THE BEGINNINGS OF A NEW SCIENCE

If a man about town should drop into the Harvard psychological

laboratory and see an operator in rough clothes slowly turning a small

crank and calling off disconnected letters of the alphabet while a

changing panorama of squares and digits passed by beneath a glass plate,

he might think that this was the university’s day off and that here was

a new game for the amusement of the employes. But if he should ask

“What’s the ante?” and want to sit in, he would soon discover his

mistake. He would learn that he was looking at one of the few

experiments yet contrived for picking the right man for the right job.

He might even be told that this was one of the wee beginnings of a new

science which, by systematically placing the psychological experiment at

the service of education and industry, may some day prevent the tragic

waste of misfit starts in life and go far toward solving the problem of

vocational guidance for the schools. The observer would probably be

warned, however, against construing what he saw as any endorsement of

the social desirability of guiding children into this vocation or that.

The device of the changing panorama is designed to test a man’s fitness

to be a motorman on an electric street car. Worked out under the

direction of Prof. Hugo Munsterberg,[5] it is calculated to discover

powers of attention, discrimination and adjustment with respect to

rapidly moving objects, some going at different rates of speed parallel

to the line of vision, others crossing it from side to side. While

Professor Munsterberg undertook to transplant the activity of the

motorman into laboratory processes, he did not try to reproduce a

miniature of the exact conditions under which the motorman works. As the

crank is turned, a series of cards slips by under a glass plate, each

card having two heavy lines down its center to represent a street car

track. Along the sides of this track, between it and the curbstone at

the edge of the card, are scattered various digits which have

arbitrarily fixed movements, like the pieces on a chess board, though

not so complex. The job of the person being tested is to pick out, as

the cards slip by, the precise points on the track which are threatened

by the moveable digits in the street. Some of these numbers represent

pedestrians, some horses and some automobiles.

Footnote 5:

Psychology and Industrial Efficiency, by Hugo Munsterberg. Houghton,

Mifflin Co. 320 pp. Price $1.50: by mail of THE SURVEY $1.62.

Tried motormen, says Professor Munsterberg, agree that they really pass

through this experiment with the feeling they have on the car. Though

the test is not regarded as yet perfected, its results are thought to be

fairly satisfactory when compared with actual efficiency in service.

Efficiency, in this connection, means chiefly ability to avoid

accidents. Some electric railroad companies have as many as 50,000

accident indemnity cases per year which involve an expense amounting in

some instances to 13 per cent of the annual gross earnings. Professor

Munsterberg believes that it may be quite advantageous later on to

subject applicants for the position of motorman to tests based on the

principle involved in the one here described. Even in this inadequate

form, he thinks, the test would be sufficient to exclude perhaps

one-fourth of those who are nowadays accepted for service.

In a public address recently Leonard P. Ayres, director of the Division

of Education of the Russell Sage Foundation, brought together all the

psychological tests in vocational guidance which, so far as he has been

able to discover, are being used in any completed form. Besides the

simpler tests for vision, hearing and color discrimination to which

pilots, ship officers and railroad employes are usually subjected, there

are only three, he said, which have for their object the more difficult

task of selecting from among all the applicants those best fitted to

perform the work. One of these is Professor Munsterberg’s test for

motormen.

Another is a test used in a bicycle ball factory, where girls inspect

the small polished steel balls for flaws by rolling them over and over

on one hand with the fingers of the other and examining them under a

strong light. S. E. Thompson, the employer, soon recognized that the

quality most necessary in the girls, besides endurance and industry, was

a quick power of perception accompanied by quick responsive action. He

therefore subjected his girls to the laboratory test which measures in

thousandths of a second the time needed to react on an impression with

the quickest possible movement. The final outcome was that thirty-five

girls did the work formerly done by 120; the accuracy of the work was

increased by 66 per cent; the wages of the girls were doubled; the

working day decreased from 10½ to 8½ hours; and the profits of the

factory were increased.

The third example which Mr. Ayres found of the application of

psychological tests to the selection of employes in industry is a series

of tests for telephone operators. These also were conducted by Professor

Munsterberg at Harvard. The American Telephone and Telegraph Company

employs 23,000 operators. Applicants for positions are given a

preliminary training of three months in the company’s schools. During

this time they receive salaries. So many eventually prove unfitted for

the work that more than a third leave within six months. Not only does

this involve financial loss to the company but it is a heavy handicap to

young girls who are trying to fit successfully into the industrial life

of the day.

The object of the tests was to develop methods whereby the unfit girls

could be eliminated before instead of after entering the service. The

girls were examined with reference to memory, attention, general

intelligence, space perception, rapidity of movement, accuracy of

movement, and association. The results showed in general that those who

came out best in the tests were most efficient in practical service,

while those who stood at the foot of the list failed later and left the

company’s employ.

“It seems fair to conclude,” says Mr. Ayres, “that when such tests are

perfected, short examinations of a few minutes each will prevent

thousands of applicants from wasting months of study and training in

preparing for a vocation in which they cannot succeed.”

While these three tests have been used only on actual applicants for

positions, a fourth test has been applied to beginning students in

stenography and typewriting to determine which ones possess the

abilities likely to bring success. This has been worked out under the

direction of Prof. James E. Lough of New York University and consists

chiefly of putting the subject through slight movements with a view to

measuring his ability in habit formation.

In addition to actual tests Mr. Ayres found that experimentation is

going on with regard to other occupations. Munsterberg is experimenting

on tests for marine officers. Ricker of Harvard has constructed

apparatus for testing chauffeurs. Whipple of Cornell has done some work

with tests for motormen. Seashore of Iowa has published a careful study

of tests of the ability of a singer. So far as is known, no work in this

field is being done in Europe.

By the extension and amplification of such means as these Professor

Munsterberg deems it not at all unlikely that we may some day have a

real science of vocational guidance. That there is need for a far more

adequate way of linking up young people to their work in life he has no

doubt. “Society relies instinctively,” he says, “on the hope that the

natural wishes and interests will push every one to the place for which

his dispositions, talents and psychophysical gifts prepare him.” But

this confidence he regards as unfounded. To quote further:

“In the first place, young people know very little about themselves

and their abilities. When the day comes on which they discover their

real strong points and their weaknesses, it is often too late. They

have usually been drawn into the current of a particular vocation, and

have given too much energy to the preparation for a specific

achievement to change the whole life-plan once more. The entire scheme

of education gives to the individual little chance to find himself. A

mere interest for one or another subject is influenced by many

accidental circumstances, by the personality of the teacher or the

methods of instruction, by suggestions of the surroundings and by home

traditions, and accordingly even such a preference gives rather a

slight final indication of the individual qualities.”

On the other hand, Professor Munsterberg recognizes that a valuable

start toward enabling young people to make wiser selection of their work

has been made by the agencies for vocational guidance already existing

in Boston and elsewhere. But he says that most counselors engaged in

studying the qualities of boys and girls about to enter industry seem to

“feel instinctively that the core of the whole matter lies in the

psychological examination,” and that for this they must wait until the

laboratories can furnish them with really reliable means and schemes.

They may then, he thinks, become the appropriate agencies for applying

the methods of psychology. He instances the long list of questions which

the late Professor Parsons, usually referred to as the father of

vocational guidance, employed with the idea of finding out something

definite about the mental traits of young people. Replies to questions

of this kind says Professor Munsterberg,

“can be of psychological value only when the questioner knows

beforehand the mind of the youth, and can accordingly judge with what

degree of understanding, sincerity, and ability the circular blanks

have been filled out. But as the questions are put for the very

purpose of revealing the personality, the entire effort tends to move

in a circle.”

Of course Professor Munsterberg does not undertake to pass judgment on

the social desirability of vocational guidance of any sort. That, he

declares, is not the business of the psychologist. His concern is with

means solely, not with ends. If the laboratory develops a way of telling

who are fit for stenography and who are not, that does not mean that all

the fit should be urged to become stenographers. The vocation may be

overcrowded. Again, if a test be devised for discovering what qualities

are essential to the successful operative in a particular industry, it

does not follow that all who want to enter that industry and have the

needed qualities should be advised to do so. Conditions as to health,

wages, hours, and a score of other things may suggest that another trade

ought to be chosen. So that vocational guidance, if it shall ever be a

closed and perfected system, will yet demand the supplementary services

of the labor investigator, the sanitary expert, the industrial

technician and whoever else can contribute to any phase of the problem

of why this calling should be followed instead of that.

The Survey, Volume 30, Number 3, Apr 19, 1913 · 第 18 / 81 题