The shafts of the columns of the temple of Jupiter are of oriental

alabaster of one stone. The capitals and bases of the columns, and on

the entablature, are of Parian marble. The shafts of the columns of the

second order, which is composite, are alternately of verd-antique, or

ancient green marble and porphyry, of one piece. The capitals and

entablature are also of Parian marble.

All the capitals throughout the palace are raffled more in the Grecian

than the Roman style; so that Mr. Adam[243] thinks it probable, that

Diocletian, who had been so often in Greece, brought his artificers

thither, in order to vary the execution of his orders of architecture in

this palace, from those he had executed at his baths at Rome, which are

extremely different both in formation and execution[244].

NO. XXXIII.—STRATONICE.

This was a town in Caria, where a Macedonian colony took up their abode;

and which several Syrian monarchs afterwards adorned and beautified. It

was named after the wife of Antiochus Soter, of whom history gives the

following account. “Antiochus was seized with a lingering distemper, of

which the physicians were incapable of discovering the cause; for which

reason his condition was thought entirely desperate. Erasistratus, the

most attentive and skilful of all the physicians, having carefully

considered every symptom with which the indisposition of the young

prince was attended, believed at last that he had discovered its true

cause, and that it proceeded from a passion he had entertained for some

lady; in which conjecture he was not deceived. It, however, was more

difficult to discover the object of a passion, the more violent from the

secrecy in which it remained. The physician, therefore, to assure

himself fully of what he surmised, passed whole days in the apartment of

his patient, and when he saw any lady enter, he carefully observed the

countenance of the prince, and never discovered the least emotion in

him, except when Stratonice came into the chamber, either alone, or with

her consort; at which times the young prince was, as Plutarch observes,

always affected with the symptoms described by Sappho, as so many

indications of a violent passion. Such, for instance, as a suppression

of voice; burning blushes; suffusion of sight; cold sweat; a sensible

inequality and disorder of pulse; with a variety of the like symptoms.

When the physician was afterwards alone with his patient, he managed his

inquiries with so much dexterity, as at last drew the secret from him.

Antiochus confessed his passion for queen Stratonice his mother-in-law,

and declared that he had in vain employed all his efforts to vanquish

it: he added, that he had a thousand times had recourse to every

consideration that could be represented to his thoughts, in such a

conjuncture; particularly the respect due from him to a father and a

sovereign, by whom he was tenderly beloved; the shameful circumstance of

indulging a passion altogether unjustifiable, and contrary to all the

rules of decency and honour; the folly of harbouring a design he ought

never to be desirous of gratifying; but that his reason, in its present

state of distraction, entirely engrossed by one object, would hearken to

nothing. And he concluded with declaring, that, to punish himself, for

desires involuntary in one sense, but criminal in every other, he had

resolved to languish to death, by discontinuing all care of his health,

and abstaining from every kind of food. The physician gained a very

considerable point, by penetrating into the source of his patient’s

disorder; but the application of the proper remedy was much more

difficult to be accomplished; and how could a proposal of this nature be

made to a parent and king! When Seleucus made the next inquiry after his

son’s health, Erasistratus replied, that his distemper was incurable,

because it arose from a secret passion which could never be gratified,

as the lady he loved was not to be obtained. The father, surprised and

afflicted at this answer, desired to know why the lady was not to be

obtained? ‘Because she is my wife!’ replied the physician, ‘and I am not

disposed to yield her up to the embraces of another.’ ‘And will you not

part with her then,’ replied the king, ‘to preserve the life of a son I

so tenderly love! Is this the friendship you profess for me?’ ‘Let me

entreat you, my lord,’ said Erasistratus, ‘to imagine yourself for one

moment in my place, would you resign your Stratonice to his arms? If

you, therefore, who are a father, would not consent to such a sacrifice

for the welfare of a son so dear to you, how can you expect another

should do it?’ ‘I would resign Stratonice, and my empire to him, with

all my soul,’ interrupted the king. ‘Your majesty then,’ replied the

physician, ‘has the remedy in your own hands; for he loves Stratonice.’

The father did not hesitate a moment after this declaration, and easily

obtained the consent of his consort: after which, his son and that

princess were crowned king and queen of upper Asia. Julian the Apostate,

however, relates in a fragment of his writings still extant, that

Antiochus could not espouse Stratonice, till after the death of his

father.

“Whatever traces of reserve, moderation, and even modesty, appear in the

conduct of this young prince,” says Rollin at the conclusion of this

history, “his example shows us the misfortune of giving the least

entrance into the heart of an unlawful passion, capable of discomposing

all the happiness and tranquillity of life.”

Stratonice was a free city under the Romans. Hadrian erected several

structures in it, and thence took the opportunity of calling it

Hadrianopolis.

It is now a poor village, and called Eskihissar. It was remarkable for a

magnificent temple, dedicated to Jupiter, of which no foundations are

now to be traced, but in one part of the village there is a grand gate

of a plain architecture. There was a double row of large pillars from

it, which probably formed the avenue to the temple; and on each side of

the gate there was a semicircular alcove niche, and a colonnade from it,

which, with a wall on each side of the gate, might make a portico, that

was of the Corinthian order. Fifty paces further there are remains of

another colonnade. To the south of this are ruins of a building of large

hewn stone, supposed to have belonged to the temple of Serapis. There

is also a large theatre, the front of which is ruined; there are in all

about forty seats, with a gallery in the middle, and another at the top.

Chandler gives a very agreeable account of this village:—“The houses

are scattered among woody hills environed by huge mountains; one of

which has its summit as white as chalk. It is watered by a limpid and

lively rill, with cascades. The site is strewed with marble fragments.

Some shafts of columns are standing single; and one with a capital on

it. By a cottage are three, with a pilaster supporting an entablature,

but enveloped in thick vines and trees. Near the theatre are several

pedestals of statues; one records a citizen of great merit and

magnificence. Above it is a marble heap; and the whole building is

overgrown with moss, bushes, and trees. Without the village, on the

opposite side, are broken arches, with pieces of massive wall and

sarcophagi. Several altars also remain, with inscriptions; once placed

in sepulchres[245].”

NO. XXXIV.—SUSA.

Strabo says that Susa was built by Tithonus or Tithon, the father of

Memnon; and this origin is in some degree supported by a passage in

Herodotus, wherein that historian calls it “the city of Memnon.” In

Scripture it is called “Shushan.” It was an oblong of one hundred and

twenty stadia in circuit; situated on the river Cutæus or Uhlai.

Susa derived its name from the number of lilies which grew on the banks

of the river on which it stood. It was sheltered by a high ridge of

mountains on the north, which rendered it very agreeable during winter.

But in summer the heat was so intense and parching, that the inhabitants

were accustomed to cover their houses two cubits deep with earth. It

was in this city that Ahasuerus gave the great feast which lasted one

hundred and eighty-three days.

Barthelemy makes Anacharsis write to his friend in Scythia to the

following purport:—“The kings of Persia, besides Persepolis, have

caused other palaces to be built; less sumptuous, indeed, but of

wonderful beauty, at Ecbatana and Susa. They have, also, spacious parks,

which they call paradises, and which are divided into two parts. In the

one, armed with arrows and javelins, they pursue on horseback, through

the forests, the deer which are shut up in them; and in the other, in

which the art of gardening has exhausted its utmost efforts, they

cultivate the most beautiful flowers, and gather the most delicious

fruits. They are not less attentive to adorn these parks with superb

trees, which they commonly dispose in the form called Quincunx.” He

gives, also, an account of the great encouragement afforded to

agriculture. “But our attention was still more engaged by the

conspicuous protection and encouragement which the sovereign grants to

agriculture; and that, not by some transient favours and rewards, but by

an enlightened vigilance more powerful than edicts and laws. He appoints

in every district two superintendants; one for the military, and the

other for civil affairs. The office of the former is to preserve the

public tranquillity; and that of the latter to promote the progress of

industry and agriculture. If one of these should not discharge his duty,

the other may complain of him to the governor of the province, or the

sovereign himself. If the monarch sees the country covered with trees,

harvests, and all the productions of which the soil is capable, he heaps

honours on the two officers, and enlarges their government. But if he

finds the lands uncultivated, they are directly displaced, and others

appointed in their stead. Commissioners of incorruptible integrity

exercise the same justice in the districts through which the sovereign

does not pass.”

Susa is rendered remarkable by the immensity of wealth, hoarded up in it

by the Persian kings, and which fell into the hands of Alexander, when,

twenty days after leaving Babylon, he took possession of that city.

There were 50,000 talents[246] of silver in ore and ingots; a sum

equivalent, of our money, to 7,500,000_l._ Besides this, there were five

thousand talents’[247] worth of purple of Hermione, which, though it had

been laid up for one hundred and ninety years, retained its freshness

and beauty: the reason assigned for which is, that the purple wool was

combed with honey, and the white with white oil[248]. Besides this,

there were a thousand other things of extraordinary value. “This

wealth,” says one of the historians, “was the produce of the exactions

imposed for several centuries upon the common people, from whose sweat

and poverty immense revenues were raised.” “The Persian monarchy,” he

goes on to observe, “fancied they had amassed them for their children

and posterity; but, in one hour, they fell into the hands of a foreign

king, who was able to make a right use of them: for Alexander seemed to

be merely the guardian or trustee of the immense riches which he found

hoarded up in Persia; and applied them to no other use than the

rewarding of courage and merit.”

Here, too, were found many of the rarities which Xerxes had taken from

Greece; and amongst others, the brazen statues of Harmodius and

Aristogiton, which Alexander soon after sent to Athens.

This was the city in which a curious scene occurred between Alexander

and Sisygambis, Darius’ mother, whom he had taken prisoner at the battle

of Issus. He had left her at Susa, with Darius’ children: and having

received a quantity of purple stuffs and rich habits from Macedonia,

made after the fashion of his own country, he sent them to Sisygambis;

desiring his messengers to tell her, that if the stuffs pleased her, she

might teach her grandchildren, who were with her, the art of weaving

them for their amusement. Now the working in wool was considered an

ignominy by the Persian women. When Sisygambis heard Alexander’s

message, therefore, she burst into tears. This being related to the

conqueror, he thought it decorous to do away the impression. He

therefore visited Sisygambis. “Mother,” said he, for he valued Darius’

mother next to his own, “the stuff, in which you see me clothed, was not

only a gift of my sisters, but wrought by their fingers. Hence I beg you

to believe, that the custom of my country misled me; and do not consider

that as an insult, which was owing entirely to ignorance. I believe I

have not yet done any thing which I knew interfered with your manners

and customs. I was told, that among the Persians it is a sort of crime

for a son to seat himself in his mother’s presence, without first

obtaining her leave. You are sensible how cautious I have been in that

particular; and that I never sat down till you had first laid your

commands upon me to do so. And every time that you were going to fall

down prostrate before me, I only ask you, whether I would suffer it? As

the highest testimony of the veneration I owe you, I always called you

by the tender name of mother, though this belongs properly to Olympia

only, to whom I owe my birth.” On hearing this Sisygambis was extremely

well satisfied, and became afterwards so partial to the conqueror of her

son and country, that when she heard of the death of Alexander she wept

as if she had lost a son. “Who now will take care of my daughters?” she

exclaimed. “Where shall we find another Alexander?” At last she sank

under her grief. “This princess,” says Rollin, “who had borne with

patience the death of her father, her husband, eighty of her brothers,

who were murdered in one day by Ochus, and, to say all in one word, that

of Darius her son, and the ruin of her family; though she had, I say,

submitted patiently to all these losses, she however had not strength of

mind sufficient to support herself after the death of Alexander. She

would not take any sustenance, and starved herself to death, to avoid

surviving this last calamity.”

Alexander found in Susa all the captives of quality he had left there.

He married Statira,[249] Darius’ eldest daughter, and gave the youngest

to his dear Hephæstion. And in order that, by making these marriages

more common, his own might not be censured, he persuaded the greatest

noblemen in his court, and his principal favourites, to imitate him.

Accordingly they chose, from amongst the noblest families of Persia,

about eighty young maidens, whom they married. His design was, by these

alliances, to cement so strongly the union of the two nations, that they

should henceforward form but one, under his empire. The nuptials were

solemnised after the Persian manner. He likewise feasted all the rest of

the Macedonians who had married before in that country. It is related

that there were nine thousand guests at this feast, and that he gave

each of them a golden cup for the libations.

When at Susa, Alexander found a proof of the misgovernment of which his

satraps had been guilty during his absence. The Susians loudly

complained of the satrap Abulites, and his son Oxathres, of spoliation

and tyranny. Being convicted of the crimes of which they were charged,

they were both sentenced to death.

Josephus says, that Daniel’s wisdom did not only reach to things divine

and political, but also to arts and sciences, and particularly to that

of architecture; in confirmation of which, he speaks of a famous edifice

built by him at Susa, in the manner of a castle, which he says still

subsisted in his time, and finished with such wonderful art, that it

then seemed as fresh and beautiful as if it had been but newly built.

“Within this palace,” continues Josephus, “the Persian and Parthian

kings were usually buried; and, for the sake of the founder, the keeping

of it was committed to one of the Jewish nation, even to his time. It

was a common tradition in those parts for many ages, that Daniel died at

Susa, and there they show his monument to this day. It is certain that

Daniel used to go thither from time to time, and he himself tells us,

that ‘he did the king’s business there.’”

There being some doubt whether the ancient Susa is the modern Shus, or

the modern Shuster, we shall not enter into the argument, but describe

them both.

The ruins of Shus are situate in the province of Kuzistan, or Chusistan.

They extend about twelve miles[250] from one extremity to the other,

stretching as far as the eastern bank of the Kerah, occupying an immense

space between that river and the Abzal; and, like the ruins of Babylon,

Ctesiphon, and Kufa, consisting of hillocks of earth and rubbish,

covered with broken pieces of brick and coloured tile.

There are two mounds larger than the rest. The first is about a mile in

circumference, and nearly one hundred feet in height. The other is not

quite so high, but double the circumference. The Arabs often dig with a

view of getting treasures of gold in these two mounds; and every now and

then discover large blocks of marble, covered with hieroglyphics. The

mounds in general bear considerable resemblance to those of Babylon; but

with this difference to distinguish them: instead of being entirely

composed of brick, they consist of clay and pieces of tile, with

irregular layers of brick and mortar, five or six feet thick, intended,

it would seem, as a kind of prop to the mass. This is one reason for

supposing that Shus is the ancient Susa; and not Shuster. For Strabo

says, that the Persian capital was entirely built of brick; there not

being a single stone in the province: whereas the quarries of Shuster

are very celebrated; and almost the whole of that town is built of

stone. But let the question, says a modern traveller, be decided as it

may, the site of the city of Shus is now a gloomy wilderness, infested

by lions, hyænas, and other beasts of prey. “The dread of these furious

animals,” says Mr. Kinneir, “compelled us to take shelter for the night

within the walls that encompassed Daniel’s tomb.”

At the foot of the most elevated of the pyramids stands what is called

“the Tomb of Daniel;” a small, comparatively modern, building, erected

on the spot where the relics of the prophet are believed to rest. Others

doubt this circumstance; among whom is Dr. Vincent[251], who insists,

that to the legendary tradition of the tomb of Daniel little more

respect is due, than to the legends of the church of Rome, and the

traditions of the Mahometans in general. The antiquity of the tradition

is, nevertheless, considerable; for it is not only mentioned by Benjamin

of Tudela, who visited Shus in the latter part of the twelfth century,

but by one of the earliest Mussulman writers, Ahmed of Kufah, who died

A. H. 117 (A. D. 735), and records the removal of the prophet’s coffin to

the bed of the river.

SHUSTER is the capital of Kuzistan, and is situate at the foot of the

mountains of Bucktiari, on an eminence commanding the rapid course of

the Karoon, across which is a bridge of one arch, upwards of eighty feet

high; from the summit of which the Persians often throw themselves into

the water, without sustaining the smallest injury. It is situated so

agreeably in respect to climate and supplies of all kinds, that while

Shus, in the old Persian language, signified “delightful,” Shuster had a

more expressive one; “most delightful.”

Shuster, from the ruins yet remaining, must have been once of great

magnificence and extent. The most worthy of observation amongst these

ruins are the castle, a dyke, and a bridge. “Part of the walls of the

first,” says Mr. Kinneir, “said to have been the abode of Valerian[252],

are still standing. They occupy a small hill at the western extremity of

the town, from which there is a fine view of the river, mountains, and

adjoining country. This fortress is, on two sides, defended by a ditch,

now almost choked with sand; and on the other two, by a branch of the

Karoon. It has but one gateway, built in the Roman fashion, formerly

entered by a draw-bridge. The hill is almost entirely excavated, and

formed into _surdabs_ and subterranean aqueducts, through which the

water still continues to flow.”

Not far from the castle is the dyke to which we have alluded. This dyke

was built by Sapor. “Not,” says Mr. Kinneir, as “D’Herbelot would

insinuate, to prevent a second deluge, but rather to occasion one, by

turning a large proportion of the water into a channel more favourable

to agriculture, than that which Nature had assigned to it.”

This dyke is constructed of cut stone, bound together by clamps of iron,

about twenty-feet broad, and four hundred yards long, with two small

arches in the middle. It has lately been rebuilt by Mahomet Ali Maerza,

governor of Kermanshaw.

The fate of Valerian, to whom we have alluded, is thus recorded by

Gibbon:—“The voice of history, which is often little more than the

organ of hatred or flattery, reproaches Sapor with a proud abuse of the

rights of conquest. We are told that Valerian, in chains, but invested

with the imperial purple, was exposed to the multitude, a constant

spectacle of fallen greatness; and that whenever the Persian monarch

mounted on horseback, he placed his foot upon the neck of a Roman

emperor. Notwithstanding all the remonstrances of his allies, who

repeatedly advised him to remember the vicissitudes of fortune, to dread

the returning power of Rome, and to make his illustrious captive the

pledge of peace, not the object of insult, Sapor still remained

inflexible. When Valerian sank under the weight of shame and grief, his

skin, stuffed with straw, and formed into the likeness of a human

figure, was preserved for ages in the most celebrated temple of Persia;

a more real monument of triumph than the sacred trophies of brass and

marble, so often erected by Roman vanity[253]. The tale is moral and

pathetic; but the truth of it may very fairly be called in question. It

is unnatural to suppose, that a jealous monarch should, even in the

person of a rival, thus publicly degrade the majesty of kings. Whatever

treatment the unfortunate Valerian might experience in Persia, it is at

least certain, that the only emperor of Rome who had ever fallen into

the hands of the enemy, languished away his life in hopeless captivity.”

The place of that captivity is said to have been Shuster[254].

NO. XXXV.—SYBARIS.

Dissolved in ease and soft delights they lie,

Till every sun annoys, and every wind

Has chilling force, and every rain offends.

DYER, _Ruins of Rome_.

Sybaris was a town of Lucania, situated on the banks of the Bay of

Tarentum. It was founded by a colony of Achaians; and in process of time

became very powerful.

The walls of this city extend six miles and a half in circumference, and

the suburbs covered the banks of the Crathis for seven miles.

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