turned his attention to the affairs of the North, and by
proclamation ordered a free market for all who brought provisions to
his army. They were to be paid in ready money, and no violence was to
be offered to them on pain of death.[197]
[Sidenote: Fighting in Ulster.]
[Sidenote: Coleraine evacuated.]
[Sidenote: George Walker.]
Richard Hamilton came to James at Dublin to say that he had routed the
Protestants at Dromore, but that his force had been insufficient and
that he had been repulsed from Coleraine. That town was defended by
Colonel Gustavus Hamilton, afterwards Viscount Boyne, who must not be
confounded with the Governor of Enniskillen. With him were Sir Arthur
Rawdon and the remains of the beaten forces. Lundy, who was from the
first suspected, was not allowed to enter. He advised that the place
should be abandoned, and this was ultimately done, though not before
the Irish army had been beaten back after an attempt to carry the town
by assault. Hamilton had only five or six small fieldpieces, and the
gunners could not hit any house. The garrison retired across the Bann
to Londonderry, destroying the bridge behind them, and everything else
they could find between the two towns. James sent Pusignan and Berwick
towards Coleraine, and after some skirmishing they passed the Bann
at Portglenone. Thenceforth the seat of war was on the left bank of
that river. George Walker, rector of Donaghmore in Tyrone, had raised
a regiment and occupied Dungannon, but by Lundy's orders he left the
place before the evacuation of Coleraine. Other small Protestant
garrisons did the like, and before the end of March nearly all the
Ulster Protestants who had not accepted protection from James were
collected at Enniskillen and Londonderry.[198]
[Sidenote: King William proclaimed at Londonderry.]
On March 20, three or four days before the desertion of Coleraine,
Captain James Hamilton arrived in Lough Foyle with 1000_l._ in money,
480 barrels of powder, and arms for 2000 men. He brought also a
commission as governor for Lundy, with orders to administer the oath
of allegiance to William and Mary to all officers, civil and military.
Lundy took it himself, but some thought not with enough publicity.
Hamilton was, however, specially ordered to swear him on board ship
in presence of the chief civil magistrate. If he refused the oath,
the commission was not to be delivered. After this the new governor
and thirty-five others made a public declaration, by which they bound
themselves to resist the Irish enemy to the last. If the latter should
prove too strong in the field, they undertook that 'the said Lord
Blaney, Sir Arthur Rawdon, and their forces and all other Protestant
friends shall be readily received into this city, and as much as in
us lies be cherished and supported by us.' Lundy was, therefore,
thoroughly bound both to King William and to the townsmen. He was
instructed to spend the 1000_l._ in buying stores and in strengthening
the works. The new sovereigns were proclaimed with great joy and
solemnity, and Philips, the late provisional governor, was sent to
England for supplies.[199]
[Sidenote: James goes to Ulster.]
[Sidenote: Skirmish at Cladyford.]
James found it hard to believe that Londonderry would be a serious
obstacle, and Melfort, whose eyes were fixed on Scotland, encouraged
this view, but Avaux opposed it, fearing that, in the absence of
Tyrconnel, the King would be entirely led by Melfort in the English
interest. Tyrconnel also wished him to stay in Dublin, to devote his
attention to forming a strong army, and not to dream of Great Britain
until he had thoroughly secured Ireland. He decided at last to go
North, and started on April 8, Pusignan having already gone thither
with reinforcements for Hamilton. The King was accompanied by Avaux,
Rosen, and Melfort, while Tyrconnel occupied himself with the new
levies, whom there was no money to pay and whom he tried to get clothed
at the expense of the officers. Before reaching Armagh, which had been
stripped bare by the Protestants and afforded scant lodging for a
court, James heard that Coleraine had been evacuated. At Charlemont,
Pusignan, who said the country was like Arabia, found all military
matters in a very bad way; and at Dungannon, James himself saw a
regiment in which not a hundred muskets were fit to fire. Order after
order was sent to expedite the arms from Cork, Kinsale, and Waterford,
but when he returned to Dublin nothing had yet been done, nor were
any tools being prepared for siege-work. The French ambassador was
disgusted with everything he saw, but admired the wonderful hardiness
of the Irish soldiers, who would swim a river thrice in a day's march,
and with no sustenance but thin oatcake and bad water. Such beer as
could be had was no better, and would not keep at all. Louvois took
note that French soldiers could not live on this fare, but required
bread, half of wheat and half of rye. Only three wretched cabins
were passed between Charlemont and Omagh, where the chimneys were
demolished, the windows broken, even the locks and bolts carried off.
As they drew near the city of refuge, the fugitive Protestants had had
more time to make a desert behind them. Hearing that Lundy was in the
field with a large force, and that English ships had appeared in Lough
Foyle, James lost heart and went back to Charlemont, on his way to
Dublin. But Lundy had taken care that the King's road northward should
be safe, for he posted thirty men at Cladyford on the Finn, with only
three rounds of ammunition. They were commanded by Adam Murray, who was
the bravest of the brave, but he was forced to retire. Lord Kingston
was ordered up in support, but the summons was sent when it was already
too late. A panic seized some other regiments, and Rosen was able to
cross at Strabane without loss. It was proposed to throw harrows into
the ford, but this precaution was not taken. Lundy set the example
of flight, and from five to ten thousand men went crowding back to
Londonderry without striking a blow. Among them was Walker's regiment,
which was shut out, and did not gain admission till next morning, 'with
much difficulty and some violence upon the sentry.'[200]
[Sidenote: Vacillation of James.]
[Sidenote: He comes before Londonderry.]
Throughout his stay in Ireland James showed a proper regard for his
own safety, and he turned back from Omagh though unwilling that the
French should have the credit of taking Londonderry. Some chance shots
fired by his own men filled him with apprehension of an attack. Before
setting out he had the news of Rosen's victory, but that general took
care not to ask for the royal presence. At Charlemont an express came
from Berwick saying that negotiations for surrender were on foot, and
that if the King appeared nothing could or would withstand him. Melfort
warmly encouraged the idea, and Avaux resisted in vain. After a day's
rest the poor horses, which had not had a proper feed for four days,
were again called upon, and James started for the North. The French
ambassador, having no taste for the discomforts of a camp and nothing
to do there, returned to Dublin, where he might hope to expedite too
long neglected preparations. The King pushed on to St. Johnstown, five
miles from Londonderry, and sent a letter to the garrison suggesting
a parley for the purpose of a surrender. A clergyman named Whitlow
was the messenger. Lundy assembled his council with the officers of
Cunningham's and Richards' regiments, taking care to exclude the
fighting party. They agreed that the town was untenable and that it
would be necessary to surrender, and the English ships sailed away.
The King went no further than to promise them protection if they gave
up the place and their arms. On the night of April 17 one of the town
gates stood open and the keys were missing. An officer noticed it, and
doubled the guards on his own responsibility. Muggeridge, the town
clerk, disclosed the proceedings at the council. Jacobite emissaries
were within the walls, and there can be little doubt that Lundy
meditated treachery. Next day Adam Murray, who had been driven from
Cladyford by want of ammunition, appeared at the gates. Lundy refused
him admission, and even Walker hesitated about the men, though he
offered to pull their leader with a rope over the wall. James Morrison,
captain of the Guard, cut the knot by throwing open the gate. Murray
brought in his followers, and became the great fighting hero of the
siege. Next day James came near the gate, believing that his presence
would work wonders, and that nothing was to be feared from Lundy. A
shot from the wall killed an officer at his side, and the great siege
began. Hamilton had promised not to come within five miles during the
negotiations; but Rosen, though he knew this, moved up his troops
without orders from James, and the men on the wall naturally supposed
that they were betrayed.[201]
[Sidenote: French fleet at Bantry.]
[Sidenote: John Stevens.]
[Sidenote: Naval action.]
The ships that accompanied James to Ireland returned to Brest, and his
English, Irish, and Scotch subjects gathered there from different parts
of northern France. There were also French officers sent by Louis, and
many adventurers who hoped for plunder or promotion. One who had been
cashiered for a fatal duel was allowed to serve in Ireland at Mary
of Modena's request. Others, who could not show themselves at Paris,
did likewise. Among the English loyalists was John Stevens, whose
account has been fortunately preserved. His father was in Catherine of
Braganza's service and had been known to the elder Clarendon at Madrid.
Young Stevens, who was a Spanish scholar, hankered after military
distinction, and was recommended by the Lord Lieutenant Clarendon for
a cornetcy--'a colours would make him very happy.' Tyrconnel would, of
course, do nothing on his predecessor's recommendation, but Stevens
found employment as an exciseman at Welshpool. He learned something
of the language and found it useful in Brittany. [The strength of his
royalist and anti-Protestant feelings may be guessed from his calling
the seven bishops champions of Satan. Ken and Sancroft champions of
Satan!] Stevens followed his King to France, and was on the road
to Brest before the end of February. There was no discipline among
the horde of exiles who flocked to the naval port, and they were
'guilty of all sorts of disorders that could have been acted by a
dissolute army in an enemy's country.... I have since seen some of the
greatest rascals in the company preferred to considerable posts.' The
poverty-stricken crowd were treated with contempt by the French naval
officers during the long delay at Brest and the passage to Ireland.
They lay on boards without blankets, and those who were fortunate
enough to find hammocks were cut down at night by the sailors. On the
last day of April they entered Bantry Bay. The English fleet under
Herbert being soon descried in the offing, the French Admiral, Count
Château Renaud, ordered all the passengers, treasure, and arms to
be landed from his light vessels, while he prepared for action. The
battle or skirmish of May 1 was quite indecisive, but the French fleet
was much the stronger of the two, and Château Renaud gained his main
object, which was to land the passengers and stores. Herbert was made
an Earl, and James ordered a _Te Deum_.[202]
[Sidenote: General mismanagement.]
[Sidenote: The army neglected.]
The means of locomotion were of the poorest, and it was three weeks
before Avaux could report that all the French officers had reached
Dublin, except a few whom Boisseleau kept at Cork. James made the
senior captain a lieutenant-colonel, the rest majors, the lieutenants
were made captains, and fifteen cadets became lieutenants. Most of
them were sent to Londonderry. When the arms came to be distributed
they were found to be very bad, muskets of many patterns, and swords
even worse. Louvois was a man of detail, and it seems likely that he
purposely allowed refuse stores to go to Ireland. It took Stevens a
fortnight to get from Bantry to Dublin, generally on foot, for it
was seldom possible to hire a horse. Parliament was sitting, and but
little attention was paid to military matters. The royal army, on the
highest estimate, was about 50,000, but everything was expected from
France, and there was talk of arms arriving sufficient for the host of
Xerxes. A commission was what Stevens wanted, but he was too modest to
apply to James. Lord Limerick, Maguire the Roman Catholic Primate, and
the Duke of Powis, who had known him in prosperous days, all put him
off with empty promises. More forward applicants had better success,
and were not deterred by the divinity that hedges a king. Stevens was
horrified to see an ensign pluck His Majesty by the sleeve because he
had passed without noticing him, while he himself was not only not
employed but almost starving. He sold every valuable he had, including
his father's rings and the silver hilt of his sword, 'so that I might
be truly said to live by my sword,' though as yet no soldier. The only
kindness he received was from a Protestant to whom he had been civil
in Clarendon's time and who volunteered to lend him 10_l._ The money
was repaid, but the borrower deeply regretted that he had never been
able to requite the kindness. When Londonderry was relieved, officers
flocked to Dublin, and among them Usher, a captain in the Grand Prior's
regiment, who had travelled with Stevens from England and easily got a
lieutenancy for him.[203]
FOOTNOTES:
[183] Bonrepaus' letter of September 4, 1687, and Seignelay's answer
of September 29 in Lingard x. appx. IIII., and other extracts in
appx. KKKK. Bonrepaus says: 'Tyrconnel presse incessament le roi
d'Angleterre pour que cela se fasse en moins de temps; et effectivement
Sa Majesté Britannique y a envoyé [to Ireland] depuis huit-jours un
vaisseau chargé de poudre, armes, et mortiers à bombe.' Dangeau,
January 11, 1686, and May 6, 1687. See also Macaulay, chap. iii. Bishop
Cartwright's Diary, August and September 1687. Barillon to Louis XIV.,
October 16, 1687, in Dalrymple, ii. 262.
[184] Seignelay's instructions to Pointis, January 12, 1689, in
Campana-Cavelli, doc. 529, and the report in the following month. 'Quo
magis nuda erant castra et fortilitia eo facilius prevideam eos posse
ad obedientiam reduci.'--Archbishop King's _Autobiography_.
[185] Pointis reported to Louis himself in Seignelay's presence.
[186] Tyrconnel to James II. January 29,/February 8, 1689, in
Campana-Cavelli, doc. 771. Abbé Melani to Grand Duke of Tuscany January
17/27 and February 18/28--'buonissimo, ma non di quella elevatura che
da principio aveva publicata la fama'--'tranquilla et cosî insensibile'
that he would have stayed in France hunting and praying but for the
'stimoli' applied by Tyrone and the French Court, _ib._ docs. 728,
769. Dangeau's Journal and Madame de Sévigné's letters for January and
February. On February 2/12 the latter writes: 'La Reine d'Angleterre a
toute la mine, si Dieu le voulait, d'aimer mieux régner dans le beau
royaume d'Angleterre, où la cour est grande et belle, que d'être à
S^t Germain, quoique accablé des bontés héroïques du Roi. Pour le roi
d'Angleterre il y paroit content, et c'est pour cela qu'il est là.'
Vauban's letter of February 15/25 is in Rousset's _Louvois_, iv. 187.
[187] In his letter to Cardinal d'Este, his Queen's uncle, at Rome,
James says: 'J'espère que Sa Sainteté croira que l'occasion qui se
présente _de détruire l'érésie avec une armée Catholique_ n'est pas
de celles qu'on doit perdre, et qu'il n'épargnera pas les trésors de
l'Église où j'expose si franchement ma propre vie,' February 14/24,
1689. Campana-Cavelli, doc. 759. Writing to the Cardinal four days
later Mary of Modena hopes the Pope's acts will correspond with his
words: 'quali sole in questa congiuntura non ci bastano,' _ib._ doc.
760. In the scarce _Hist. de la Révolution d'Irlande arrivée sous
Guillaume III._, Amsterdam, 1691, attributed to Jean De la Brune is the
following passage: 'Malheureusement pour ce prince nous sommes dans un
siècle où l'on comprend que deux et deux font quatre, et que ceux qui
renversent et foulent aux pieds les droits et les libertés d'un état
n'en sont point les protecteurs et les défenseurs.' Leopold's letter,
March 30/April 9, is in _Somers Tracts_, x. 18, and Clarke's _Life of
James II._ Louis's policy at this time is discussed by Lavisse, viii.
16. Rousset's _Louvois_, iv. 152. For the Pope's relations to James see
Charles Gérin's paper in _Revue des questions historiques_, 1876. Both
Porter and Melfort were paid by Louis. Melfort took his orders from
Croissy and corresponded with him weekly.
[188] Proclamations of February 2 and 25, March 1 and 7, 1688-9.
[189] Bennett's _Hist. of Bandon_, chaps. xv. and xvi., besides the
plain facts records interesting traditions. 'During his stay at Cork
Mr. Brady, the minister of the place and ten men from Bandon petitioned
him (James) for pardon for that town, which he granted, saying, "You
may now see you have a gracious king." And when the Earl of Clancarty
and Duke of Berwick urged the destruction of that nest of rebels: to
the first he said that he was a young man, and to the latter that he
was a fool.... Two days after, notwithstanding the King's pardon to
those of Bandon, several were indicted at the assizes, insomuch that
30 or 40 of them fled by this opportunity and came to Bristol, being
frightened at the bloody proceedings against one Mr. Brown, who was
hanged, drawn, and quartered at the same assizes,' _Full and True
Account_ of the landing of King James at Kinsale ... a letter from
Bristol, April 1, 1689. See also a letter from Tyrconnel to MacCarthy,
March 10, 1688-9, in Smith's _Hist. of Cork_, ii. chap. vii. _Exact
Relation of the Persecutions_, &c., sustained by the Protestants of
Kenmare in Ireland, 1689.
[190] _Exact Relation_, _ut sup._
[191] _Exact Relation_, _ut sup._ Orpen says eight families were
detained by the Irish officers 'as slaves to work for them at their
iron-works, which none of the natives were skilful in.' Fifteen hundred
pounds worth of bar and pig iron was left behind. There is a picture
of the 'white house' of Killowen in its present ruined state in
Fitzmaurice's _Life of Petty_.
[192] The rank of the French officers is mentioned by Rousset, but
according to Dangeau, Boisseleau was only a captain in the Guards,
while Pusignan was already a marechal de camp. Abbé Bronchi to Duke of
Modena, March 11/21, in Campana-Cavelli; Rosen to Louvois, March 16/26,
_ib._; De Sourches, iii., February 5/15 and 15/26. _A full and true
account of the landing_, &c., April 1, 1689. The Marquis de la Fare
notes in his memoirs that Barillon realised how he had been duped by
Sunderland, 'et je crois qu'il est mort de regret.'
[193] King, iii., xiii. 2. _A Short View of the Methods made use of
in Ireland_, &c., by a clergyman lately escaped from thence, licensed
October 17, 1689, dedicated to Burnet. Smith's _Cork_. Leslie in his
answer to King says Brown resisted the sheriff and that a man was
killed in the scuffle, this accounting for James's unusual harshness
in that case. Sir Lawrence Parsons, who was included in the great Act
of Attainder, had defended his own house at Birr. He surrendered it
on conditions, and Baron Lynch sentenced him to be hanged, drawn, and
quartered for articling with the King, but he did not actually suffer.
Howell's _State Trials_, xii. no. 364.
[194] _Full and true account of the landing, 1689. A Light to the
Blind. A Short View of the Methods_, _ut sup._ Avaux to Louvois, April
14; to Louis XIV., April 23.
[195] Louis XIV.'s instruction to Avaux, February 1/11, 1688-9, and
March 2/12, and Avaux's answer, March 17/27. Avaux to Louvois, April
4/14. Louvois to Avaux, June 3/13.
[196] Avaux to Louis, May 27. Writing to Croissy on October 21 he calls
Melfort 'grand fourbe et qui ment plus effrontément qu'aucun homme
que j'ai jamais vu.' For Melfort's opinion of Avaux, see Pointis on
September 5 in Rousset's _Louvois_, ii. 214. Afterwards, when Melfort
was at Rome, Mary of Modena insisted on his forgiving Tyrconnel. He
obeyed: 'but without a fault to let loose a pack of about fifty nephews
against me, besides the females, and all the time protest all manner of
friendship and respect for me, swearing he could not tell what could be
done when I was gone, to send his Duchess to cry an hour at my lodgings
and make me cry too for company, and all this while harbour malice
in his heart is horrible,' Ellis's _Original Letters_, 2nd series,
iv. 187. 'The King went to Ireland only in order to go to England,'
Melfort's memorial of October 20, 1689, in Macpherson, i. 334.
[197] Proclamations of March 25 and April 1, 1689.
[198] Mackenzie's _Narrative_. Macpherson's _Original Papers_. Avaux to
Louvois, March 4/14. Belfast was effectually protected by King James's
Government until Schomberg's arrival made it no longer necessary,
document in Benn's _Belfast_, p. 165.
[199] Instructions to Lundy, February 21, and to James Hamilton,
February 22, in Mackenzie. Declaration of Union in Walker's _True
Account_.
[200] Walker's _True Account_. Mackenzie says a shot was fired and
threats made to burn the gates. _Light to the Blind._ Avaux to Louis
XIV. and to Louvois, April 13/23 and 15/25.
[201] Walker and the author of _Light to the Blind_ substantially
agree. Clarke's _Life of James II._, ii. 333. Macpherson, i. 186.
[202] Stevens says 1500 English, Scotch, and Irish were landed, but
Dangeau (April 20) says 'plus de quatre mille,' which must include
those in the first fleet. _Life of Sir John Leake_, chap. iii. Troude,
_Batailles navales de la France_, pp. 189-194. _Clarendon and Rochester
Correspondence_, ii. 45, 65. Captain Mahan observed (_Sea-power_, chap.
iv.) that in spite of Bantry Bay and of the numerical superiority of
the French at sea, Rooke never lost command of St. George's Channel.
Schomberg landed unopposed, and 'the English communications were not
even threatened for an hour.'
[203] Stevens, pp. 54-59. Avaux to Louvois, and May 28/June 7 and June
17/27. Stevens followed what was afterwards the mail-coach road from
Cork to Dublin by Clogheen, Clonmel, and Callan to Kilkenny. The MS.
of his journal in the British Museum has been published with valuable
notes by Dr. Robert H. Murray, Oxford 1912.