MAGYAR PROPAGANDA
From the moment when Hungary realised that her defeat in the field
would result in the loss of the territory populated by what the
Magyars termed the subject races, she devoted all her energies towards
regaining them by the use of the more subtle weapons of propaganda. The
analysis of a propaganda campaign is always extremely difficult, unless
the strategic scheme of those directing it is known. The tactics of
propaganda can usually be unmasked, but the true motives which inspire
those tactics are frequently difficult of discernment. Propaganda in
the modern sense means the influence of opinion by the dissemination
of some particular idea or theory. It is based upon the psychological
fact that people upon whom a point of view is perpetually impressed
will in time insensibly adopt it as their own. If this point of view is
skilfully presented, it is unlikely that the general public will see
any motive behind it. Further, unless the point of view concerns some
set of conditions with which the particular section of the public it is
desired to convince is remarkably familiar, the arguments adduced in
favour of it need not necessarily be founded on the strictest fact.
The Magyars, taught by their German allies, became during the War
adepts at the gentle art of clothing fancies with the convincing
garments of fact, and as soon as their nation decided to take up
the weapons of propaganda they had no difficulty in finding the men
to wield them. But even so their methods displayed a certain native
clumsiness, which makes it possible to counter their strokes by the
only really convincing method. To attempt to refute propaganda point
by point is a wearisome task, and one which often plays into the
adversary’s hand, by giving him opportunities of reply. The surest
method of making it harmless is to expose the object of the propaganda
and the sources whence it rises. I shall not attempt to deal with
Magyar propaganda except by the quotation of the Magyars themselves,
with an occasional commentary where necessary to explain them.
The ratification of the Treaty of Trianon compelled the Magyar
propagandists to assume a veil of secrecy, and to disguise official
propaganda under the guise of the operations of unofficial bodies.
Of these bodies the “League for the Defence of Hungary’s Integrity”
has taken the lead and has absorbed many of its smaller competitors.
The General Secretary of this League is Dr. Alexander Krisztics, a
Professor at the University of Budapest. On January 23, 1921, at the
General Assembly of the League, he made a report, from which may be
extracted the following passages:--
“We have carried out a task worthy of Sisyphus. In January 1920 I
accompanied the Hungarian Peace Delegation, inciting them not to dare
to cede even a jot of our ancestral rights. The same demand was shouted
to them by the people at every station on the way. We used this means
of strengthening the morale of the delegation in this direction. In
the report of the delegation, however, passages have been observed
which indicate that they had consented to bargaining. But even these
have failed to soften the hearts of the Entente Ministers. They have
returned with the most intolerable conditions. We have done everything
in our power to ensure that the protest of the nation should be as
weighty as possible. We held a whole series of meetings for the purpose
of protesting against these conditions, in Budapest as well as in the
country, ending up with enormous processions and scientific lectures.
Our protests found an echo even in the foreign Press. In vain. Not even
at the second attempt has the delegation been able to bring back more
advantageous conditions. Consequently we began an agitation against
the signature of the Treaty, exploiting absolutely everything. But we
could not even prevent this. We hoped from the assurances we received
that the ratification would not be carried out. We then expected
that the Magyar Sisyphus would finally complete his task, pushing
his heavy burden to its goal and thus ridding himself of it. But
again we were disappointed. We failed to obtain even the postponement
of the ratification of the Peace. We therefore shoulder our burden
once again. Now we fight for the revision of the Treaty, and prepare
ourselves for new and great national efforts, hoping to be victorious
in this new attempt. The faith is the old one. It is invincible, being
an eternal source of power for our future happiness. If we had all
united in the service of the Fatherland instead of admitting discord,
we should have obtained palpable results to show for our efforts to
regain our integrity. Sisyphus himself often loses his strength through
this discord and busies himself with too many difficult problems,
when indeed he has but one problem to solve, namely, the regaining of
territorial integrity, which is all important and without which no
other problem can be solved.
“Until we solve the problem of territorial integrity none of our
internal problems can be seriously and satisfactorily solved.”
“In the month of August Mr. Galocsi held a series of conferences
on the question of nationalities with the leaders of the aforesaid
nationalities. The minutes of these meetings remain eternal documents
from which one can ascertain that the nationalities themselves _do not
desire more than what is granted by Article No. 44 of the law of 1868_.
It remains to be seen whether these delegates have acted according to
their statements made at the conferences or not.
“We have done all that is possible to maintain a favourable spirit
for the internal propaganda. In 1920 we held 85 big meetings combined
with concerts and lectures, and 280 popular meetings; and we have
distributed 34 different pamphlets, 58 different placards, 71 different
letters, and 8 kinds of propaganda stamps.
“The provincial Press, which has not appeared for a considerable time,
has resumed work, and its newly organised Press section under the
leadership of Dr. Okolicsany Laslo has worked with admirable results.
During two months 250 articles issued by our Press section have
appeared in the provincial Press, all serving the cause of integrity.
“In Western Hungary we have distributed 6 different pamphlets, 9
different German manifestoes (loose leaves), the paper _Westungarische
Briefe_, and a German calendar.
“For the occupied territories we have settled the methods for placing
at the disposal of the various nationalities our pamphlets in their
respective languages. We have made every effort in this direction to
promote the movement and to give help to the branch league and to the
refugee municipal council. The refugee municipal councils are already
official organs, according to a ministerial order by which the refugee
officials must present themselves to the respective municipal councils
for the verification of their offices.”
“Propaganda abroad has met with great success, both in connection with
the Peace Delegation and otherwise, with the result that European
public opinion is acquainted with our grievance and sees that the
Hungarian question is an open wound in the body of Europe. We have
succeeded in creating the Hungarian question, and it is the duty of
the League to keep it on the surface of European politics until it is
solved in our favour. This is the basis of propaganda abroad.
“Up to the present we have distributed 28 different pamphlets in the
English language, 17 in French, 8 in Italian. The number of pamphlets
in these languages amounts to 300,000; if these distributed by other
organisations all over the world be included, the amount is 400,000.
“We have also sent 25,000 copies of our review, _The Hungarian Nation_.
Of the political-economic map of Hungary, worked out by Feodor Ferentz,
with German, English, French, Italian and Magyar text, 10,000 copies
have been distributed abroad with excellent results.
“Among our more important publications we have the English _East
European Problems_, of which ten numbers have appeared up to the
present; of the _Questions de l’Europe Orientale_ six numbers have
appeared. The pamphlet dealing with the refutation of the allegations
made with regard to the White Terror in Hungary we have published in
English as _Reports of the White Terror in Hungary_ in greater numbers
than usual.
“During 1920 we have sent abroad 250 parcels containing our books,
reviews and pamphlets to the most prominent statesmen and institutions.
“For the distribution of our material abroad we have established close
connections with important bookstalls in London, New York, Paris,
Berne, Geneva and Milan. _As our publications were not bought by the
public, we have directed the booksellers to distribute them gratis to
the customers._”
“The relations we have had with foreigners who have visited our
country have had splendid results, thus, as a result of our influence
a book appeared from the pen of Mme. Hedvig Latter Correvoh, the Swiss
journalist, and Dr. John Polterra, Deputy of the canton of Zurich.
Similarly, two articles by the American journalist, Kenneth Roberts,
have been published in the _Saturday Evening Post_, which has a
circulation of three million copies, one article on the division of
Hungary and the other on Northern Hungary. The former is very strong,
and our illustrations were published with it, with the result that the
article and illustrations together filled a whole page of the paper.
“We have sent commissioners abroad for the service of propaganda, of
whom Dr. Varosy Karoly achieved great success in Switzerland, making
proposals regarding our cause even to the President of the League of
Nations, and founding the Magyar League in that country. Our emissary
to Italy has personally discussed the matter with the Pope of Rome and
the high dignitaries of the Holy See.
“The activity of a member of the Reformed Church, Magyerosi, has been
very marked in Holland. He held 26 lectures on Hungary in 24 towns, as
well as two matinées, which were attended by the highest aristocracy
of the country. He also informed us that Western public opinion is
beginning to appreciate the machinations of the Rumanians, Czechs,
Serbs, etc., and that nobody has any faith in the consolidation of
those States.”
“We have received six foreign journalists, to whom we have given
information, and have also shown them the impossible frontier. In Berne
we have arranged an exhibition of our maps and pamphlets, by which we
have demonstrated the impossibility of dividing Hungary. The exhibition
was a great success.
“Abroad we have up to the present 34 emissaries in 30 large cities who
work zealously for us, not only Magyars but also foreigners, drawn from
the ranks of those who have visited our country, and whom we have won
to our cause.
“The information in the foreign Press is conveyed both directly to the
newspaper offices and indirectly through our bureaus and agents. In
1920 we have employed six such agents and we are negotiating with six
others.
“We send our news direct to 182 English and American papers every
week through our Press service. In these communications we show the
impossible internal situation of the States which have taken possession
of our territory, the atrocities committed on our territories,
expounding at the same time the unanimous wish of the population of
those territories for the old Unitary Hungary, and insisting on the
revision of the Peace Treaty. All this appears as informatory news.
“We have close connections with 18 daily papers abroad, which publish
without any modification the matter given them by us, as, for instance,
the American review, _The Commentator_. Our emissaries and agents
receive from us articles and information to be sent to the Press of the
locality in which they work, which device has given splendid results.
We have registered 15,000 addresses to which we regularly send all our
printed matter.”
“Our action for the revision of the Treaty has the support of 53
deputies, with Dr. Karafiath Jeno at their head, who further our
efforts in every direction.
“Our programme for the future comprises the improvement and the
completion of the foreign services, particularly of the Press service,
by sending information to the Press of the world in its various
languages. We shall publish pamphlets in all languages to advocate our
aims and shall distribute them universally.
“We particularly wish to send a considerable stock of books to our
Hungarian brokers in America, and we shall do everything within
our power to provide literary books for our agents in the occupied
territories. The stock of correspondence we propose to use entirely for
the strengthening of the militarist spirit.
“In the above we have the honour of presenting to you the report for
the year 1920.”
There are one or two points in the above report which may require
some elucidation. Mr. Galocsi, in his much vaunted conferences with
the leaders of the nationalities, took care to get in touch only with
those few malcontents whose private concerns would have shown more
profit under the corrupt Magyar rule. “Article 44 of the year 1868”
is the infamous Law of Nationalities. It is quite credible that the
nationalities desired no more than was included in its provisions. But,
as we have already shown, these provisions were never put into force
under Magyar administration.
The reference to “refugee officials” in the occupied territories, by
which term the new States are referred to throughout, is perhaps a
trifle obscure. It must be remembered that when Slovakia and the other
transferred territories were part of Hungary, they were ruled by a
swarm of local officials, all of them Magyar or of assured Magyar
sympathies. These officials in many cases used the extreme toleration
with which they were treated by the administration of the new States,
most of them being continued in their posts, but with widely different
orders as to their duties, to intrigue against their new masters.
Their actions were repeatedly overlooked, but in extreme cases it was
necessary to expel certain of them from the new States. Even those
who remained were approached by the Hungarian authorities, especially
by the officials of the Ministry of Nationalities, in order that they
might be used as agents for hostile propaganda to the States to whom
they had taken the oath of allegiance.
The admission of the report that the League had created the Hungarian
question is interesting. The implication is that there would be no such
question in the mind of the world but for its agitation, which is very
near the truth.
The Press service of the League deserves further description. It
consists of a printed slip, headed “East European Press Service.
Published by Alexander L. Krisztics, LL.D. Editorial Office: Budapest
IV, 1 Maria Valeria Street.” A typical issue contains a report of
a visit paid by a deputation of American and English Unitarians to
Transylvania, and of the devastating conclusions reached by it; three
other items whose contents may be gathered from their headings, “The
National Minorities excluded from the Rumanian Parliament” (dated
from Bucharest), “North Hungary a Second Siberia” (dated from Prague,
and apparently designating Slovakia as North Hungary), and “Czech
Opposition and the Hapsburgs” (also dated from Prague), and a paragraph
headed “Polygamy and Free Love in Bohemia” (dated from Prague), which
contains an entirely fictitious account of the introduction of a law
in favour of polygamy into the Czechoslovak Parliament! Professor
Krisztics’ estimate of the gullibility of the English-speaking Press
appears to require revision. It is amusing to note that this farrago of
nonsense is inscribed “Subscription Price: annually £1 or $5.” But as
a matter of fact it shares the fate of the doctor’s other propaganda
material, of which he reports so pathetically that it had to be
distributed gratuitously for lack of purchasers.
The League and its associates had made every endeavour during the year
covered by the above report to arouse dissension in Slovakia against
the Czechoslovak Republic. During the first period of their union
with the Czechs a fraction of the Slovaks were inclined to look with
searching eyes into every move of the new State. They had suffered
for so long under Magyar domination that they were unaccustomed to
honest dealing on the part of the Government responsible for their
well-being, and were consequently on the look out lest the Czech
administration should adopt the traditions of the Magyars. The
existence of this vague feeling was at once seized upon by the Magyars
as the basis of subversive propaganda in Slovakia, and the energies
of the propagandists were directed to fanning it into open revolt. It
is hardly necessary to say that they failed entirely, and that at the
present day the Slovaks are as loyal to the Republic as the Czechs
themselves. But the methods of Magyar propaganda are none the less
instructive, and form a useful illustration of their methods in other
directions.
The object of the propaganda during 1920 was twofold; the overthrow of
the Czechoslovak Republic and the restoration of the Monarchy. Its
headquarters were at Vienna, and its chiefs were Gustav Gratz,[46]
the Magyar Envoy, and Arpad Reich, who dealt with the Press under his
instructions. Gratz and Reich looked to Budapest for general guidance
in their campaign. In Vienna Reich had a special committee for carrying
on propaganda in Czechoslovakia. The head of this committee was Leopold
Mandl,[47] who was on the staff of the _Neues Wiener Journal_, and
one of its members was a former People’s Commissary for Slovakia
of the Magyar Soviet Republic. The committee maintained paid spies
in Czechoslovakia, among whom were Koloman Tobler, a member of the
Czechoslovak Chamber, who contrived to supply Gratz with papers stolen
from the Czechoslovak Foreign Office, and a captain in the Czechoslovak
Army of the name of Schenschich. At Budapest the head of the whole
organisation was Tibor Eckart.
In July 1920 Reich sent the following report to the Hungarian Minister
for Racial Minorities and to Eckart. The report is marked “Strictly
Confidential.”
“As a result of numerous discussions and negotiations with regard to
the irredentist movement in Upper Hungary, an irredentist association
and various irredentist committees have been founded.
“Our confidential agents who were dispatched to the occupied territory
arranged the necessary meetings, organised the movement, allotted the
individual activities, and also managed the material side of the
matter. To-day practically every village is represented. The Upper
Territory is divided into four areas, each of which is managed by a
special committee. Ruthenia forms a special area whose committee works
in complete independence and submits its reports to the main committee
in Vienna. It has its own Press and working funds, its printing is
managed in Budapest, and its news service in Vienna.
“The following four towns are suggested as the headquarters of these
four committees: (1) Bratislava, (2) Kosice, (3) Banska Bystrice, (4)
Nove Zamky (or some other town).
“Connection with Bohemia is much easier from Vienna, where we have
excellent printing arrangements and an extensive network of espionage.
“Important services are being rendered to us by the well-known editor
Mandl, whose articles in the Viennese Press pursuing anti-Czech
tendencies have considerable influence and are quoted abroad.
“The objects of the committee are partly of a political, partly of
a military character. The military affairs and the organisation of
troops are managed by high military authorities who are co-opted on the
committee, and they are having excellent results. I will refer to this
activity again later.
“The individual committees are in mutual connection, but one is not
subordinated to the other. The Czechs have an extensive espionage which
works well.
“As the population in Slovakia is very devout, it is necessary that
every priest, as far as he is not known as a pronounced friend of the
Czechs, should be won over for the movement.
“Besides the priests, the persons of chief importance to us are the
teachers and lawyers. The destinies of the people are in the hands of
these intellectuals, and it is therefore upon them and not upon the
people that our main effort should be concentrated.
“The harvesters, who were last year obtained from the occupied
territory in numbers much greater than were needed for performing
harvest operations for the Hungarian estate owners, were chosen so that
they should bring irredentist ideas back home with them, disseminate
them, and at the given moment put them into practice.
“The preparations for winning over and using the Press are already
completed with good results. With few exceptions the papers are
practically all in good hands.
“On account of the liberty of the Press, no changes were carried out
among the editorial staffs; the old guard is in its place and is
entirely on our side. There are only a few insignificant exceptions
which are not worth referring to. It is a matter of absolute
indifference whether the papers pursue white or red tendencies, whether
they are Jewish or Christian, whether they follow national or class
interests. The only thing that matters is whether they are in favour
of Magyar tendencies or whether they are convinced adherents of the
Czechoslovak State.
“The French are well aware that the present conditions in Central
Europe cannot last, and that there must be a complete restoration of
the former state of affairs. The French[48] will not hinder this,
although if necessary they will apparently oppose it, while actually
agreeing with us and giving us their support. The French feel the same
need as we do, and are convinced that the Czech State is incapable
of continued existence. It is, of course, well known that there are
politicians in France who pursue a different policy, but they will
become weaker and weaker, and only those whom we need will remain in
power.
“A number of papers at Bratislava are for sale. We have already begun
negotiations.
“A number of important officers in the present Czech Army are in
connection with us, and so we can obtain prompt information of every
military activity. As a result of their former military training these
officers have remained our brothers and regarded themselves as officers
of the Monarchy and not of the Czech State.
“We are acquainted with military secrets which alone would justify our
faith in our ultimate success.
“It is of special advantage to us that we have our representatives in
the Slovak Ministry, who are better able to manage this organisation
and keep us informed of everything.
“Steps have been taken so that Slovak troops will refuse to serve in
Czech districts, and this will lead to a slackening of discipline and
help to bring the army on our side at the necessary moment.
“The officers who were selected for the most important positions, and
who are now serving as Czech officers, are doing excellent work.
“Our plans have been sanctioned by the French,[49] and their
representatives are already on their way to Budapest, where they will
negotiate with the politicians.
“In any case the return of Kosice and Bratislava can be regarded
as settled, but the Magyar politicians, with the help of military
pressure, will demand a complete capitulation. Strategic plans with
regard to Upper Hungary are ready, and are on such a large scale as to
make the use of artillery unnecessary.
“Through the pressure of the French politicians we shall be obliged
to enter into an alliance with Rumania. Rumania will demand strong
guarantees, but we shall do the same. The French politicians and
military leaders have undertaken to negotiate this friendship, which is
really due to the visit of the Queen of Rumania to Paris. The King of
Rumania is said to be using his influence to bring about a union with
us against his allies. The Rumanians would have no objection to the
return of the Hapsburgs, for the King of Rumania personally sympathises
with King Karl.
“The Czechs certainly know about this affair, and also in Austria they
are to some extent aware of it; Renner is already preparing his counter
measures. There is great excitement behind the scenes among the Czechs,
and the Czech Embassy continually appeals to Paris, whence it receives
courteous but evasive answers. We know for certain that the Austrians
are negotiating with Renner as intermediary, and that before very long
an open union will be reached between Prague and Belgrade for defence
and resistance in common. But this alliance need not cause us any
alarm, as after the elections in Austria there will inevitably be a
change.
“In Upper Hungary the lion’s share of the work has been performed
by estate owners and the Magyar nobility. It is a fortunate thing
that they are Slovak subjects, and therefore not easily amenable to
political control.”
There is little need for comment on the above report. I prefer to let
it stand in its naked audacity.
The method by which Gratz and Reich endeavoured to influence their
compatriots is indicated by the following document. It is a slip
handed to Magyar subjects applying at the Hungarian Embassy for
passports to enter Czechoslovakia.
“HUNGARIAN EMBASSY AT VIENNA.
“Travellers proceeding to Upper Hungary are to do everything to
intensify the opposition to the Czechs which prevails among the
people, and should avoid anything that might harm the Magyar cause.
Every Magyar who proceeds to Upper Hungary should regard himself as
an envoy of the Magyar national interests, whose moral duty it is by
every word he utters to aim at strengthening the trust and confidence
in the future of Hungary among the inhabitants of the occupied
territory.
“Travellers should speak about such matters which, being duly
circulated, can do harm to the authority of the Czechs. Such are, the
‘Freedom from Russia’ movement among the Czech clergy. Bolshevism
is developing in Bohemia, and with it is associated the persecution
of Christians. The Czech industries are robbing the Slovaks. The
prices of industrial products are not fixed, while the prices of
agricultural products are. Food supplies are being taken from the
people, and the trains which transport them to Prague start off at
night. All these misfortunes are due to the fact that the Slovaks
have seceded from the Crown of St. Stephen. All the Jews have escaped
to Slovakia, where they are safe because the Czechs are their
abettors. The Slovak language is being suppressed, and even the
taxation records are written in incomprehensible Czech. The economic
and financial conditions are desperate, Czechoslovakia having in one
year contracted debts to the amount of 5,000 million. Misery and
distress will last until the territories of Hungary are again united;
it was God Himself who created them as a unity, marking them off by
a huge chain of mountains. The rivers, too, do not flow to Prague,
but to the Hungarian plains. The Czechoslovak State is an unnatural
product. He who is in favour of this product is also in favour of the
starvation and suffering of the people. Let each one choose where he
wishes to belong, either to Christian Hungary which gives and assures
full liberty to all its citizens, in order that the hardships of the
past may not return, or to the Czechs, who are oppressing the Slovaks
in economic matters, in religion and language, are starving them, and
desire to reduce the Slovak nation to beggary.
“Travellers must avoid anything that might place Hungary in a bad
light. Whatever is imperfect and burdensome there must be depicted
with the forbearance of children who do not declare their parents’
weaknesses to the whole world. Above all, comparisons of Hungarian
conditions with those in the territories occupied by the Czechs must
be avoided, in order that it may not seem as if the latter were
better; this would be nothing less than betrayal of our country.
If, nevertheless, anything unfavourable must be mentioned, it must
be modified and depicted as the result of circumstances during a
period of transition. Among all reliable people it must be emphasised
that justice must prevail and that soon, since the Czechs cannot
maintain themselves in their State, which is an economic and
geographical impossibility, against nations which are numerically
stronger and are inimically disposed. It is absolutely impossible
that military occupation of Slovakia should continue for long,
and the Entente will not protect this State which is incapable of
permanent and independent existence. The feeling of the Entente is
beginning to turn away from the Czechs and to incline towards the
Magyars, it being no longer possible to-day to govern according to
Wilson’s principles. Our best friends in the Entente are to be found
principally among the English, the Americans and the Japanese, and
if our rights did not fully prevail immediately on the conclusion of
Peace, this was only due to the fact that the Entente was obliged
for the sake of its honor to fulfill the undertakings it had made.
These commitments, however, will lapse with the conclusion of the
final Peace terms. The League of Nations, which is being founded by
England and America, will be composed of reasonable elements who will
respect national wishes. It is obvious that in the future the Entente
will adopt the attitude that the natural course of events must not be
hindered and that European peace must not be menaced by the retention
of unnatural conditions. Hence it depends entirely upon the probity
and perseverance of the Magyars whether our rights will prevail. A
very large number of utterances abroad indicate the sympathies which
Hungary has gained by crushing the hydra of Bolshevism, and, in spite
of unfavorable conditions, bringing about order and creating a strong
army within a short time.
“The Poles are supporting us most eagerly, and they desire to have
common frontiers with Hungary, since otherwise they also would be
surrounded by hostile nations. In all the occupied territories a
feeling of moderation is beginning to show itself, even among that
part of the population which at first was opposed to us, because it
now realizes that separation from Hungary is unfavorable even from
its point of view. The greatest dissatisfaction prevails in Slovakia,
where we are informed that the great majority of the inhabitants
desires to break away from the Czechs and return to the old Hungarian
State.
“Travellers to Slovakia who are stopping in Budapest should pay
a visit to the headquarters of the Upper Hungarian League, or
should go to the Information Bureau, where they will obtain printed
matter indicating the kind of information required by the League.
If, however, they cannot proceed to Budapest, they should bring a
reliable and accurate reply to the following questions: (1) feeling
among the people; (2) coercion on the part of the Czechs; (3)
strength of the Czech and Slovak troops in various places and the
feeling among them; (4) official measures taken by the Czechs; (5)
any signs of unrest or typical utterances; (6) what circumstances,
events and opinions are, according to their experiences, favourable
to Hungarian policy in the occupied territories, and what
arrangements, measures or actions should be adopted.
“Reports or information should be brought or else sent in writing
to the headquarters of the League. Persons wishing to work in other
ways for the League should make personal application. In conclusion,
it should once again be emphasised that all pessimistic feeling does
harm to our cause, and it is therefore the patriotic duty of every
traveller to Slovakia to strengthen confidence in our future by all
his actions.
“BUDAPEST, _December 20, 1919_.”
It is necessary to make one or two comments upon the above in order
that it may be fully understood. In the first place the reference
to “incomprehensible Czech” demands some mention of the question of
language in the Czechoslovak Republic. The Magyar propagandists have
made great capital out of the allegation that the Czechs have enforced
the use of their language throughout the Republic, to the exclusion
of Slovak. As a matter of fact, the languages are almost identical.
Without entering into a discussion as to their theoretical differences,
I shall content myself by quoting the experience of Mr. Crawfurd Price,
whose personal acquaintance with Central Europe makes him a reliable
and impartial witness. “My own plan,” he says, “consisted of taking a
Czech who had never been to Slovakia and never studied the so-called
Slovak language, and using him as an interpreter among the peasants
in the remote districts of the country. I found that neither party
experienced the least difficulty in understanding the other, and I was
led to the conviction that Czech and Slovak are merely dialects of one
and the same language, with less essential difference between them than
exists say, between London and Lancashire.”[50]
The document itself contains an implication which is alone sufficient
to demolish the whole structure which Magyar propaganda strives so
laboriously to build up. Magyars are not to discuss conditions in
Hungary on Czechoslovakian soil, lest the obvious superiority of the
institutions of the latter should become too apparent. To admit this
“would be nothing less than betrayal of our country!”
Recently the _League for the Defence of Hungary’s Integrity_ has formed
the _Magyar National Union_ as a purely propagandist organisation.
The Union issues propagandist and irredentist pamphlets, postcards,
stamps, posters, poems and songs, which are offered for sale at various
celebrations, in schools, offices, shops, banks and elsewhere. The
proceeds of these sales are extremely profitable to the Union, as
rich Jews and others are coerced into paying ridiculous prices for
the goods offered them. The Union also acquires funds from public
collections and more or less voluntary contributions. For instance,
even small communities such as Szeghalom and Veszto have contributed
100,000 crowns each for the furtherance of the irredentist movement.
Among the foremost workers on behalf of the Union are to be found
Ivan Rakovszky, the Minister of the Interior, Dr. Eugen Karafiath,
State Secretary, Julius Gömbös, the leading light of the __M.O.V.E.,
Baron Lers, Count Gedeon Raday, Baron Albert Kaas, who is in charge of
propaganda on the Ruthenian frontier, and many others.
With the co-operation of the _Union of University Students_ (Mefhosz)
the Union sends a selected student to England, usually Oxford.
It was at this university that the Oxford League for Hungarian
Self-determination was founded. The expenses incurred in sending these
students are defrayed by public subscription, or in some cases the
students are sent at the expense of individual municipalities.
The Union is assisted in its work by the Pedagogic Museum, the Director
of which, Ministerial Councillor Alexander Hadasi, requested English
publishers to use the Magyar names of places in books issued by them.
The Union numbers about half a million members, and its motto is _nem,
nem, soha_ (no, no, never), which it declares to be the unanimous reply
of the Hungarian Nation to the frontiers imposed upon it by the Treaty
of Trianon. A special Irredentist Banner of the Union is preserved
by the main altar in the Basilica at Budapest. With the Union are
associated the various other irredentist organisations, mostly formed
by the so-called “refugees” from the neighbouring States. A special
Union has been formed for Slovakia, Transylvania and the Banat, with
branches for such areas as Spis and Bratislava. In these organisations
the former departmental officials represent the separate local areas as
though these were still in the Hungarian State. The Magyar Government,
wisely apprehensive of the criticism of the League of Nations and
foreign countries, leaves the direction of political propaganda to
private persons, restricting its own participation to the suggestion of
general tendencies and to providing pecuniary assistance.
The Government attaches far greater importance to what is termed
cultural propaganda. This emanates from the Ministry of Education,
and is directed by State Secretary Julius Pekar. This type of
propaganda is also indulged in by the Magyar Foreign Society, which is
presided over by Dr. Albert Berzeviczy and Count Apponyi. Besides the
activities of the Mefhosz already mentioned, this society organises
travelling scholarships and local student societies on the German
model. These organisations are pledged to keep alive the agitation for
the restoration of Hungary to her former boundaries. They are wholly
militarist in their spirit and activities.
An expressly irredentist propaganda is carried on by the political
party known as the Honvedelmi Part (Party for the Protection of the
Country), which originated from the Union of Protective Leagues
formed on the territory of Hungary’s neighbours. The President of the
Party is the former deputy Nandor Urmanczy, and Slovak affairs are
supervised by F. Persay, a former Vice-Governor, Oliver Eottevenyi,
a former Governor, Dr. Galocsy, Zikmund Strobl, and others. The
leading workers include a former State Secretary, Gustav Ilosvay, the
poetess Papp-Vary, Koloman Kovacs, the chief Pastor in the Basilica
and guardian of the Irredentist Banner, and many other well-known
Hungarians. During the elections of 1922 this party was extremely
active in the areas with a Slovak majority, especially at Bekesska
Caba, and it applied considerable sums to the support of students from
the separated territories. It also issues leaflets and pamphlets of
an irredentist character, and advocates the forcible revision of the
Treaty of Trianon and the restoration of former Hungary. It arranges
competitions in which prizes are awarded for irredentist slogans,
poems, songs, etc. From time to time it issues a report to its members,
entitled _Magyar Irredenta_.
With the insight into the methods and aims of Magyar propaganda
afforded by the documents quoted above, the English-speaking reader
may be trusted to avoid the pitfalls spread before his feet by Magyar
guile. It is, even to-day, a safe maxim to regard all news or comment
favourable to Hungary or derogatory to the new States as being inspired
by the corps of Magyar propagandists, unless clear evidence exists of
its pure and unbiassed source. This may seem a sweeping statement,
but it is in conformity with experience. The pronouncements of Magyar
politicians, the contents of Magyar newspapers, the influences brought
to bear upon visitors to Hungary, the whole force of Magyar culture
are all at the service of the propagandists in order that Hungary, by
sowing dissension beyond her own borders, may establish a claim to the
restitution to her of the territories of the Crown of St. Stephen.
Before the War we were accustomed to regard Germany as the menace
to the peace of Europe. We may now with equal justification regard
Hungary, with her complete disregard of the truth, her unblushing
intrigue and her almost undisguised reactionary tendencies, as the bar
to the peaceful settlement of the problems which still exercise the
minds of the statesmen of Central Europe. And it is undeniable that a
menace to the peace of Central Europe is a menace to the peace of the
world.
FOOTNOTES:
[46] Gustav Gratz was an intimate adherent of the ex-Emperor Karl, and
is consequently a legitimist of the most earnest type. He was Minister
for Foreign Affairs and is a frequent contributor to the _Pester Lloyd_.
[47] Leopold Mandl is well known in Austria as one of the most venomous
and scurrilous opponents of Serbia and the Yugo-Slavs, a rôle he has
played since 1907 or so. Before the War he maintained close relations
with the Ballplatz and particularly Count Aerenthal.
[48] It should be explained, although Reich is careful not to do so,
that the attitude ascribed to “the French” was not that of the French
Government, but of certain groups in Paris.
[49] Here, too, it is necessary to repeat the comment contained in the
previous note.
[50] _Eastern Europe_, October-November, 1921.