PART I

[Illustration: THE LATE MARY L. ARMITT.

_Frontispiece._]

THE

CHURCH OF GRASMERE:

A HISTORY

BY M. L. ARMITT

(Author of _Ambleside Town and Chapel_)

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS BY MARGARET L. SUMNER

_Frontispiece from a portrait by Fred Yates_

Kendal:

Titus Wilson, Publisher

Highgate

1912

TITUS WILSON, PRINTER, KENDAL

CONTENTS

PART I.

PREFACE.

INTRODUCTORY.

THE DEDICATION OF THE CHURCH.

THE SITE.

PART II.

THE PARISH.

BOUNDARIES.

TOWNSHIPS.

LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE CHURCH.

THE EIGHTEEN.

PART III.

RECORDS.

PATRONS.

MONASTIC CONTROL.

THE CLERGY.

THE CIVIL WARS.

THE COMMONWEALTH.

PART IV.

THE FABRIC.

THE FURNITURE.

THE UP-KEEP OF THE CHURCH.

CLEANING AND REPAIRS.

EXTRACTS FROM CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS.

PART V.

LATER PARSONS OF GRASMERE.

CHAPEL AND CURATES OF AMBLESIDE AND LANGDALE.

SCHOOLS AND CLERKS.

CHURCH RATES.

NON-RATEPAYERS.

REGISTERS.

PRESENTMENTS, BRIEFS, AND CHARITIES.

THE RUSH-BEARING.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Miss Armitt (_frontispiece_), from a portrait by Fred Yates.

Exterior of St. Oswald's Church, Grasmere, from a photo, by

Green, by permission of G. P. Abraham, Keswick, to face

Part I.

Inscription on the Alms-box, p. 3.

Date on the Great Bell (Tenor), p. 20.

Map of Grasmere Parish, to face Part II.

From the Great Bell: Churchwardens' names (Hird), p. 23.

From the Great Bell: Churchwardens' names (Wilson. Rigg),

p. 39.

Structure of the Interior of St. Oswald's, Grasmere, p. 41.

From the Great Bell: Churchwardens' names (Mackereth). p. 45.

From the Great Bell: "Churchwardens," p. 93.

Font (from Table Book of W. Hone), copied by Miss S. Armitt, p. 95.

From the Great Bell: "Gloria in Altissimis Deo," p. 99.

Ancient Window in the South Wall. Outside View, p. 101.

Profile of Stone Head, p. 104.

Carved Stone Head, p. 105.

Date on Old Bench End, p. 108.

Old Bench End, p. 109.

Old Pitch Pipe, p. 119.

Old Altar, now used as a Credence Table, p. 127.

The le Fleming Arms on the Great and Middle Bells, p. 140.

Great Bell and Hammer, p. 142.

Iron Work on the Inner Door of the Porch, p. 146.

Hinges of the Outer Door of the Porch, p. 147.

Door Handle within the Porch, p. 147.

Old Collecting-plate with Handle, p. 150.

Plan of Grasmere Church, drawn by W. Buckton, to face Part V.

From the Great Bell: "Deo," p. 161.

Founder's Mark from the Middle Bell: "E. Seller, Ebor," p. 180.

From the Middle Bell: "Soli Deo Gloria," p. 188.

The Treble, or Little Bell, p. 203.

Recess in the Porch for Holy Water Stoup, p. 209.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

The History of Grasmere contained in this little volume was

nearly ready for the press when the author, who was working

on it to the very last, was taken away. For several years she

had been collecting material, leaving no stone unturned to get

at facts and records from the earliest times, and at last she

was arranging for its publication. Her modest estimate of the

value of her work made her often anxious, but her keen love of

investigating the antiquities of her neighbourhood and country

kept her always eager. To a kindred spirit nothing could be more

interesting than to visit with her some old hall or farm or

even a site which her historic knowledge could furnish with its

original buildings, and people with its old-world inhabitants.

What she most desired was to see for herself what she wished to

write about, or, if that were impossible, something similar which

still existed, and she had a genius for reconstructing, which

made her deductions and suggestions singularly valuable.

She was at no time strong, and for this reason her work was

perpetually liable to interruption, still her indomitable courage

and her endless patience enabled her to do wonders, and, though

never able to work for long together, bit by bit she got through

a great deal. How hard she worked and how carefully, no one

who reads her book, and sees the number of facts she has got

together, and notes the numerous references to books which she

had examined, can fail to perceive. Over and over again she

had to give in for a time, but her bright intelligence quickly

reasserted itself, and she was ready on most days to discuss the

subjects which for the time absorbed her. And this she did with

a delighted eagerness, and always with that humour which is the

salt of all conversation and companionship. On birds and their

habits she spoke with authority, and could always contribute much

valuable information obtained by personal observation. Generally

the first to hear and see the newly arrived summer migrants, and

able to distinguish the note of each, she thought no trouble too

great if it led to the chance of seeing some rare kind nesting in

the neighbourhood. Equally keenly would she follow up the threads

of some local history, for she had the true scientific spirit

and a genuine passion for archæology, so that by constant study

she had accumulated a surprising mass of information relating to

old historic Westmorland, and to Ambleside, Rydal and Grasmere

in particular. Of Ambleside she has already published a little

pamphlet, called _Ambleside Town and Chapel_. The present volume

is her completed work on Grasmere; and the History of Rydal, and

more especially of Rydal Hall, a more considerable work on which

she had been engaged for many years, has advanced so far that we

hope soon to see it published. Indeed some chapters of it have

already appeared in the columns of the _Westmorland Gazette_.

We had long ago arranged that I should help in seeing her work

through the press; and with her usual thoroughness and care, she

had got the present volume so far ready that my task has been but

a superficial one, accompanied throughout by the "one pure image

of regret" that she did not live to see, herself, the fruits of

her long labour.

W. F. RAWNSLEY.

THE CHURCH OF GRASMERE.

ERRATA.

Page 6, _for_ Galway _read_ Galloway.

" 19, _note_ 25 this pavement is not really old.

" 130, _for_ Lough _read_ Luff.

" 141, _Copia Pax Sapientia_. No Latin words are on this bell.

" 182, _note_ 182 _for_ Fox _read_ Cox.

" 191, _for_ Tremenhere _read_ Tremenheere, _and for_ Philipps _read_

Phillipps.

" 199, _for_ Swathmoor _read_ Swarthmoor.

" 208, _for_ customery _read_ customary, _and in note_, _for_ Brown

_read_ Browne.

[Illustration: ST. OSWALD'S CHURCH, GRASMERE.

_Photo. by Green, by permission of G. P. Abraham, Keswick._

TO FACE PART I.]

PART I

PREFACE

INTRODUCTORY

THE DEDICATION OF THE CHURCH

THE SITE

[Illustration: Inscription on the Alms Box]

PREFACE

Grasmere draws many pilgrims in these latter days. It has become

the Shrine of Nature and Poetry, for within its graveyard lies

buried nature's austerest and most sincere interpreter. The

natural beauty of the spot, combined with its associations,

has given rise to a copious literature; and its praises have

been rehearsed in poetry and prose of a high order. But by the

historian Grasmere has been neglected. Its geographical position

has tended to its eclipse. In ancient times locked up from the

world in the farthest chamber of the mountains, and still the

remotest parish of Westmorland (itself a neglected county),

it has missed the attention of the careful chronicler, and no

serious attempt has been made to penetrate its past. James Torre

(1649-1699) indeed in his MS. collections for a history of the

Archdeaconry of Richmondshire, compiled a list of five rectors

who had served the parish of Grasmere before the Reformation; but

no searcher has followed up his efforts. Nor has the excellent,

though necessarily limited, information given in the pages of

Nicolson and Burn (1770) been since filled up or supplemented.

The following historical sketch makes no pretensions to

completeness, which would be beyond both the writer's powers and

opportunities. It began as a small thing, a chapter merely in the

yet unfinished "Chronicles of Rydal." But there seemed a need for

the publication of such facts as had been gathered together; and

in response to an expressed desire, the sketch that had been laid

by was overhauled, expanded and prepared for press. It contains

(there is little doubt) some unsuspected errors and oversights,

for which the reader's leniency is asked.

The information has been collected from many sources, public,

private, and traditional. The earliest comes from the Record

Office, where there are treasures still to be explored. For

the seventeenth century--and particularly the period of the

Civil Wars--the MSS. at Rydal Hall have yielded facts of great

interest, especially those culled from the account-sheets of

Mr. Richard Harrison, who was agent and executor of Squire John

Fleming.

From all sources, however, the information obtained is

fragmentary, and facts are disappointingly isolated. Always there

is something beyond, that we want to know and cannot find out;

and so the story of the great Restoration Tithe Dispute has no

ending. The Presentments have been only available for a limited

number of years. The church registers are defective. Even the

church-wardens' accounts, which begin at the Restoration, are not

complete. It is fortunate, however, that the second volume of

these accounts, long missing, and strangely recovered from papers

found at the house of descendants of a former parish clerk, was

copied before it was again lost. There is a gap of seven years

between the third volume and this copy, owing no doubt to the

last leaves of the second volume having been torn off.[1]

[1] Vol. I. ends in 1735. Vol. II. overlaps four years and begins

in 1732, but the pages from 1734 to 1739 and from 1743 to 1750

are missing, and no entries are made for 1778 and 1779. The vol.

ends in 1883.--ED.

The writer has received more help and kindness than can well be

acknowledged. Thanks are specially due to Mr. Stanley le Fleming and

Sir Gerald Strickland for granting ready access to their muniments;

to Dr. Magrath, author of _The Flemings in Oxford_; to the Revs. W.

Jennings, J. H. Heywood, and M. F. Peterson for permitting the church

documents to be consulted; to Messrs. W. Farrer, J. A. Martindale,

and George Browne for their kind contributions of antiquarian

knowledge; to Mr. W. Buckton I am indebted for the plan of the

church.

INTRODUCTORY

HOW THE CHURCH WAS FOUNDED IN NORTHUMBRIA

All history begins with geography. Grasmere was from early times

the centre of a parish that embraced the twin valleys of Rothay

and Brathay, whose waters drain into the lake of Windermere, while

the lake empties itself into the great bay of Morecambe. Therefore

Grasmere has always belonged politically to the fertile region

round about the bay, and the history of that region--from the time

when the Celt enjoyed it, onward through its conquest by the Angle,

its aggregation with the province of Deira and the kingdom of

Northumbria, still onward through its conversion to Christianity and

its connection with the central church government at York as part

of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire--is the history of Grasmere

herself: and to understand the origin of her church, it is necessary

to briefly indicate the main events in the kingdom of Northumbria and

the Church of York.

The actual rise of Christianity within the valleys can only be

conjectured. The Celts who dwelt here through the rule of the Roman

may not have embraced the faith, but some whisper of Saint Ninian's

mission must surely have come to them, if not his direct teaching,

as he passed on his way from Rome through Cumberland, to found at

Whithorn in Galway a new religious community, like the one his great

teacher Saint Martin had founded at Tours. The mission of Saint

Patrick too, who in the fifth century returned to finish the work

of conversion and church establishment in Ireland, must have been

noised abroad, for his name is imprinted on many a spot hereabouts;

Patterdale or Patricdale,[2] with its well named after him, being

distant barely ten miles from Grasmere.

[2] Inquisition post mortem of William de Lancaster, 1246.

The holy Kentigern is known to have made missionary excursions from

Carlisle into the mountains, before 573; and Crosthwaite, where he

planted a cross, is but 13 miles from Grasmere, along the line of

the Roman road from Kendal to Old Carlisle. With this artery of

communication open, it is impossible that tidings of the new faith

should not have reached our valley before the close of the sixth

century.

Soon these tidings were to come from the east as well as the west,

borne by the triumphant arms of the invading Angles. Truly Ethelfrith

who, in winning the battle of Chester, first laid our mountain

fastnesses open to his kingdom of Northumbria, was a heathen; but his

successor Edwin embraced Christianity and brought Paulinus, a member

of Saint Augustine's mission, to preach the gospel (627). At York,

the capital of the kingdom, a Christian church was built, a second

one even being started in stone to replace the wooden structure; and

the new bishop moved about with the king and his court, preaching and

baptizing. The valleys of Northumberland and Yorkshire, which were

the scenes of his labours, are named by Bede, who knew them well; but

it is not known that he crossed into Westmorland.

Edwin's overthrow gave Northumbria to the pagan king of Mercia, but

it was soon regained by Oswald, who identified himself completely

with the new faith. He brought Aidan, who had been educated in the

Celtic Church (now firmly settled in Scotland) to fill the place of

the departed Paulinus. But instead of taking up the bishop's seat

at York, Aidan with the strong predilection shown by his church

for island-sanctuaries, chose Lindisfarne to be the centre of his

missionary efforts in Northumbria. Here Finan succeeded him in 651,

and rebuilt the first rude edifice, constructing it of hewn oak

thatched with reeds.

King Oswald (slain at Maserfeld, 642) was shortly after succeeded

by Oswy, an ardent disciple of the new faith, as was Alchfrith his

son. Alchfrith acted as sub-king in Northumbria under his father.[3]

He endowed a monastery at Ripon, which was presumably within his

dominion, and placed there Eata, abbot of Melrose, with a little

band of Scotic monks. At this time there was a young priest named

Wilfrith, lately returned from a journey to Rome (658), with whom

Alchfrith made fast friends. Convinced by Wilfrith that the practices

of the Anglo-Scotic church, where they differed from those of

Western Europe, were mistaken, he turned out the monks of Ripon,

when they refused to alter their customs, and gave the establishment

over to Wilfrith, to rule as abbot. The kings attempted to settle

the differences of practice between the churches at the synod of

Whitby (664), where the counsels of the Roman party under Wilfrith

prevailed; and this caused the retirement of Colman, bishop of

Northumbria, who refused to conform. It was now necessary to supply

his place, and the kings, father and son, seem without disagreement

to have selected each his own man, presumably for his own province;

thus making two bishops instead of one.[4] While Alchfrith chose

Wilfrith for his bishop, and sent him to Gaul for consecration, Oswy

chose Chad, sending him to Kent to be consecrated as Bishop of York

"for him and his" by the Archbishop. But by the time that Wilfrith

had returned from his foreign journey, things were changed at the

court. Alchfrith was dead, possibly slain in rebellion against his

father; and Wilfrith, deprived of his patron, settled down quietly at

Ripon as abbot, while Chad ruled the whole church of Northumbria from

York.

[3] Bishop Browne in _Theodore and Wilfrith_, pp. 20 and 36,

inclines to the opinion that this sub-kingdom embraced the

western rather than the southern portion of Northumbria, as

generally supposed, in which case it would include those portions

of Lancashire and the western coasts northwards, laid open by

Ethelfrith's conquest at Chester.

[4] See _Theodore and Wilfrith_. The same.

But when Oswy died (670 or 671) and his son Ecgfrith succeeded, Chad

retired, and Wilfrith was made sole Bishop. Now began a very active

and happy period of his life. Enjoying undivided power, a position

which suited his nature, he moved about his huge diocese, everywhere

creating new foundations and building fresh churches. With skilled

workmen under him, he was the great architect and builder of his

time. First he turned his attention to the head church in York, which

had become, since Oswald's days, ruinous. After building there an

edifice unique in its time, he took his masons to Ripon, and there

he built a basilica of dressed stone with pillars and arches and

porches. He also enriched its altar with vases, and a vestment of

purple and gold, and laid upon it a book of the Gospels, marvellously

illumined, and enclosed in a gold and jewelled case. Wilfrith made

the dedication of this church, which was attended by King Ecgfrith,

and by tributary kings, reeves and abbots, an occasion of great

splendour. Standing before the altar, with his face towards the

concourse of people, he recited the names of the lands with which

Ripon was endowed, as also of certain sanctuaries of the Britons

which were taken over by it.

Now this enumeration of lands, said to be given by princes with the

consent of the bishops, is of great interest.[5] Were these lands

within Alchfrith's former sub-kingdom--the nucleus being his monastic

endowment?--and was it intended to create a bishopric there at Ripon,

separate from the one at York? Certainly the great tracts of country

mentioned were to be ecclesiastically ruled from Ripon, whether by

abbot or bishop.

[5] For the meaning and scope of these early gifts to the church,

which not only embraced whole villages, but even hundreds and

provinces, see Maitland's _Doomsday Book and Beyond_, p. 498.

Moreover, in the confused and certainly corrupt list of names that

has come down to us of Wilfrith's remarkable recitation, several have

been localized within that last conquered portion of Northumbria

lying to the west, which may have been called by the Celts who lost

it, Teyrnllwg.[6]

[6] See Rhys' _Celtic Britain_ for a suggestion that Edwin's

conquest and Teyrnllwg may represent a considerable portion of

our district, also "Rydal" in _Westmorland Gazette_, May 2nd,

1903. Mr. Farrer, while noticing this point in _Victorian History

of Lancashire_, vol. ii., considers that better authority could

be desired. For the list of names of gifts to Ripon that have

come down to us, see Canon Raine's _Historians of the Church of

York_. Amounderness, between the Ribble and the Cocker, is one.

Cartmel is probably another. The region "dunutinga" may possibly

be referred to the Duddon and beyond, where still are manor and

fells called Dunnerdale, and the hamlet of Old Dunning Well and

Dumerholme. Donya is the name of some explored earthworks at

the junction of Bannisdale beck with the Mint, north of Kendal.

"Goedyne" suggests "Gadeni" or "Cadeni," a name applied to the

people of the Borders. See Prof. Veitch's _History and Poetry

of Scottish Borders_. The lands of William de Dunnington are

mentioned in the _Furness Abbey Coucher Book_, ccviii.

Whatever had been Alchfrith's intentions about Ripon, Wilfrith's

were clear in thus making it the church centre for a district as

wide as a diocese. In effect, it was a diocese; though only for a

short time was there a recognized Bishop of Ripon. And this was after

Ecgfrith and Wilfrith had unhappily quarrelled, and Wilfrith had

been expelled from Northumbria, when Theodore, the new archbishop,

who had been called north to re-organize the huge diocese, made

finally five bishoprics out of it; and Eadhed (after temporarily

ruling a see at Lindsey) became, according to Bede, the Bishop of

Ripon. But upon the reconciliation of Wilfrith with King Aldfrith,

who succeeded Ecgfrith, Eadhed retired from Ripon, and Wilfrith again

took possession of it, and ruled it--though only as abbot--until his

death.

Wilfrith's inauguration of Ripon, which took place in the period

of his sole prelacy of Northumbria (671 to 678) was then an event

of great importance for the district round the great Bay, and for

Grasmere; indeed it is hardly too much to say that its results lasted

over a thousand years. For in spite of the bishop's loss of power,

his scheme ultimately held good. When the long dark days of Danish

anarchy were passed, the western district which he gathered in to

the fold of Ripon emerged as an ecclesiastical entity, and it kept

its bounds through the administrative changes of the Norman kings,

which carved out of it the barony of Kendal, and made of it parts of

Westmorland, Cumberland, Yorkshire and Lancashire. The archdeaconry

of Richmondshire, which was formally constituted a section of the

diocese of York in 1090, is in fact almost identical with Wilfrid's

province of Ripon. It is true that Ripon ceased to be its centre,

that establishment sinking again into a monastery, which lay indeed

a few miles beyond the boundary of Richmondshire; while a new

centre was created at Richmond, a little town without significance

standing in another Yorkshire vale.[7] This great church province

was ruled over by an archdeacon, who possessed almost the powers of

a bishop,[8] until it was transferred by Henry the Eighth in 1541

from the diocese of York to that of Chester; and it remained intact

until 1847, when it was broken up among what are now the dioceses of

Carlisle, Manchester, and Ripon.[9] Our own part of it became the

archdeaconry of Westmorland, under Carlisle.

[7] In 1140 Alan, earl of Richmond is stated to have oppressed

Ripon; and in 1143 he assaulted Archbishop William by the shrine

of St. Wilfrith within the church. _Mem. of Ripon._ Surtees

Society.

[8] Wills and inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire.

[9] This did not take effect, however, until after the death of

Bishop Percy in 1856. _Victoria History of Cumberland._

After Wilfrith had lost favour at the Northumbrian court, and carried

his grievances to Rome, King Ecgfrith secured the co-operation of

Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury (669) in the organization of

the Northern Church. As has been said, there are indications that

church work went on busily in the district of the great Bay. St.

Cuthbert, who had served his apprenticeship as a monk at Ripon, was

made bishop in 685 and administered his great See from Lindisfarne.

Into his charge Ecgfrith expressly gave Cartmel with its Britons, and

the newly-conquered district round Carlisle. Carlisle became indeed

a thriving church centre, with royal nunnery and monastery, and

with missions spreading round it. Bede has drawn a striking picture

of the bishop's visit to the ruined Roman city, when a vision of

the king's overthrow came upon him; as well as of his last meeting

with St. Herebert, the hermit of Derwentwater, who was wont every

year to seek his counsel. The district of Cartmel he placed in the

charge of the "good Abbot Cineferth," as if it were too distant from

Lindisfarne for his immediate care. But, while his own easiest route

to Carlisle would be by the straight road along the Roman Wall, he

would not be ignorant of that other road striking northwards through

the mountains from the great Bay. He may, indeed, have travelled

this road himself on his missionary journeys, and even have halted

to preach in the vale of Grasmere. It is certain at least that some

of the holy men working for the Anglo-Scottish Church at this period

must have done so. With the defeat and death of Ecgfrith the glory

of the Northumbrian kingdom came to an end indeed; but the church

continued to prosper; and in the two hundred years between that event

and the final relinquishment of Lindisfarne as a See, on through the

ravages of the Danes, it wrought a mighty work, not only in the old

kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira, but in the region westward. Many

of our existing foundations may well date back from that time; and

it is probable that the ruined or entirely vanished chapels of our

district were built in that age of piety.[10] We know from Bede

that there was a monastery at Dacre in Cumberland, which existed at

least until 926.[11] It has been suggested that a certain monastery,

founded by a Northumbrian nobleman in the reign of Osred (slain in

717) was situated at Heversham in Westmorland.[12] Certainly at

Heversham may be seen the fragments of a cross wrought in patterns

such as experts ascribe to the Anglian school of workmanship

introduced by Wilfrith.[13]

[10] See "Lost Churches in the Carlisle Diocese." _Transactions_

Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. xv.

[11] See _Victorian History of Cumberland_.

[12] See Bates's _History of Northumberland_.

[13] See _Sculptured Crosses of the Diocese of Carlisle_.

Calverley & Collingwood.

Then too a thrilling event in hagiological history touched our parts

nearly. When the monks of Lindisfarne fled before the ravaging Danes

with St. Cuthbert's body, they went westward for safety, and their

wanderings brought them into Cumberland and Westmorland.[14] A gap

in their travels which the antiquary has yet failed to trace may

possibly have been filled by a route through Craven--that perpetual

haunt of refugees--and about Morecambe Bay.

[14] See "Translation of St. Cuthbert." _Transactions_ Cumberland

and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, part 1, vol. ii.

Certainly a well-used road must have passed not far from our district

in the days of Northumbrian anarchy, when Danish kings and allies

reigned alike at York and at Dublin. Windermere indeed is associated

with the murder (741) of two young princes of the royal house.[15]

[15] See D. F. Hodgkin's _History of Northumberland_.

THE DEDICATION

To the question so often asked, When was the church of Grasmere

founded? no more than a conjectural answer can be given. The district

formed part--though a remote one--of Northumbria, and doubtless

shared in the conversion of that kingdom. Even before that time it

may have been touched by those successive missionary efforts, which

have been happily classed as the Romano-British of Ninian at the end

of the fourth century, the Irish of Patrick in the fifth century,

and the Kymric of Kentigern in the sixth; and these efforts were

followed up by the steady work of the Anglo-Scottish monks, and the

establishment under the Anglian kings of an organized church.[16]

[16] See "Lost Churches in Carlisle Diocese," _Transactions_

Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. XV.

The dedication of the Grasmere church favours the supposition that

its foundation was early. Its name-saint is King Oswald, who planted

a cross as a standard in the battle by which he gained Northumbria,

and who was killed at Maserfeld by the heathen Penda in 642. He

became the idol of the Northumbrian christians, and his relics were

cherished in many a shrine. When danger threatened Lindisfarne, his

head was placed for safety in the coffin of St. Cuthbert;[17] and

with this sacred burden the monks, as stated above, fled westward,

wandering for years in parts adjacent to Westmorland, if they did not

actually cross its borders.

[17] Where it is still, with the mark of a cut from sword or

battle-axe plain to see.--ED.

A well in the Grasmere valley shared the dedication with the church,

and indeed may have been antecedent to it, as a place of resort.

It is at the foot of Kelbarrow (formerly Kelbergh,[18] the hill

of the spring); and the Celts were wont to decorate their _kels_

or springs with votive offerings of a heathen kind. The church,

however, always took care to possess herself of such wells, absorbing

any sanctification that was ascribed to them; and the water of St.

Oswald's well continued to be carried to the church for baptisms

until quite recent times.[19]

[18] Monkbergh by Windermere has become Mountbarrow.

[19] The spot was pointed out to Mrs. Simpson by the Rev. Edward

Jefferies, who from 1840 was curate in charge.

Church and well are not, however, close together. The well springs in

the flat meadow between the path to the Wray and Wray Beck, but it

is now covered in. The adjacent bay of the lake is called Well-foot,

and the bridge over the beck has the same name; and when the Wray

property was "boundered" in 1683, the "welfoot bridge" was spoken of.

It is suggestive that the farmstead close by owns the name of

Pavement End, being formerly known as Padmire. Could it be proved

that the name is an ancient one, the idea that the spot was much

resorted to of old would be confirmed, since the causeway went so far

and no farther.[20]

[20] I find, however, in deeds of the early seventeenth century,

only _Padman_ hereabouts. Or is this a mistake for Padmar? Padman

appears in the register.

THE SITE

The present site of the church may not have been the original one. It

is hardly a likely halting-place for a travelling preacher. The Roman

road which traversed the valley could neither have been the present

one, that leads to church and village, nor the straight cut from Town

End that passes the Swan Inn. Both of these cross the flat bottom;

and the Romans from the summit of White Moss (by which they certainly

entered the vale) would never have dropped into the marsh below (even

now water-logged in places), only to climb out again, to that gap

of the Raise that plainly beckoned them to their goal northward.

Instead, they would maintain their level as far as might be, and

keep along the firm slope of the fells at a height of some 300 to

400 feet; then, with only two rapid becks to ford, they would come

easily and gradually to the ascent of the pass. It is interesting to

find that along this presumed route there exists a line of scattered

homesteads; while the modern road below was--until the recent spurt

in building, vacant but for a cottage and the Swan Inn; and this last

stands in reality on an ancient cross "loaning" between the higher

road suggested, and the village. Many of these homesteads have been

turned into houses for the wealthy, and great alterations have taken

place; but a track the whole way may still be made out, though hidden

in places by private drives and occupation roads. From White Moss it

dropped but little at first, passing behind the highest of the modern

houses, according to the belief of old people, who say that this

section of it, though remembered, was stopped up before their time.

It touched How Head, a farmhold now deserted; then the Hollins,

Forest Side, Ben Place and Beck Houses. It crossed Greenhead Gill and

passed behind Knott Houses, Winterseeds and Gillside, continuing by

the present ford over Tongue Gill, whence the pass is soon gained.

Now of these names many represented of old not one house, but a

couple or even a group. Doubtless most of them were planted by the

Norse settlers either upon or below the Roman road, on some spot

conveniently above their meadows and common field; and devious lanes

would in time become trodden between one and another, to the final

discarding of the old straight track. Still this can be traced in

places; and a bit to be seen above Winterseeds is probably the actual

Roman road. A stone celt was recently found in the beck close below

it. A quern was also found not far off.[21] The fact that a smithy

existed until recently at Winterseeds--which is only reached now by

climbing the steep brow from the main road--is strong presumptive

evidence of an old line of traffic passing by it. There the last

of the smiths, John Watson, made the ironwork of the present outer

church-door. When he became old, a smithy was set up on the lower

road, at Tongue Gill.

[21] See _Transactions_ Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian

Society, N.S. 3, p. 419.

Now it is a singular fact that a field lying a little below this

road, near the gateway of Forrest Side, bears the name of Kirk How.

And there is a tradition attached to the spot. It is said that the

church of the valley was to have been built here, and that the

materials were even gathered together ready for the start; when lo!

they vanished in the night-time, only to be found upon the present

site, and that a second attempt only produced a like result, the

inference being conveyed, by sly looks and chuckles on the part of

the narrator, that the task had been wrought by some supernatural

Being, not to be lightly mentioned. Whether this was the Hob, or

Hobthrush who played so large a part in the stories of the past,

cannot be said, but the legend, in its humorous fearlessness, and

love of a practical joke, is characteristic of the dalesman,[22]

and coupled with the name of the field it is suggestive. It seems

possible that here, at a spot where a traveller upon the road might

so conveniently halt and set up his cross and portable altar, an

early rude (perhaps timbered) structure may actually have once stood.

A well, too, for baptism was not far off. There is one in the grounds

of the Hollins whose water has remained in repute, and which was

examined by an expert at the time (1843) when an effort was made to

establish a hydropathic cure in Grasmere.[23] The water was then

pronounced finer than that of St. Oswald's Well; but as the owner of

the land would not sell, the establishment was placed at the Wray,

close to St. Oswald's. The enterprise, started by Mr. Phillips,

and conducted by a resident doctor and a German bathman, was not

successful, and was given up in five or six years. If the well at the

Hollins ever had a name, it is now unknown.

[22] The same legend is attached to three Lancashire churches,

the foundations of which date back to Saxon times. One is St.

Oswald's, Winwick, where the saint's well was once a place of

resort. Tradition has preserved, in the case of St. Chad's,

Rochdale, some particulars of the elfish rabble who wrought the

change. See _Memorials of Old Lancashire_, vol. --, p. 91-92.

[23] From Edward Wilson, parish verger till November, 1906.

His father, a joiner like himself, did the woodwork for the

hydropathic establishment.

It is hard not to let conjecture play round this tradition of a

change of site. Might it not actually have been made? Could it be

connected with the turning of Grasmere into a manor, and with the

parcelling out of a demesne in the valley? The barons of Kendal,

of whom Ivo de Talbois was the first, possessed all these parts,

from the time of Henry I. He and his successors governed by feudal

methods, through agents. There was here no intermediary lord between

baron and vassal; and the baron's officers--his bailiffs and his

foresters--would be placed in secure houses or fenced lodges, whence

they would control and govern. A demesne of Grasmere is mentioned on

the death of William de Lindesay, 1233, and a manor and park in a

charter of 1297.[24] The woods sold by Henry the Eighth in 1544 were

the residue of the lord's forest; he being the inheritor of the Fee.

[24] Inquisition post mortem. _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 25 Edward

I.

Now we may reasonably suppose this demesne to have been planted in

Kirktown, as the present village came to be called, where the meadows

were rich and the soil deep for ploughing, but distant from, and

below the ancient line of road with its scattered homesteads. The

demesne made a village nucleus; for all the accessories of a manor

house would spring up about it. We know the lord's brewery was not

far off, at Kelbergh, where springs--beside the holy one--are still

abundant.[25] In a rental, dated 1375[26] that concerned the part of

Grasmere then held by the Hotham and Pedwardyn families, it is stated

that "Richard Smyth holds the forge and should render 12d and 1d,"

with the addition that he pays 2s 0d per annum for "Kelebergh." From

another document we learn that certain tenants of Grasmere pay an

unspecified sum for the brewery of Keldbergh.

[25] The modern house built upon the knoll had a well within

it, and behind the house--where a hidden runner gushes out by a

rock--there are traces of old pavement.

[26] Levens Hall MSS.

This manorial centre was united to the high line of road on the other

side of the valley by several ways. One, a footpath, still passes

hard by Kirk How, a now disused smithy being upon it. Two others

approach and meet to cross Raise Beck together by White Bridge, the

name indicative of a stone fabric at a time when timber was commoner.

Here the village pinfold still stands.

What more natural than that the church should be added to this

central group, and at a time perhaps when enlarged space and entire

rebuilding of an existing edifice required to be done? The site by

the river would afford deep soil for burial. To such a change of site

(supposing it were made) there would naturally be opposition from

some quarter; whence the tradition.

This, however, is but conjecture. The fabric of the present church

shows no feature that is of a certainty older than the introduction

of manorial rule into Grasmere; while it may be as late as the

fourteenth century. But before considering the question of its age,

it will be well to point out other evidences of the existence of a

church in the valley before record began, and then pass on to such

scant records as time has left to us.

[Illustration: Date]

[Illustration: The PARISH of GRASMERE its Townships and Churches]

The Church of Grasmere: A History · 第 1 / 5 章