“HARDSHELLS” AND “SOFTSHELLS”
1852-1853
The “Barnburner”-“Hunker” factional fight was succeeded by that of the
“Hardshells” and “Softshells.” How the ludicrous nicknames originated
it is not possible to say. The “Softshells” were composed of a remnant
of the “Barnburners”[1] and that part of the “Hunkers” who believed in
a full union with the “Barnburners,” especially in the highly important
matter of distributing offices. The “Hardshells” were the “Old Hunkers”
who disavowed all connection with the “Barnburners,” or Free Soilers,
except so far as to get their votes. This division also extended to
other parts of the State, where perhaps real differences of political
principle were responsible for it; but in the city the fundamental
point of contention was the booty of office.
The “Hardshells” boasted in 1852 of a majority of the Tammany General
Committee which met on December 2 to choose inspectors for the ward
elections of delegates to the general committee for 1853. The control
of these inspectors was the keynote of the situation, for they would
return such delegates as they pleased. Angered at the appointment of
“Hardshell” inspectors, the “Softshells” broke in the door of the
committee room, assaulted the members of the committee with chairs,
fractured some heads and forced the “Hards” to flee for refuge to the
Astor House.[2]
Agreeable to “usages,” the departing general committee instructed the
delegates of its successor to assemble in Tammany Hall on January 13,
1853, to be installed as the general committee for the ensuing year.
Until this installation, the committee of the last year remained
in power. In the interval the Sachems, who, in the peculiar mix of
politics, were for the most part “Softshells,” decided to take a hand
in the game of getting control of the organization, and therefore
called a meeting for the same night and at the same time.
The object of the old general committee was to allow only delegates
whose seats were uncontested to vote on the organization, or the
contest of seats, which would return a “Hardshell” committee. The
Sachems, on the contrary, favored voting by those who had the
indorsement of two of the three inspectors.
The “Hardshells” insisted that the Sachems had unwarrantably
interfered; that this was the first time in the history of the society
of any interference as to the manner of organizing the general
committee; that the only power the Sachems had was to decide between
contending parties for the use of the hall for political meetings, and
that even then their power was doubtful.
The Grand Sachem ordered the doors of the meeting room locked till 7:30
o’clock, at which hour both factions streamed in. Soon there were two
meetings in the same room, each with a chairman, and each vociferously
trying to shout down the other. Neither accomplished anything, and
both adjourned, and kept adjourning from day to day, awaiting positive
action by the society.
The “Softshell” section of the general committee called a meeting
for January 20, but it was prohibited by the Sachems. When doubt
of their authority was expressed, the Sachems produced a lease
executed in 1842 to Howard, the lessee of the property, by the Tammany
Society, in which he agreed that he would not lease, either directly
or indirectly, the hall, or any part of the building, to any other
political party (or parties) whatever, calling themselves committees,
whose general political principles did not appear to him or the Sachems
to be in accordance with the general political principles of the
Democratic-Republican General Committee of New York City, of which
Elijah F. Purdy was then chairman. Howard had also agreed that
“if there should be at any time a doubt arising in his mind
or that of his assigns, or in the mind of the Grand Sachem
of the Tammany Society for the time being, in ascertaining
the political character of any political party that should be
desirous of obtaining admission to Tammany Hall for the purpose
of holding a political meeting, then either might give notice
in writing to the Father of the Council of the Tammany Society,
in which event it was the duty of the Father of the Council to
assemble the Grand Council, who would determine in the matter
and whose decision should be final, conclusive and binding.”
Of the thirteen Sachems, eleven were “Softshells”--a predominance due
to the activity of the “Barnburners.” The “Hardshells,” without doubt,
were in a majority in the Tammany Society and in Tammany Hall, but
they had taken no such pains as had their opponents to elect their
men. The Sachems’ meeting on January 20, professedly to decide the
merits of the contest, called for the ward representatives in turn. The
“Hardshells” refused to answer or to acknowledge the Sachems’ authority
to interfere with the primary elections of the people. The Sachems then
named by resolution the general committee they favored, thus deciding
in favor of the “Softshell” committee. There was no little suppressed
excitement, since the members of the Tammany Society, it was naïvely
told, though allowed to be present, were not allowed to speak.
Alderman Thomas J. Barr, a member of the Tammany Society and chairman
of the “Hardshell” committee, handed to the Sachems, on behalf of his
associates, an energetic protest. Summarized, it read as follows:
“Tammany Society is a private association, incorporated
for charitable purposes. There is nothing in its charter,
constitution or by-laws making it a political organization in
any sense of the term. The Democrats of New York City have
never, in any manner or by any act, vested in the society the
right to prescribe the rules for their government in matters of
political organization.
“The society comprises among its members men belonging to all
the different political parties of the day. The only political
test of admission to membership is to be ‘a Republican in favor
of the Constitution of the United States.’ It is, besides, a
secret society, whose transactions are known only to its own
officers and members, except so far as might be the pleasure
of the Council to make the proceedings public. It can never be
tolerated that a body which, in the language of its charter,
was created ‘to carry into effect the benevolent purpose of
affording relief to the indigent and distressed,’ and which is
wholly independent of the great body of the Democracy shall be
permitted to sit in judgment upon the primary organization of
the Democratic-Republican party of the city of New York; and
such a state of things, if its absurdity be not too great for
serious consideration, would amount to a despotism of the most
repugnant character and render the Democratic party of the city
an object of contempt and ridicule everywhere.… Tammany Society
owns a portion of the premises known as Tammany Hall, which is
let to Mr. Howard and forms the plant of his hotel. This fact
is all that gives to the Tammany Society any, even the least
political significance.
“The general committee derives its powers from the people, who
alone can take them away. The committee in its objects, its
organization and its responsibilities to a popular constituency
is wholly distinct from and independent of the Tammany Society,
its council or its officers, and to be efficient for any good
purpose must always so remain, leaving to the Tammany Society
its legitimate duty of excluding from Tammany Hall those who
are hostile to the Democracy and its principles.”[3]
In the bar-room many leaders of the excluded faction were assembled,
surrounded by their fighting men. When the Sachems’ adverse decision
was announced, their anger found vent in a sputter of oaths and
threats, and the sum of $15,000 was subscribed on the spot for the
building of a rival Tammany Hall. It is almost needless to say that
the rival hall was never built.
The Sachems later replied to the protest with the defense that their
lease to Howard obliged them to act as they did. By that lease the
succession of Elijah F. Purdy’s committee alone was at liberty to meet
as a general committee in Tammany Hall; they (the Sachems) had not
recognized Barr’s committee as such, and moreover did not admit the
claim the “Hardshell” committee made of _their_ right to hire a room
separate from the majority in a building in which they had no property
whatever. The Council of Sachems insisted that it had exercised the
right of excluding so-called general committees before; that Tammany
was a benevolent society, and that benevolent societies had the same
right as others to determine who should occupy their property.
The “Hardshells” attempted to rout the “Softshells” at the regular
meeting of the Tammany Society on February 12, but the Sachems’ action
was confirmed by a vote of two hundred to less than a dozen. Each
faction then strained to elect a majority of the Sachems at the annual
election on April 18. Private circulars were distributed, that of the
“Softshells” being signed by Isaac V. Fowler, Fernando Wood, Nelson
J. Waterbury, John Cochrane and others. It breathed allegiance to the
national and State administrations, the regular organization and to
the Baltimore platform. The “Hardshell” circular had the signatures of
Richard B. Connolly, Cornelius Bogardus, Jacob Brush and others styling
themselves the “Old Line Democrats.”
The “Softshells” elected their ticket, and Isaac V. Fowler, afterward
postmaster, was chosen Grand Sachem. This vote of a few score of
private individuals decided the control of Tammany Hall and the lot of
those who would share in the division of plunder for the next year.
“With the exception of some few quarrels,” one friendly account had
it, “which fortunately did not result in any personal damage to
the disputants, the affair passed off very quietly. While the votes
were counted upstairs some interesting scenes were presented in the
bar-room, which was crowded with anxious expectants. Language of a
rather exceptional character, such as ‘political thieves,’ ‘swindlers,’
etc., was employed unsparingly, but as the majority was peaceably
inclined, there were no heads fractured.”
FOOTNOTES
[1] Many of the “Barnburners” had finally broken with the Democratic
party, and were now acting independently as Free Soilers. Afterward, in
great part, these independents gravitated to the new Republican party.
[2] This affair was exploited in the General Courts later. Seven
rioters were arrested.
[3] The statements of both sides were published officially in the New
York _Herald_, February 10, 1853, the bare facts covering more than an
entire page of solid print.