“BARNBURNERS” AND “HUNKERS”
1846-1850
Two factions had lately arisen in Tammany Hall--the “Barnburners”
and the “Hunkers.” Differences in principle had at first caused the
division, but it was characterized, nevertheless, by a lively race for
office.
The “Barnburners” were the radical Democrats who believed, among other
things that slavery should not be extended to free territory. The
nickname was occasioned by the saying of a contractor, a few years
before: “These men are incendiaries; they are mad; they are like the
farmer, who, to get the rats out of his granary, sets fire to his own
barn.”
The “Hunkers” were the office-holding conservatives, very unwilling
to have anything disturb their repose, and above all, opposed to the
agitation of the slavery question. Their influence was thrown wherever
possible with the slaveholding States. The term “Hunkers” arose from
their characteristic of striving to keep their offices to the exclusion
of everybody else--“to get all they can and keep all they can get.”[1]
The quarrel was as sharply defined throughout the State as in New
York City. Such men as Samuel J. Tilden, C. C. Cambreleng, William
F. Havemeyer and Minthorne Tompkins were the local leaders of the
“Barnburners”; John McKeon, Lorenzo B. Shepard,[2] a brilliant young
leader who was a noted orator at the early age of 19; Edward Strahan
and Emanuel B. Hart were some of the chiefs of the “Hunkers.” This
factional struggle, together with the dissatisfaction given by the city
administration, weakened Tammany, whose nominee, in the Spring election
of 1847, J. Sherman Brownell, was defeated by the Whig candidate,
William V. Brady. The vote stood: Brady, 21,310; Brownell, 19,877;
Ellis G. Drake (Independent), 2,078. This was the first time in nine
years that the city had been carried by the Whigs proper, though they
were aided somewhat by the Native Americans.
“Barnburners” and “Hunkers” laid aside their differences momentarily
when President Polk visited the city in June, 1847, one of his objects
being to be initiated a member of the Tammany Society. On June 26 he
was waited upon at the Astor House by a deputation of the society,
headed by Elijah F. Purdy. Quite worn out after a torrid day of
handshaking, Polk accompanied his escorts to the large room in the
Wigwam, where members of the society were usually initiated. Later,
the President emerged, looking happy at having availed himself of
membership in a political society which could sway Presidential choices
and elections and perhaps determine his own future political fate.
This incident past, the factions resumed their quarrel and warred so
effectually that in the general election of November, 1847, the Whigs
again won, by more than 3,000 votes. But Tammany, in its darkest
moments, was fertile in expedients. It now arranged a great meeting for
February 5, 1848, in commendation of the Mexican War. Sam Houston and
General Foote made speeches, and one of the Tammany orators assured
the audience that though Tammany Hall “erred sometimes,” its “patriotic
ardor was never cooled.” The success of this war brought thousands of
voters back to the Democratic ranks in the city. Besides, “Barnburners”
and “Hunkers” were tiring of defeat. Neither relished exile from office
all the time. They agreed on the nomination of former Mayor Havemeyer,
who personally was popular, though the Wigwam leaders had caused his
administration to be discredited. Havemeyer was elected by the slender
majority of 928 over the Whig candidate, Mayor Brady. The Native
American party had now about gone out of existence.
But the factions soon disagreed again on national questions, and
sent conflicting Tammany delegations to the national convention in
Baltimore, in May, 1848. After tedious debate and much acrimony both
were allowed a half vote to each delegate. When, however, it was
seen that the “Barnburners” voted with some other States in support
of the principle against the extension of slavery to free territory,
a movement was started to reject them. The prospect of losing the
all-important electoral vote of New York State was not pleasant to the
convention. To avoid the arbitrary rejection of either faction the
committee on credentials suggested a compromise by which it refused
to open the discussion as to which faction ought to be accepted until
both had pledged themselves to abide by the decision of the convention.
Knowing that this would be pro-slavery, the “Barnburners” declared that
“the Democracy of New York must be admitted unconditionally or not at
all,” and withdrew. The “Hunkers” took the required pledge.
Arriving home, the “Barnburner” delegates issued an address saying
that a faction existed among them whose object was the perpetuation
and the extension of human servitude. Bold, unscrupulous and active,
it wielded to a great degree the patronage of the Federal Government.
It addressed itself to the fears of some, to the cupidity of others.
By these means it had got possession of the late national convention
and had proclaimed a candidate for the Presidency--a man who obtained
his nomination only as the price of the most abject subserviency to
the slave power. The “Barnburners” then took steps to name candidates
in opposition to Lewis Cass and Gen. W. O. Butler, the Baltimore
nominees, who had been promptly approved by the “Hunker” element in the
Wigwam. Calling Martin Van Buren from obscurity, they nominated him
for President, anticipating the action of the Free Soil convention at
Buffalo in August.
Throughout the slavery agitation up to the firing on Fort Sumter,
the South had no firmer supporter than Tammany. In the hall Southern
representatives spoke and spread broadcast their doctrines on every
available occasion; however ultra those doctrines might be, the Wigwam
audiences never missed applauding them enthusiastically.
The “Hunkers” immediately opened a series of Cass meetings. “All the
South asks,” said Gen. Stevenson at one of them in Tammany Hall, on
June 9, 1848, “is non-interference.” He was cheered wildly. As usual,
the “regular” Democratic nominations were supported by the backbone
of the Democracy in New York City--those who clung to the mere name
and forms of the party as well as the active men who lived in office
and luxuriated on the spoils. The “Barnburners,” otherwise now styled
the Free Soilers, were quite as active as the “Hunkers,” and their
defection on election day enabled Gen. Taylor to carry the city--the
supposed Democratic stronghold--by 9,883 votes.
The dissensions in the Wigwam were as pronounced in the Spring of
1849--at least outwardly. The two factions held separate Mayoralty
conventions on the same night. The “Barnburners” were naturally
eager for Havemeyer, one of themselves, but he would not have the
honor. Hearing that the “Hunkers” were proposing Myndert Van Schaick,
an extremely popular man, the “Barnburners” resolved to steal the
“Hunkers’” thunder by nominating him themselves. This they accordingly
did, and the bewildered public was treated to the spectacle of Van
Schaick standing as the candidate of both the recriminating factions.
There were not wanting those who professed to see in this action an
agreement between the leaders on the matter of the local offices. The
Whigs elected Caleb S. Woodhull by 4,121 plurality, and secured over
two-thirds of the members of the Common Council. The Democrats of the
“Old School,”--the unyielding “Hunkers”--would not vote for a candidate
the Free Soilers approved of; they either did not vote at all or voted
for Woodhull.
The “Barnburners,” practically driven out of Tammany Hall by the
“Hunkers,” had been meeting elsewhere. Tiring of defeats, however,
overtures for reunion were made during the Fall campaign. A fusion
resulted, not only in the city but in other parts of the State, and
candidates were agreed upon.[3] But no sooner had the reunion been
declared than a number of irreconcilable “Hunkers” and certain other
politicians--including Daniel E. Sickles, James T. Brady, “Mike” Walsh
and John M. Bloodgood--formed a self-constituted “Democratic-Republican
Executive Committee” to oppose the deal. On the day before election
they sent out a circular denouncing the fusion, and declaring that
though it promised much it was really only a means of engrafting upon
Democratic time-honored principles a set of abolition doctrines,
“hostile to the peace and welfare of the Republic and repugnant to the
sympathies and intelligence of the Democratic party.”[4]
This circular was misleading. Neither the “Barnburners” nor the
“Hunkers” had imposed any sacrifice of principle upon the other. They
merely agreed for the time being to suspend their differences in order
to get a controlling influence over the disbursement of municipal
finances. The opinion of each voter on the slavery question was left
untouched.
The election was hotly contested, for by the new State constitution
the selection of minor State offices had been taken from the Governor
and Legislature and given to the people.[5] Owing to this defection of
a strong Tammany group the Whigs carried the city. The excitement in
the Wigwam, when the result became known, was intense. Four thousand
Tammany men, looking either for office or party triumph, were in a
frenzy. W. D. Wallach, a politician of some note, mounted the rostrum,
and under the stimulus of disappointment, held forth in a long and
remarkable harangue, to which his auditors listened in comparative
silence, though the same utterances at another time might have provoked
a riot in the Wigwam. Men of downright dishonesty, Wallach said, had
crept into the organization by the aid of bullies and loafers. These
men of late years had managed to wield great power at Tammany primary
elections, where, as everybody knew, matters long had been arranged
“upon the assumption that by a free application of money, violence and
roguery, the people could and should be controlled.” What wonder was
it, he asked, that thousands of quiet and respectable Democrats had
ceased to bow to the authority of regular nominations, however worthy
the candidates, when they found more or less of the Tammany nominating
committees returned in part notoriously by violence, if not by fraud?
The breach between the “Barnburners” and the extreme “Hunkers” was
reopened and widened by this self-constituted committee’s action. It
led to the formation of two bodies, each claiming to be the genuine
general committee of Tammany Hall. One was led by Fernando Wood, who
was suspected of being a “Hunker,” but was too much of a politician
to be active against the “Barnburners.” This general committee was of
a compromising disposition. In brief, it was composed mainly of what
were known as political “trimmers”--men willing to make any sacrifices
of principle for individual or party success. The other committee, of
which Henry M. Western was the head, was composed of “Hunkers” and took
up the interests of the self-formed “Democratic-Republican Executive
Committee.” It was the first body in the North to call a meeting to
denounce the Wilmot proviso. To all intents standing for principle,
each committee sought the tremendous advantages of the possession of
Tammany Hall and its political machinery. By being recognized as the
“regular” general committee, its nominations would be “regular” and as
such would command the votes of the great mass of Democrats. To obtain
that recognition both committees realized the necessity of obtaining a
majority of the Council of Sachems, which, in critical moments, had so
thoroughly demonstrated its legal right to eject from the Wigwam any
man or body of men it pleased.
The opening struggle between the factions for mastery took place at
the annual election of the society on April 15, 1850. Each body made
desperate efforts to elect its list of Sachems. The ticket in favor of
a union of the factions and of reorganizing the “Wood committee” was
headed by Elijah F. Purdy, then Grand Sachem, and contained the names
of Isaac V. Fowler, John A. Bogert, John J. Manning and others. Former
Mayor Mickle, Charles O’Conor, Francis B. Cutting and M. M. Noah led
the rival ticket.
The “Hunkers” brought to the polls many men, who, though still members
of the society, long since had gone over to the Whigs and had lost the
habit of attending the society’s meetings. These men claimed the right
to vote, and it was unquestionably theirs. In law the Tammany Society
was merely a charitable and benevolent corporation. No member in good
standing could be debarred from voting. With cheerful alacrity these
Whig members lent their aid in distracting the Democratic party into
keeping up a double organization. Office-holders and other men openly
attached to the Whig party voted.[6] When it seemed that most of the
Purdy ticket was elected, the two “Hunker” inspectors suddenly found
three more “Hunker” tickets in the ballot box. Previously this box had
been examined, emptied and exposed publicly. These three ballots, if
counted, would have elected one more Sachem of the “Hunker” stripe,
giving that faction six of the thirteen Sachems--one short of a
majority. The two “Barnburner” inspectors refused to count them. The
result of the election being disputed, Purdy promptly took possession
of the books and papers of the society.
As the best solution of the troubles, the Sachems, on April 26,
determined to forbid both committees admittance to the Wigwam. The
Sachems did not acknowledge accountability to any one for their
actions, not even to the society which elected them.[7] Representing
themselves as the supreme judges of which was the real Democratic
General Committee or whether there was any,[8] the Sachems let it be
understood that they would act as mediators. By a vote of 10 to 1,[9]
they “recommended”--an action equivalent to an arbitrary order--that
the “Wood committee” provide for the election of delegates to a
convention in Tammany Hall “to reorganize the New York City Democracy.”
From the substance of the invitation sent out by the society to various
conspicuous personages it was evident that, though the “Wood committee”
had been favored, somehow a majority of the “Hunker,” or pro-slavery
Sachems was installed.[10]
The plan of a convention was accepted by both factions. But by
manipulating the primary elections for delegates Fernando Wood
succeeded in filling the convention with his own creatures, allowing,
for form’s sake, a sprinkling of opponents. Wood, whose aim was to get
the nomination for Mayor, was the chief “trimmer,” though each side
made concessions. Various equivocal resolutions touching the slavery
question were adopted, and a new Tammany General Committee, comprising
“Barnburners,” mild “Hunkers” and ultra-“Hunkers,” was formed.
The “Barnburners” and “Hunkers” then agreed upon a coalition in
State and city, uniting on Horatio Seymour for Governor. Despite
the diplomacy of Wood, who had arranged this pact, an explosion was
narrowly averted a few weeks later. Finding themselves in a majority at
a slimly attended meeting of the general committee in the latter part
of September, 1850, the uncompromising “Hunkers” denounced parleying
with Free Soilers, and by a vote of 16 to 11 refused to sustain
Seymour. As soon as their action became known there was a burst of
indignation. The threat was made that if the committee did not rescind
it, the Council of Sachems, most of whom, it seems, Wood had won over
to his plans, would turn it out of Tammany Hall. The members of the
committee hastened to meet, the ultra-“Hunkers” were routed, and the
State candidates strongly indorsed.
FOOTNOTES
[1] The Century Dictionary derives the word from the Dutch _honk_,
post, goal or home. The transition in meaning from “goal” to “office”
is easy and natural.
[2] Shepard became Grand Sachem at an early age. He was one of the very
few influential men achieving prominence in the society or organization
against whose character, public or private, no charges were ever
brought.
[3] New York _Weekly Herald_, November 3, 1849. James Gordon Bennett,
editor and owner of this newspaper, “was a recognized member of the
Tammany party.” (“Memoirs of James Gordon Bennett and His Times,”
1855, p. 80.) When Bennett first contemplated starting a newspaper, it
was to the Young Men’s General Committee that he applied for funds.
Though professing to be independent, the Herald nearly always supported
Tammany Hall. In 1837-39, however, it had supported Aaron Clark.
[4] The committee advertised the stand it had taken in the Democratic
journals of the city on November 5.
[5] The city charter of 1846 had likewise increased the number of
elective offices in the municipality.
[6] New York _Evening Post_ (Democratic), April 16, 1850.
[7] New York _Weekly Herald_, May 4, 1850.
[8] _Ibid._
[9] _Evening Post_, May 2, 1850.
[10] Seven Sachems signed the letter of invitation, which read in
part: “Brothers of this society look with deep concern at the present
critical state of the country and are not unmindful of the services
of those who are laboring to thwart the designs of the fanatics
and demagogues who are waging an unholy crusade against a union of
independent sovereignties, which union has done much to advance
and perpetuate the principles of American liberty throughout the
world.… We have no sympathy with those who war upon the South and its
institutions.”